In politics it’s easy to get overzealous when you’ve won something, especially after years of losing.

A winning tactic is usually copied in the hopes of a similar outcome, and if the experiment is successful a frenzy can occur, such as in the wake of the DSA-connected electoral victories.

The celebratory delirium, however, has helped push DSA to now over-focus on electoralism, to the point where the tactic has been elevated into a cure-all strategy.

The electoral strategy has, crucially, come at the expense of mass collective action, which was a sacrifice some in DSA were eager to make, traumatized as they were by the Black Lives Matter mobilizations of 2020 that DSA failed to successfully navigate.

All the wrong lessons were learned and are now being applied. Consequently, two pillars of socialist thought are being minimized or forgotten completely: working class political independence and collective mass actions.

By investing in the Democrats the DSA is leading the movement into a corporate-owned lion’s den, where progressive politicians are pressured into moving to the right more than the Democrat party moves left.

The Democrats also pressure their DSA allies away from collective mass action, which is a key reason the Democrats have rightfully been called “the graveyard of social movements” — energy is purposely sapped by channeling it away from the streets into the legalistic electoral process.

Political independence and collective mass action cannot be separated, and without either all roads to socialism are closed.

Why Mass Demonstrations Matter

Many electorally-focused DSA leaders are unlikely to minimize protests outright, but their actions speak for themselves: while local DSA chapters have endorsed or helped organize protests of various types, there has not been a single regional or national attempt at mass mobilization of any significance.

Historically, there are countless examples of mass mobilizations blossoming into mass movements, which sometimes have the potential to become revolutionary movements capable of transforming society.

There is also no example in history of a revolutionary movement that doesn’t prioritize mass mobilizations of various types. In fact, revolutionary movements are defined, in large part, by sustained mass demonstrations that spill over into all parts of social life — the workplace, universities, government buildings, neighborhoods, the military, etc. The spillover effect only occurs when a large movement inspires groups to take action to link-up with the mass movement.

Every working class victory in US history — rights won by labor, women, African Americans, the LGBTQ community, etc. — have prioritized collective mass action.

Under capitalist society there are various ways to have your opinion expressed, with voting being among the least powerful. Collective mass action is the most powerful way for the working class to assert itself.

A large demonstration is more than voting with your feet, it’s a warning. A large occupation is a shot across the bow while a general strike is a revolutionary blow that doesn’t happen without prior preparatory protests.

The British socialist John Berger wrote in “The Nature of Mass Demonstrations”:

“The truth is that mass demonstrations are rehearsals for revolution: not strategic or even tactical ones, but rehearsals of revolutionary awareness. The delay between the rehearsals and the real performance may be very long: their quality – the intensity of rehearsed awareness – may, on different occasions, vary considerably: but any demonstration which lacks this element of rehearsal is better described as an officially encouraged public spectacle.”

Berger is essentially encouraging socialists to take mass demonstrations seriously so they don’t act as an “officially encouraged public spectacle.”

All protests are not equal. A badly organized protest can sap energy if they are too small, with uninspiring speakers, etc. To avoid this one must practice, and build the organizing muscle.

Any group that avoids organizing demonstrations can become hesitant or even incapable of doing so. This hesitancy becomes a major problem when certain, urgent issues come to the fore that demand collective action in the streets, for example the Iran War or Israel’s ongoing genocide in Gaza.

When done with intent, collective mass action inspires confidence and instills a sense of power in the attendees, who see thousands of people passionate about the same issues and willing to take action to win demands.

A series of mass demonstrations helps defeat capitalist alienation and hopelessness.

When a social movement finds its voice while screaming a powerful chant — for example “Si Se Puede” in the enormous 2006 protests — the feeling of solidarity and collective power is something special, and cannot be replicated by filling out your voting ballot, since the electoral process is largely organized on the basis of individuals acting in isolation.

Protests and Spontaneity

Some on the left eschew protests because they are too chaotic, and difficult to control.They prefer the predictable, bureaucratic avenues that elections offer.

But social movements are by nature unpredictable, since new waves of working class people are entering politics and expressing themselves in countless ways while putting forth new demands and tactics to achieve them. The consequent, experimental wave of energy can be overwhelming for groups not unaccustomed to it.

A movement is strengthened when people are exposed to the frenzy of new ideas and buoyed by the feeling of solidarity when the state is confronted. Organizers should do their best to keep people safe of course, but this also requires experience in organizing demonstrations.

Mass demonstrations are also among the best ways to understand the working class, by seeing what issues are important enough to bring them out to the streets and take action, which results in spontaneous actions of various types that can create a momentum unto itself.

For example the Occupy movement, which was inspired by a couple of New York protests that inspired groups across the country, who spontaneously copied the tactic and “occupied” areas of their cities. Occupy itself was directly inspired by the Arab Spring protests, where mass demonstrations evolved into revolutionary movements that brought down dictators.

A similar dynamic started and sustained the 2020 Black Lives Matter movement that shook the foundations of local and state governments.

In contrast, the electoral strategy has a built-in moderating effect on the organizers and voters alike, since winning elections often means you have to be only slightly better than the other candidate. Platforms are thus watered down and action beyond canvassing is not encouraged.

All that is asked of the working class is to passively vote in the hopes that a politician will “do something”.

Whether a mass movement is successful or not depends on many factors, although the abilities of socialists to push the movement forward is among the most important, and cannot be learned without much trial and error.

Ultimately, a key prerequisite of socialism is a working class that is activated and energetically engaged in social life. These waves of activity are defining features of revolutionary movements that seek to transform society to meet the needs of working people.

Protests as Education

Mass protests have a boosting effect on class consciousness, since it helps people understand the latent power of the working class, which in turn increases the willingness for groups to make more radical demands.

When a mass mobilization issues concrete demands, it also helps the working class understand who their friends and allies are. A mass demonstration calls the question — “which side are you on?”

And the response from the government and the media teaches a lot about these institutions, such as the nature of the state and the role of the police.

For example, when the Occupy movement was crushed by Democratic Party Mayors across the country — and coordinated by the Obama administration — many people learned a lot about which side the Democrats were on while the people chanted “banks got bailed out, we got sold out”.

Organizing protests also spills over into other types of education for the organizers — picket lines, security, entertainment (music,speakers,art,etc.), the art of agitation — fliers, signs, chants, speeches from the podium, etc. They can also teach organizers how to think on their feet and help them take bolder actions when appropriate.

The lack of such practice has led to the abysmal situation where after seven months of war with Iran there has not been a single regional or national mass protest (though small groups have made some attempts).

Iran and the Antiwar Movement

To answer why the Left has failed so tragically in Iran, DSA booster Eric Blanc wrote ”Why is There No Antiwar Movement in the US?”

Blanc’s unremarkable essay dwells mostly around public opinion in general or past failures of organizing protests. Interestingly, Blanc fails to mention that the largest socialist organization in the US — with chapters in every city of the country — has not attempted to organize a single regional or national demonstration, nor called for one.

By taking no action in the face of a widening war, one might assume you agree with the policy. This is certainly the case with DSA’s allies, the Democrats, whose leadership is on record agreeing with Trump’s war on Iran.

Nancy Pelosi recently said “Our country is at war. We always root for our country under any circumstance. So let’s get this done Mr President.”

Meanwhile Chuck Schumer has consistently criticized Trump from the right for “chickening out” against Iran.

This has allowed the far-right to pose as the people most against war, which is a major factor in why Trump won re-election (a fact many on the left have failed to digest).

The degree in which DSA chapters have minimized the importance of antiwar mobilizations is connected to their partnership with the Democrats, whether or not this is recognized. A key rule of political partnership is not embarrassing your partner.

Some on the left have drawn the wrong lessons from the anti-Iraq war protests because “they didn’t stop the war.” While true, the mass demonstrations posed a major threat to the Bush administration, while bringing thousands of new people into the socialist movement (this writer included).

And while the Iraq protests didn’t sharply change the world many antiwar movements in the past have.

For example, the mass protests during the Vietnam War actually played a critical role in ending the war, not only by applying domestic pressure to politicians, but by empowering US soldiers in Vietnam to protest their deployments and even rebel against their officers to the point of mutiny (the documentary Sir No Sir is required watching here).

Antiwar movements have been pillars of previous revolutions, such as the successful Russian revolution of 1917 as well as the powerful German revolution of 1918-19. In both cases mass movements of soldiers and workers used mass collective action to demand their country withdraw from WWI.

Today the most remarkable feature of US capitalism is the military-industrial complex, the existence of which demands a response from the organized working class. It’s unclear how much antiwar energy exists in the US, since there have not been opportunities for people to express themselves in the streets.

What is clear is that allowing this reservoir of energy to go untapped is a major strategic error, and has given Trump many fewer obstacles to navigate as he backs a genocide in Palestine while committing war crimes in Iran, such as the Minab school bombing that killed 120 children and dozens of other innocent people.

Other Missed Opportunities

An over-reliance on electoralism implies a focus on backroom deals and “working together” with your Democrat “allies” as well as your Republican enemies “to get things done.”

This is the logic Mamdani uses in his partnership with Trump. Astonishingly, the day before Trump threatened to annihilate Iran at the UN, Mamdani was saying nice things about the President at a joint press conference.

An enormous mobilizing opportunity was largely missed in New York during the UN General Assembly because the DSA feared embarrassing Mamdani, who feared embarrassing Trump (some DSA members did protest but the chapter did not use its collective muscle to organize).

Instead of arresting Netanyau — like Mamdani had previously threatened — Mamdani’s NYPD arrested those protesting the Israeli Prime Minister. This is the logic of electoralism divorced from mass mobilization.

Similarly, when Mamdani endorsed Hakeem Jeffries— an arch-Zionist complicit in the Gaza genocide— to lead the House of Representatives, Mamdani likely did this under pressure from the Democrats, since they own the political pool he swims in.

Playing nice with corporate politicians is the surest way to lose trust with the working class, while moving away from putting people into action. Mamdani himself recently said “I’ve never encouraged New Yorkers to protest.”

Meeting the Urgency of the Moment

Most working-class people can feel the impending political-economic catastrophe facing the nation, but they don’t see this urgency reflected in their politicians or even in DSA.

Many in DSA are investing in a gradualist-electoral strategy at a time the ruling class has chosen to accelerate war abroad and the consequent war on workers domestically, via austerity, inflation, and AI.

The gradualist-electoral approach is, by nature, incapable of dealing with crises, since emergencies are best addressed quickly with mass collective action, versus every four years at the ballot box.

Meanwhile the far-right is doing their best to give voice to the crisis. Tucker Carlson’s NPR interview is a great example of how the Democrats — including DSA politicians — are being outmatched rhetorically by far-right demagogues who seek to pose as the real revolutionaries.

While Carlson denounces both parties, DSA leaders are promoting false hopes in one of them, at a time where the Democrats are deeply unpopular because they are dominated by the same billionaires who rule the Republicans. The Democratic Party is also equally culpable for the genocide in Gaza: Trump and Biden should be sharing a cramped cell in The Hague as they await trial.

The world seems to be hanging on a razor’s edge that Trump is doing his best to push us off of, which is why the working class must itself take action.

To stop Trump and the far-right the socialist Left must re-assert itself in public spaces and make their voice and intentions clear. Doing so strategically and powerfully is an immediate task of the US Left.