“I’ve noticed something really odd. Democrats are planning for the midterms in November like it’s a re-set button. They’re gonna win-back Congress, investigate what’s happened, fix what’s broken and then move on, because that’s how it has worked for the last 250 years. Governments follow the rules, they lose elections, and they give up power. But those rules don’t apply anymore. A fascist government has dismantled the US in less than two years. It’s ripped apart the civil service, sacked the scientists, opened millions of acres of public land to oil and gas drilling, stripped protections from national forests and ocean monuments, and gutted the agencies that used to manage them. The norms are already broken. If Democrats can accept that, if they can actually sit with that and accept it, then everything they believe about how America works collapses. So they don’t accept it. They keep believing that the rules are still there even as they are watching them being dismantled. That’s hyper-normalization: living alongside the extraordinary and treating it as if its ordinary so that you don’t have to face what’s actually happening…From the outside, British woman here, it’s really obvious: the rules don’t apply anymore. So why are [the Democrats] still planning as if they do? Fascist governments never willingly give up power in an election. It’s never happened. And I don’t believe it’s going to happen this time, either. The elections won’t run normally, and we’ve already seen examples of how that might happen.”

“Political Paralysis,” August 2026[1]

Knowing that the widely loathed Trump fascist regime and party have no intention of letting power atop the world’s most lethal state slip through their hands because of electoral “democracy,” it’s not at all too soon to start scheming out some of the election scenarios we will be faced with this fall and winter.

Below I sketch five possible scenarios (really more if you read to the end as I hope folks will) in order of probability, from least to most likely. I conclude with reflections on the scenario we need in these extraordinary times, quite different from the shockingly ordinary “hyper-normalizing” behavior and thinking of the Democratic Party and its allies in the essentially/ultimately electoralist “protest”/“resistance” group Indivisible[2], whose next “No Kings Day” will be a massive Get Out the Vote for Democrats rally (because that’s how the United States got rid of King George, with voting, right?): millions in the streets and public squares day after day, refusing to permit business as usual as long as a fascist regime sits atop the United States.

This is a highly imperfect exercise since the situation is fluid and chaotic, with domestic and global events in wild play as an impulsive, depraved, destructive, and demented wannabe dictator sits atop the world’s most powerful and dangerous state, committing new outrages and sparking new contingencies, risks, and possibilities both good and bad day by day.

+1. Blue Wave Allowed to Proceed as Normal. Despite multiple regime efforts to shrink the electorate and intimidate anti-Trump-/-MAGA voters, including the stationing of ICE and Border Patrol agents and other federal militarized police outside blue city polling places, the Democrats take back majority control of both the US House of Representatives and the US Senate. Chastened by a turnout that makes the election “too big to rig,” state and federal Republifascists hold back from challenging the vote counts, the certification of the outcomes, and the seating of the victors in Congress. There is no regime effort to prevent, disrupt, or annul the elections. The nation looks forward to coming impeachments of the mad president in the US House and many wonder if this time enough Republicans in the Senate could vote for Donald “Take Down the Metal Detectors” Trump’s removal (“the third time is the charm” will be a commonly heard phrase).

The aftermath part of this scenario makes it extremely unlikely. The current party-in-power is the party of January 6. It’s Dear Leader sits atop a virulent racial nationalist atop the world’s most dangerous superpower, backed by a fascist section of the ruling class that has turned its back on previously normative bourgeois democracy and rule of law. The extreme corruption in which Trump and others in his circle have engaged furthers their sense of existential dread over handing any significant measure of federal power back to the other major party.

The fascists will not let Democratic Congressional victories stand without major challenges that could well go all the way to military cancellation. As Mark Medish and Joel McCleary note in their recent must-read essay on the Trump regime’s many sided “rolling coup” against US electoral “democracy,” the Trump regime and party are using the considerable means at their disposal atop the federal government and half of the nation’s state governments to try to eliminate any chance that voting can halt their “authoritarian” and “oligarchic” (Medish and McCleary don’t use the f-word) project.

The Democrats could pull off the sweep though the Senate is a “toss up” by most accounts and the chances are practically zero that the Trump regime and party would obey the judgement of the voters and the rule of law by permitting the “evil” Democrats to take control of even one of the chambers of Congress (most likely the House) without a major fight. Trump47 has consistently said that the only way Democrats can win elections is by cheating and that he will “do anything to make we have an honest election” (translation: do anything to ensure Republifascist victory). He set the stage for federal interference against a Democratic victory in a bizarre nationally televised July 10^th address that claimed without evidence that US elections are vulnerable to foreign interference and rampant fraudulent voting. Trump and others high in his party have also repeatedly and absurdly referred to the capitalist-imperialist Democratic Party as a “communist,” “Marxist,” “radical Left” party that constitutes an unacceptable mortal danger to freedom and the American way of life. This was a central theme in the Republifascists’ unusual “midterm convention” this last week, a disturbing “Trumpalooza” where, as The New York Times reports:

“the president and his Republican allies spent more time whipping up fears about the specter of socialism, communism and even anarchy than they did trumpeting the successes of his administration…speaker after speaker focused on what they characterized as an urgent threat to American life: a Democratic Party they claimed had veered into a dangerous, un-American ideology. Democrats running for Congress were ‘evil.’ They were ‘communists and anarchists.’ And they wanted to turn the country into ‘a socialist hellscape.’”

(“I call it the Bolshevik Revolution in the Democratic Party,” said leading Republifascist Steve Scalise, the House majority leader said, referring to a small number of DSA victories in the Democratic primaries this year. “Let’s make sure that when we wake up the morning after Election Day we know we did everything we could to defeat socialism.”)

A video shown at the convention claimed that “God made Trump” for a “special purpose…to fix this country, work all day, fight the Marxist…”

They are already interfering…

And, of course, the regime is already interfering with the midterms in numerous ways, including a threat to deploy ICE agents around blue (Democratic Party-aligned) polling places, positioning the US Postal Service to refuse to send mail-in ballots to voters not on a chilling new federal regime voters’ registry, the claim that US elections are poisoned by foreign interference and illegal voting, and Trump’s declarations that the midterm results cannot be trusted if Congress does not pass a draconian voter suppression bill (the “Save America Act”).

+2. Republifascists Win “Normally” at Polls. To the surprise of pollsters and prognosticators, the Trump regime and party’s effort to shrink, depress, and intimidate the electorate prove sufficient for the Republifascists to maintain control of both the House and the Senate through largely “normal” means. The regime proceeds triumphally with the consolidation of fascist governance under the flag of a new electoral “mandate.”

I put “normally” in quote marks because it is already certain that the election will take place and be counted under duress, in the shadow of Republifascist threats.

This scenario is unlikely given the enormous unpopularity of Trump in the wake of his failed, inflation-fueling war on Iran — mass disapproval Trump seems unwilling to address or even acknowledge as he tells Republican voters to think of him as being on the mid-term ballot while his approval rating slips into the low 30s.

Trump has shown himself remarkably indifferent to the ex-republican Republican (now Republifascist) Party’s midterm prospects under “normal” election scenarios. This suggests that he and his regime: (a) have no intention of allowing a “normal” election to take place in the first place or (b) have no intention of letting the results of such an election normally stand or (c) are prepared to try to govern without any input from Congress, consistent with the remarkable extent to which he has been flouting Congress so far.

Still this outcome should not be entirely ruled out given the following circumstances: the considerable extent of the Trump regime’s efforts to shrink, scare, and bully the electorate; the considerable campaign finance and dark money advantage the Republifascists hold over the Democrats; the continuing deserved unpopularity and meekness of the “neoliberal” capitalist-imperialist Democratic Party of inauthentic opposition (Sheldon Wolin’s excellent 2007 term); internal conflict between “progressive” Dems (aligned with Sanders, AOC, el-Sayed, and Mamdani) and “establishment” corporate Dems (under Jeffries and Schumer).

+3. Pre-emptive Cancellation in Advance. Having determined that Democratic victories in the House and perhaps also the Senate are both likely and unacceptable — too humiliating and dangerous to be permitted in the first place — Trump uses one or more national emergency pretexts to cancel the elections altogether. The possible pretexts for this martial law cancellation run the gamut: claims of foreign (likely Chinese) interference; allegations of rampant fraudulent voting; the need to block “Marxism/communism;” claims of domestic “insurrection;” citing of “terrorist” threats; invocation of a wartime emergency.

This scenario seems unlikely because of the possibility that it could spark massive popular resistance on a scale the regime might not feel capable of putting down. It would be an extraordinary provocation, possibly sufficient to arouse the American masses from their prevailing inertia like nothing in recent memory.

Still, it should not be ruled out. It is more probable than the first two scenarios, “In normal circumstances,” Medish and McCleary observe, imagining the use of military force, martial law, and/or secret presidential emergency directives to crush standard bourgeois electoral democracy would be to dream up “exotic and remote scenarios clearly cutting against the spirit of the Constitution and the rule of law. By now,” however:

“we know far too much about the stated intent and patterns of behavior of the chief executive to discount the risk of such no-limit constitutional nightmares… the planning assumption must now be as wide as the conduct: a president who will gamble the Persian Gulf will gamble the republic. We must be prepared for almost anything —a frightening sentence to write about one’s own government, and one we write deliberately.”

The Trump regime has “dismantled the US in less than two years” (Political Paralysis) without facing a serious sustained mass movement calling for its removal (only some single day “No Kings” outpourings led by the Democratic Party front Indivisible and pitifully staggered across 5-month intervals) to date. This could encourage it to think it could get away with such normally incendiary action.

4. Interference During the Election and Tabulation

Trump regime interference is likely, indeed practically certain to occur during as well as before and after the midterms. It should be expected that the regime will send ICE and Border Patrol gendarmes to intimidate voters and/or the FBI (perhaps with oversight officials from national intelligence agencies) to seize ballots while threatening and bullying local and state election officials. To make matters worse, renegade vigilante MAGAts may well undertake violence at and around polling places and counting locations. The fascist Trump forces within and outside government will place a special emphasis on halting the tabulation of mail-in ballots, at which Trump has taken special aim.

Voting rights activists will seek injunctions against this intimidation and harassment but the rulings (may well come too late.

5. Democratic Victories Blocked. The most likely scenario is that, despite the considerable obstacles the Trump regime set up before and during the election, the Democrats pull off an electoral victory, probably by a smaller margin than in Scenario 1, and possibly limited to the US House (the Senate is a much tougher nut to crack) but the Trump regime and party refuse to honor the outcomes, claiming fraudulent voting, foreign interference, and mortal “Marxist” danger. In this scenario, the Republifascists challenge the counts, and, if required, the certifications, and, if required, the seating of Congresspersons on January 3, 2027 (potentially a key day). On January 3^rd, if previous interventions haven’t succeeded in cancelling the election, the Republi-fascist-controlled House will refuse to admit “victorious” Democrats to the chamber despite abundant evidence (proof that is determinant in court cases but not in Congress’s internal deliberations) that Democratic wins were legitimate. Along the way, the regime declares one or more “national emergencies” as justification to do some or all the following: order the military seizure of voting machines, initiate legal proceedings against election officials accused of permitting voter fraud, pronounce the election null and void, detain election winners, close Congress, impose martial law, and arrest “opposition” leaders

Numerous lawsuits work their way through the federal courts system, all headed to the Supremes, who likely back the Trump regime The legislative branch is thrown into limbo as the ever more deranged Dear Leader talks about “maybe re-doing the election” under military supervision. If he does not get what he wants from Congress and/or the Supremes, Trump uses one or more of many emergency decrees secretly available to him to suspend deliberation altogether.

Civil Unrest as Pretext for “National Emergencies”

As the liberal imperialist historian Timonthy Snyder has warned and as Medish and McCleary advise, it is possible that the regime could consciously provoke “civil unrest” that it would use as a pretext for martial law (via the Insurrection Act or any number of other vehicles available to Trump, Miller, Vance, Susan Wiles et al.). Medish and McCleary offer some chilling insights here:

‘One of the more insidious tactics for predicating election uncertainty is baiting popular unrest and civil violence as a pretext for declaring local and/or national emergencies, with the potential to invoke delegated Article 1 powers such as the Insurrection Act. Federalizing and deploying the National Guard for police action has already been tested in Chicago, California and Washington, D.C.: these instances serve as trial runs for something bigger…The Insurrection Act—whose vague trigger, “unlawful obstructions, combinations, or assemblages,” commits the judgment to the president alone—has since been brandished by name. In January, after an ICE agent shot and killed a Minneapolis woman named Renee Good and the city erupted, the President posted: “If the corrupt politicians of Minnesota don’t obey the law and stop the professional agitators and insurrectionists from attacking the Patriots of I.C.E. … I will institute the INSURRECTION ACT.”

We know from the former Secretary of Defense Mark Esper what this President asked the last time he weighed that statute—“Can’t you just shoot them? Just shoot them in the legs or something?”—and we know from Senate testimony what the current Secretary of War Pete Hegseth would do with a “lawful order” to strike designated terrorist organizations inside the United States: “I would definitely execute that order.”

Meanwhile the military’s legal immune system has been prepared: the service fired the JAGs, hundreds of military lawyers were transferred out, the general counsel’s office was staffed on the philosophy that “the mere presence of risk should not lead an attorney to withhold advising on possible options.” And since September 2025 the armed forces have conducted, in the Caribbean, more than two dozen lethal strikes against persons designated narco-terrorists—a category created by memo—killing near a hundred people without charge or trial. Former Pentagon lawyers have said the quiet part in public: a prerogative to kill outside the law, once established, “might be wielded elsewhere—including inside the United States.”

Here is the strategic point, and it is the one the opposition most needs to internalize before autumn: in this design, the backlash is the fuel, not the cost. Each provocation is chosen because the reaction unlocks the next authority—protest justifies troops, troops produce clashes, clashes justify the escalation of response such as invocation of the Insurrection Act. The whirlwind is not a risk the administration runs. It is the crop it is farming, with the potential harvest scheduled for the weeks around the election.’

Critique

This scenario – regime-provoked protests serving as “fuel” and pretext for federal interventions against previously normal “democracy” – is possible before, during, and after the midterm elections, leading to the cancellation of the election or the suspensions of voting or the nullification of the election after the fact. Still, this scenario should not be accepted without significant criticism.

One problem with Medish and McCleary’s analysis here is that it understands potential future civil unrest solely as the product of a regime tactic to provoke disturbances the regime can use to escalate repression. In reality, any number of developments that will not reflect such government calculation and manipulation could send masses of people into the streets in coming days, weeks, and months: a drastic increases in prices and/or economic collapse tied to Trump’s reckless military quagmire in the Persian Gulf; Trump acting on his threats to massively attack Iran’s civilian infrastructure, including even the use of tactical nuclear weapons; more murders of protesters by trigger-happy and fascist ICE and/or Border Patrol gendarmes; Trump cancelling the elections, interrupting the vote count, arresting Democratic politicians and/or shutting down Congress (not because he wants to provoke civil unrest but simply to end the possibility of facing a Congress not controlled by his party; a new Katrina – that is, a natural disaster, most likely a hurricane to which the government fails to respond adequately thanks to cuts to the Federal Emergency Management Agency.

A second problem with Medish and McCleary’s backlash-as-fuel scenario is that it seems largely calculated to keep the people off the streets. Medish and McCleary’s recommendation for “what is to be done” (their language) about the Trump nightmare amount to relying on the very legal and electoral institutions that Medish and McCleary know the Trump regime and party are setting on fire. Their main message to the people and activists in their section titled “What is to be Done”: make sure to vote in person and in large numbers and then let the lawyers, judges, and politicians handle this. Even as they break down ten different ways in which the Trump regime is blowing up the previously normal rules of bourgeois democracy, the longtime Washington insiders and Democrats and their party and its main (not so in the) street(s) arm (Indivisible) remain trapped in the “hyper-normalization” critique advance by the British analyst (writing under the name of “Political Paralysis”) quoted in the epigraph atop the present essay.

And that is a big mistake since there will be no decent outcomes to the political events of this Fall and Winter without a mass resistance movement calling for Trump and his regime’s removal from power.

A Scenario We Need

Millions in the Streets, Day After Day, Demanding Trump Out Now!

What is to be done? To make a long story short, I will hold back here from the difficult and prolonged task of trying to game out the most advisable response to each scenario mentioned above and make things simpler with a basic observation: there are no decent outcomes to any of these scenarios in the absence of something that has yet to emerge and that Refuse Fascism has called for since Trump re-took the presidency – a sustained mass popular movement demanding that the Trump fascist regime be removed from power immediately and making it clear that business as usual cannot continue as long as the regime stands.

There really are no decent outcomes in the absence of such a movement. Even in the highly unlikely “best-case” scenario of the Republifascists losing majority control of both houses of Congress, the ever more demented Trump remains president for two more years, governing in in ever more vicious, reckless, and crazy fashion in the absence of such a mass movement. Without a rolling mass antifascist or at least anti-regime movement making it clear that business as usual will not proceed as long as a fascist/authoritarian regime sits atop the US government, removal before January 20, 2029 — through the impeachment clause, the 25^th Amendment, or resignation — will not likely occur. And this is potentially fatal for homo sapiens and countless other species, quite frankly.

As Refuse Fascism notes in a palm card it is handing out to masses of people across the United States:

“Millions are staking everything on the midterms. But the Trump regime holds federal power, is suppressing the vote, and moving to subvert the elections. Even a Democratic Congress leaves [the lethal fascist] Trump in power. They tried to overturn the 2020 election and unleashed violence when they lost. This time, they’ve purged those who might stand in their way, flout Congress, bend federal power to their will and have the Supreme Court at their back. This is a rolling coup. They are moving on every front to cement fascist rule – and shut down the means to remove them. THIS REGIME MUST BE DRIVEN FROM POWER. The force that could do it is millions refusing to ‘go along’ and ‘pouring into the streets in sustained, determined, nonviolent resistance.”

To repeat: even under the “best case scenario,” the first (and least likely) one above, fascists remain in power atop and across the powerful executive branch of the most powerful nation on Earth – a grave existential menace to humanity.

The Trump regime’s ongoing assault on previously normative bourgeois electoral “democracy” and rule of law (not to mention basic science and human decency) must awaken a sleeping giant: the righteous masses who don’t want to live in a fascist America. If and when this giant rises from its slumber and out of “hyper-normalization” and the savagely time-staggered electoral quicksand, there must be an organized force demanding and settling for nothing less than the removal of the Trump fascist regime.

Overcoming Fear of Repression & Exploiting Ruling Class Division

That is the scenario we need to move from paper and imagination to the streets and public squares. Putting it into action will require, among other things, getting past fear of repression by understanding five key things:

1. Nothing this vicious, genocidally racist, patriarchal-misogynist, xenophobically, and authoritarian/fascist regime can do to us as punishment for resisting its attempted consolidation of power will be remotely as horrible as what the regime will to do us – meaning all of humanity – if that consolidation takes hold.

2. Our chances of success rise and our risks of harm go down in accord with the size, scale, militancy, and durability of our refusal and resistance. The more people pour into the streets demanding the end of the regime, shutting down business as usual, the less danger for people who step up and more the likelihood of regime removal.

3. There’s no risk-free way of bringing down a fascist regime just as there’s no way or removing a malignant cancerous tumor without physical trauma.

4. Masses of people all over the world have in the past and up through the present risen up in the millions to successfully remove sitting or wannabe dictators. This has happened in recent memory in Nepal, Sudan, Indonesia, South Korea, East Germany, Ukraine, Philippines, Egypt, and elsewhere. This is how decent humanity has long responded and still today responds to pathological regimes. (The notion that such mobilization is impossible because of “American exceptionalism” should be met with reminders that the rise of a fascist regime is also supposed to have been precluded by “American exceptionalism.” Why should fascists get a pass on violating supposed “American exceptionalism”?)

5. There are splits in the US imperialist ruling class. Trump represents and is backed by a fascist section of the nation’s capitalist “elite” that the more mainstream ruling class has been unwilling to properly fight against thanks in no small part to the calculation that doing so would require mobilizing millions of Americans in ways that the rulers/owners could not control while fueling domestic turmoil, perhaps even a civil war, that would weaken the United States’ imperial position in an increasingly competitive world capitalist system. At the same time, however, the equally understandable perception and calculation that the decrepit, depraved, and demented ogre Trump’s brazen and stupid recklessness at home and especially abroad (the War on Iran is a monumental imperialist mistake that is accelerating the decline of US power on the world stage) is too costly and dysfunctional for US power – both hard and soft – in the world capitalist system could turn the tables on this calculation and thereby enlist ruling class protection and even support for mass protests demanding the removal of Trump at least. A positive, mutually reinforcing dialectic could develop between mass protest and ruling class division, leading to removal.

The trick for activists and masses under this last scenario is to exploit ruling class division without being coopted by it. The bourgeois-democratic “ways things were” before Trump – what the mainstream ruling class would like to restore — is what got us to an “American as cherry pie” fascist regime atop the United States in the first place. Any movement serious about not just giving fascism a momentary defeat but seeking beyond that to sweep the eliminationist scourge of US-American fascism into the dustbin of history would need to build on the momentum gained from collapsing the deranged, depraved, and despicable Trump regime to taking on the underlying dictatorship of capital that birthed that regime.

Postscript

There is another scenario suggested by Medish and McCleary at the end of their reflections on the Trump regime’s potential exploitation of civil unrest to (essentially) impose martial law – revolution, or something very much like it:

“One assumption underwrites the [national emergency and martial law] strategy, and it may be the largest unexamined premise in American public life. A government that deliberately summons the storm must believe it can ride it. This White House evidently believes that with the largest Federal police force in our history, a hundred thousand detention beds, the Insurrection Act and other emergency powers in its holster, the fused databases of its surveillance contractors, and a military legal corps domesticated not to say no, it holds escalation dominance over its own citizens—that it can provoke disorder on schedule and suppress it at a profit. Perhaps. The whole thing could be a gross miscalculation…No one has ever tested that proposition on a continental Republic of 340 million people and fifty governors accustomed to vibrant democracy. Rulers who made the same type of wager against their people—the Tsar in 1905, the Shah in 1978, Ceausescu in 1989—occupy a crowded shelf in the library of fallen tyrants. The calculation holds until the hour it does not, and that hour never announces itself in advance. It is an enormous assumption, and we pray it is never tested.”[3]

I have no idea what Medish and McCleary mean by “fifty governors accustomed to vibrant democracy” (big capitalist wealth and power probably speak as loud if not louder in state politics and government as they do at the federal level), but their point is well-taken: a full militarized fascist Trump-Miller-Vance-Musk-Thiel-Hegseth-Mullin “gamble on the republic” (and, to repeat, Medish and McCleary say “we must be prepared for almost anything”) could put us into a whole new place where words like revolution and civil war come alive like no time in recent memory. Rather than praying against the arrival of such a moment, we would be better advised to prepare for its potential occurrence (again, “anything” is possible with the fascist manias atop the US state) by developing the sort of leadership and organization that could guide (not just ride) the storm in ways that point us towards revolutionary emancipation from the exploitation and oppression systems, relations, habits and ideas that gave rise to the Trump regime in the first place.

Endnotes

+1. There is of course an exception to Political Paralysis’s “250 years” line: the secession of the southern slave states in response to Abraham Lincoln’s 1860 election to the US presidency, precipitating the US Civil War of 1861-65. The Slave Power did not give up power after an election loss. Much of the neo-Confederate Republifascist Party and certainly its deranged Dear Leader still refuse to accept their 2020 loss in the presidential election, which precipitated an attempted Trump fascist coup on January 6. And Political Paralysis’s list of policy actions indicated that the Trump regime is fascist is quite short and over-focused on admittedly critical environmental issues. The patriarchal, white supremacist, and xenophobic nationalist Trump fascist offensive is most critically congealed in three interrelated and overlapping projects: a massive genocidal ethnic cleansing of nonwhite immigrants; a fearsome war on dissent; a many-sided campaign to undermine previously normative bourgeois electoral “democracy.”

+2. There are many examples of Democratic Party “hyper-normalization.” For an especially egregious one, see this Op-Ed written by the leaders of Indivisible, the group that purports to be in the vanguard of in-the-streets popular resistance to a Trump regime those leaders sometimes accurately call “fascist”: Ezra Levin and Leah Greenberg, “The Democrats Need to Win.” The Guardian, September 8, 2026. This painfully ordinary editorial makes no mention of the many ways in which the fascist regime atop the US state is tearing up the rules of the electoral game. It proceeds as if the midterms are taking place under normal/ordinary circumstances, arguing merely that the Democratic Party should win votes by combining the politics of affordability with the politics of anti-corruption. The sole topic is Democratic Party messaging. Indivisible’s next “No Kings Day,” scheduled for October 17, is planned as a great get out the vote festival. At the end of the day, two months out from the midterms, we see that the savagely time-staggered single day mass-turnout No Kings Days have really been about little more than steering folks into the standard delusional, ordinary, and atomized “democratic” participation in savagely time-staggered ruling class electoral extravaganzas even as a regime they know to be fascist is undertaking extraordinary measures to tear up the usual electoral rules, procedures, and norms.
At their next NKD, Levin and Greenberg will no doubt invoke that wonderful moment when George Washiington defeated King George III in the nation’s first presidential election!
no doubt invoke that wonderful moment when George Washiington defeated King George III in the nation’s first presidential election.

+3. Short of revolution, Medish and McCleary might have mentioned the fate of South Korea’s former president Yoon Suk Yeol, who was sentenced to life in prison for declaring martial law and sending troops to surround the South Korean legislature on Dec. 3, 2024. This outcome was achieved largely by days of mass and sustained popular outpourings in South Korea’s capital city Seoul following the declaration.