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Trump: We Wish the Problem Was Fascism

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…But It’s Really Racism
I find the spectacle of liberals heroically mounting the barricades against Trump-fascism rather amusing.
For one thing, liberals don’t crush fascism.
Liberals appease fascism, then they exploit fascism.
In between there’s a great big war, where communists crush fascism.
That’s pretty much the lesson of WWII. 
Second thing is, Trump isn’t fascist.  
In my opinion, Trump’s an old-fashioned white American nativist, which is pretty much indistinguishable from old-fashioned racist when considering the subjugation of native Americans and African-Americans and Asian immigrants, but requires that touch of “nativist” nuance when considering indigenous bigotry against Irish, Italian, and Jewish immigrants and citizens.
Tagging him as “fascist” allows his critics to put an alien, non-American gloss on a set of attitudes and policies that have been mainstreamed in American politics for at least 150 years and predate the formulation of fascism by several decades if not a century.  Those nasty vetting/exclusion things he’s proposing are as American as apple pie.  For those interested in boning up on the Know Nothings and the Chinese Exclusion Act, I have this piece for you.
And for anybody who doesn’t believe the US government does not already engage in intensive “extreme” vetting and targeting of all Muslims immigrants, especially those from targeted countries, not only to identify potential security risks but to groom potential intelligence assets, I got the Brooklyn Bridge to sell you.
Real fascism, in theory, is a rather interesting and nasty beast.  In my opinion, it turns bolshevism on its head by using race or ethnic identity instead of class identity as the supreme, mobilizing force in national life.
In both fascism and bolshevism, democratic outcomes lack inherent legitimacy.  National legitimacy resides in the party, which embodies the essence of a threatened race or class in a way that Hegel might appreciate but Marx probably wouldn’t.  Subversion of democracy and seizure of state power are not only permissible; they are imperatives.
The need to seize state power and hold it while a fascist or bolshevik agenda is implemented dictates the need for a military force loyal to and subservient to the party and its leadership, not the state.
The purest fascism movement I know of exists in Ukraine.  I wrote about it here, and it’s a piece I think is well worth reading to understand what a political movement organized on fascist principles really looks like.
And Trump ain’t no fascist.  
He’s a nativist running a rather incompetent campaign.
It’s a little premature to throw dirt on the grave of the Trump candidacy, perhaps (I’ll check back in on November 9), but it looks like he spent too much time glorying in the adulation of his white male nativist base and too little time, effort, and money trying to deliver a plausible message that would allow other demographics to shrug off the “deplorable” tag and vote for him.  I don’t blame/credit the media too much for burying Trump, a prejudice of mine perhaps.  I blame Trump’s inability to construct an effective phalanx of pro-Trump messengers, a failure that’s probably rooted in the fact that Trump spent the primary andgeneral campaign at war with the GOP establishment.
The only capital crime in politics is disunity, and the GOP and Trump are guilty on multiple counts.
The most interesting application of the “fascist” analysis, rather surprisingly, applies to the Clinton campaign, not the Trump campaign, when considering the cultivation of a nexus between big business and *ahem* racially inflected politics.
It should be remembered that fascism does not succeed in the real world as a crusade by race-obsessed lumpen.  It succeeds when fascists are co-opted by capitalists, as was unambiguously the case in Nazi Germany and Italy.  And big business supported fascism because it feared the alternatives: socialism and communism.
That’s because there is no more effective counter to class consciousness than race consciousness.
That’s one reason why, in my opinion, socialism hasn’t done a better job of catching on in the United States.  The contradictions between black and white labor formed a ready-made wedge.  The North’s abhorrence at the spread of slavery into the American West before the Civil War had more to do a desire to preserve these new realms for “free” labor—“free” in one context, from the competition of slave labor—than egalitarian principle.
White labor originally had legal recourse to beating back the challenge/threat of African-American labor instead of accommodating it as a “class” ally; it subsequently relied on institutional and customary advantages.
If anyone harbors illusions concerning the kumbaya solidarity between white and black labor in the post-World War II era, I think the article The Problem of Race in American Labor History by Herbert Hill (a freebie on JSTOR) is a good place to start.
The most reliable wedge against working class solidarity and a socialist narrative in American politics used to be white privilege which, when it was reliably backed by US business and political muscle, was a doctrine of de facto white supremacy.
However, in this campaign, the race wedge has cut the other way in a most interesting fashion.  White conservatives are appalled, and minority liberals energized, by the fact that the white guy, despite winning the majority white male vote, lost to a black guy not once but twice, giving a White Twilight/Black Dawn (TM) vibe to the national debate.

The perception of marginalized white clout is reinforced by the nomination of Hillary Clinton and her campaign emphasis on the empowerment of previously marginalized but now demographically more important groups.

The Clinton campaign has been all about race and its doppelganger—actually, the overarching and more ear-friendly term that encompasses racial, ethnic, gender, and sexual loyalties—“identity politics.”
The most calculated and systematic employment of racial politics was employed by the Hillary Clinton campaign in the Democratic primary to undercut the socialist-lite populist appeal of Bernie Sanders.
My personal disdain for the Clinton campaign was born on the day that John Lewis intoned “I never saw him” in order to dismiss the civil rights credentials of Bernie Sanders while announcing the Black Congressional Caucus endorsement of Hillary Clinton.  Bear in mind that during the 1960s, Sanders had affiliated his student group at the University of Chicago with Lewis’ SNCC, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee; during the same era, Hillary Clinton was at Wellesley condemning “the snicks” for their excessively confrontational tactics.
Ah, politics.
To understand the significance of this event, one should read Fracture by the guru of woke Clintonism, Joy Reid.  Or read my piece on the subject.  Or simply understand that after Hillary Clinton lost Lewis’s endorsement, the black vote, and the southern Democratic primaries to Barack Obama in 2008, and she was determined above all to secure and exploit monolithic black support in the primaries and, later on, the general in 2016.
So, in order to prevent Sanders from splitting the black vote to her disadvantage on ideological/class lines, Clinton played the race card.  Or, as we put it today when discussing the championing of historically disadvantaged a.k.a. non white male heterosexual groups, celebrated “identity politics”.
In the primary, this translated into an attack on Sanders and the apparently mythical “Bernie bro” as racist swine threatening the legacy of the first black president, venerated by the African American electorate, Barack Obama.
In the general, well, Donald Trump and his supporters provided acres more genuine grist for the identity warrior mill.
Trump’s populism draws its heat from American nativism, not “soak the rich” populism of the Sandernista stripe, and it was easily submerged in the “identity politics” narrative.
Trump’s ambitions to gain traction for a favorable American/populist/outsider narrative for his campaign have been frustrated by determined efforts to frame him as anti-Semitic, racist against blacks and Hispanics, sexist, and bigoted against the disabled—and ready to hold the door while Pepe the Frog feeds his opponents, including a large contingent of conservative and liberal Jewish journalists subjected to unimaginable invective by the Alt-Right– into the ovens.
As an indication of the fungible & opportunistic character of the “identity politics” approach, as far as I can tell from a recent visit to a swing state, as the Clinton campaign pivoted to the general, the theme of Trump’s anti-black racism has been retired in favor of pushing his offenses against women and the disabled.  Perhaps this reflects the fact that Clinton has a well-advertised lock on the African-American vote and doesn’t need to cater to it; also, racism being what it is, playing the black card is not the best way to lure Republicans and indies to the Clinton camp.  
The high water mark of the Clinton African-American tilt was perhaps the abortive campaign to turn gun control into a referendum on the domination of Congress by white male conservatives.  It happened a few months ago, so who remembers?  But John Lewis led a sit-in occupation of the Senate floor in the wake of the Orlando shootings to highlight how America’s future was being held hostage to the whims of Trump-inclined white pols.  
That campaign pretty much went by the wayside (as did Black Lives Matter, a racial justice initiative partially funded by core Clinton backer George Soros; interesting, no?) as a) black nationalists started shooting policemen and b) Clinton kicked off a charm campaign to help wedge the black-wary GOP establishment away from Trump.
There is more to Clintonism, I think, than simply playing the “identity politics” card to screw Bernie Sanders or discombobulate the Trump campaign.  “Identity politics” is near the core of the Clintonian agenda as a bulwark against any class/populist upheaval that might threaten her brand of billionaire-friendly liberalism.
In my view, a key tell is Clinton’s enduring and grotesque loyalty to her family’s charitable foundation, an operation that in my opinion has no place on the resume of a public servant, as a font of prestige, conduit for influence, and model for billionaire-backed global engagement.  

By placing the focus of the campaign on identity politics and Trump’s actual and putative crimes against various identity groups, the Clinton campaign has successfully obscured what I consider to be its fundamental identity as a vehicle for neoliberal globalists keen to preserve and employ the United States as a welcoming environment and supreme vehicle for supra-sovereign business interests. 


Clintonism’s core identity is not, in other words, as a crusade for groups suffering from the legacy and future threat of oppression by Trump’s white male followers.  It is a full-court press to keep the wheels on the neoliberal sh*twagon as it careens down the road of globalization, and it recognizes the importance in American democracy of slicing and dicing the electorate by identity politics and co-opting useful demographics as the key to maintaining power.
In my view, the Trump and Clinton campaigns are both protofascist.
Trump has cornered the somewhat less entitled and increasingly threatened white ethnic group, some of whom are poised to make the jump to white nationalism with or without him.
Clinton has cornered the increasingly entitled and assertive global billionaire group, which adores the class-busting anti-socialist identity-based politics she practices.
But the bottom line is race.  
U.S. racism has stacked up 400 years of tinder that might take a few hundred more years, if ever, to burn off.  And until it does, every politician in the country is going to see his or her political future in flicking matches at it.
And that’s what we’re seeing in the current campaign.
A lot.
Not fascism.
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Peter Lee edits China Matters and writes about Asia for CounterPunch.  

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