FacebookTwitterGoogle+RedditEmail

Rep. McGovern’s Withdrawal Resolution

 

On November 4, 2005, Democratic Representative Jim McGovern of Massachusetts introduced a bill whose purpose is to “prohibit the use of funds to deploy United States Armed Forces to Iraq.” This bill, numbered HR 4232, is co-sponsored by twelve other representatives, including Dennis Kucinich (D-OH), Maxine Waters (D-CA), and Barbara Lee (D-CA). The bill was immediately referred to the House Armed Services Committee and the Committee on International Relations, where it will remain until the Speaker decides to bring it to the floor. This in itself makes the likelihood that any full House discussion of this bill will not occur in the near future, if ever. For the sake of argument, however, let’s assume that it will make it to the House floor as it is written and it will make it there during this session of Congress.

Making these assumptions, let’s take an honest look at what this bill demands.

(a) Prohibition- Except as provided in subsection (b), funds appropriated or otherwise made available under any provision of law may not be obligated or expended to deploy or continue to deploy the Armed Forces to the Republic of Iraq.

This portion seems straightforward enough. Plain and simple, it states that no more funds be appropriated or used to send any more US military forces to Iraq. If one opposes the war in Iraq, they certainly can’t argue with this provision.

(b) Exception- Subsection (a) shall not apply to the use of funds to–
(1) provide for the safe and orderly withdrawal of the Armed Forces from Iraq;

This subsection is also hard to argue with. After all, it will cost some money to bring all of the troops home from their bases in Iraq.

or (2) ensure the security of Iraq and the transition to democratic rule by–

This is where the bill begins to become meaningless in terms of an immediate and complete withdrawal of all occupation forces from Iraq. If we read on, we discover that Mr. McGovern’s bill as introduced is not really a demand for an end to the foreign occupation of Iraq. Instead, it is just a call to replace US forces with forces from other nations’ militaries–nations that would coordinate everything with the US and its intelligence agencies.

(A) carrying out consultations with the Government of Iraq, other foreign governments, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the United Nations, and other international organizations;

Which nations might Mr. McGovern have in mind? Why, first and foremost of course, other nations with colonialist histories and potential economic interests in Iraq. By this, I mean the NATO countries, who, despite their differences prior to the US/UK invasion of Iraq in 2003, would all like to have a piece of the oil pie that is part and parcel of what Iraq is to the major capitalist alliance (or NATO). As for the UN, its recent history regarding Iraq does not place it in the Iraqi peoples’ circle of friends. After all, it was the UN Security Council that enforced the murderous sanctions against that country’s people for over ten years and has looked the other way whenever Washington and London violated their part of any agreement made after the first Gulf War. Then, of course, there is the so-called government of Iraq. In other words, the government composed of men and women handpicked by the current regime in Washington, completely funded by this same regime, and as recent statements by the Iraqi president regarding US plans to attack Syria from Iraq made clear, unable to act in any meaningful manner without the approval of the men and women in power in DC.

In short, this is where Mr. McGovern’s (and his co-sponsors) good intentions fall apart. To repaet, this bill, if enacted, would only replace US troops with other occupying forces. Iraq would continue to be occupied and the bloodshed would continue. The intentions of the invasion and occupation would not change, just the nationalities of the occupying troops. Washington would still be pulling the strings, although the spoils would have to be shared among those who participated in this charade. Given the nature of the battleground in Iraq, any nation willing to send its troops to replace those the US would withdraw would want an awful big piece of the pie. So, on a very practical level, it is quite unlikely that any government would even volunteer its military for such a role.

or (B) providing financial assistance or equipment to Iraqi security forces and international forces in Iraq.

More of the same. This provision would continue the funding of the Iraqi military and police forces, including the various death squads and other covert ops groups now in place. This means that the mission of the Iraqi forces would change very little, if at all. They would continue to attempt to impose Washington’s designs (as expressed through its Iraqi clients) and would be under orders from whatever troops ended up replacing uniformed US forces under provision (A) above.

(c) Rule of Construction- Nothing in this section shall be construed to prohibit or otherwise restrict the use of funds available to any department or agency of the Government of the United States (other than the Department of Defense) to carry out social and economic reconstruction activities in Iraq.

This sounds like a caveat to continue any and all covert operations currently going on in Iraq. Throughout its history, the CIA has operated under the auspices of providing various types of aid to whatever countries it is operating in. Indeed, one of the the agency’s primary vehicles operates under the acronym of USAID (US Agency for International Development). What this provision does is enable most of the US government in all its disguises to continue business as usual in Iraq. The only agency that would be forbidden to do so is the Department of Defense (DOD). So, any operations deemed necessary to US designs for Iraq and currently operating under the aegis of the DOD would have to be moved to some other agency. This includes the huge numbers of so-called security contractors in that country, many of whom are actually in the employ of US intelligence agencies. Like I’ve said before, it’s a shell game.

Is this bill the real thing? Should the antiwar movement support it? Let me put it this way. It’s a beginning–albeit a small one. The members of Congress who have attached their names to the bill include some of Congress’ most outspoken opponents of the Iraqi invasion and occupation, which means their intentions are genuine. But we all know about roads and pavement made of good intentions. Still, the very fact that there is a bill in Congress that even considers the withdrawal of US forces from Iraq is a step in the right direction. Yet, as I briefly point out here, this bill is not enough. It does not fundamentally change the situation for the people of Iraq. The proposed legislation continues the scenario whereby the US-created government in Baghdad is answerable to Washington and not to the Iraqi people. It replaces one set of foreign troops with another. It enhances the power of the Iraqi military and it allows the continued presence of US covert operators (and private companies in their employ) inside Iraq. Indeed, it makes the likelihood of enhanced use of covert ops more likely in the absence of traditional military assaults.

Most important of all, this bill continues to deny the Iraqi people their sovereignty. The resolution is not about guaranteeing Iraqi self-determination; it’s about the continued determination of Iraq’s future by Washington and its co-conspirators. To put it bluntly, this bill’s only provision should be that the US get out lock, stock and barrel and leave no other occupying military force to replace it. As long as the client government in Iraq depends on outside forces for its support (and not the Iraqi people), not only will it continue to ignore those Iraqis opposed to it, it will never be independent, since the occupier can overrule any of its decisions. As I’ve noted before, if the government had to depend on the Iraqi people for its support, it would be more likely to compromise with its opposition, armed and otherwise. Then the beginnings of a just and representative democracy would have a chance in Iraq.

Don’t put away your protest placards yet. Indeed, the antiwar movement has momentum on its side, but it risks being maneuvered into a scenario that either replaces one occupying force with another (without any genuine input from the Iraqi people) or, as a Nation editorial called for on November 9, 2005, a nebulous demand for a withdrawal as quickly as possible-whatever that means. We need to repeat until we are heard, the only demand should be immediate and unconditional withdrawal..

(Bill text from http://thomas.loc.gov/)

RON JACOBS is author of The Way the Wind Blew: a history of the Weather Underground, which is just republished by Verso. Jacobs’ essay on Big Bill Broonzy is featured in CounterPunch’s new collection on music, art and sex, Serpents in the Garden. He can be reached at: rjacobs3625@charter.net

 

 

More articles by:

Ron Jacobs is the author of Daydream Sunset: Sixties Counterculture in the Seventies published by CounterPunch Books. His latest offering is a pamphlet titled Capitalism: Is the Problem.  He lives in Vermont. He can be reached at: ronj1955@gmail.com.

January 17, 2019
Stan Cox
That Green Growth at the Heart of the Green New Deal? It’s Malignant
David Schultz
Trump vs the Constitution: Why He Cannot Invoke the Emergencies Act to Build a Wall
Paul Cochrane
Europe’s Strategic Humanitarian Aid: Yemen vs. Syria
Tom Clifford
China: An Ancient Country, Getting Older
Greg Grandin
How Not to Build a “Great, Great Wall”
Ted Rall
Our Pointless, Very American Culture of Shame
John G. Russell
Just Another Brick in the Wall of Lies
Patrick Walker
Referendum 2020: A Green New Deal vs. Racist, Classist Climate Genocide
Kevin Zeese - Margaret Flowers
Uniting for a Green New Deal
Matt Johnson
The Wall Already Exists — In Our Hearts and Minds
Jesse Jackson
Trump’s Flailing will get More Desperate and More Dangerous
Andrew Stewart
The Green New Deal Must be Centered on African American and Indigenous Workers to Differentiate Itself From the Democratic Party: Part Three
January 16, 2019
Patrick Bond
Jim Yong Kim’s Mixed Messages to the World Bank and the World
John Grant
Joe Biden, Crime Fighter from Hell
Alvaro Huerta
Brief History Notes on Mexican Immigration to the U.S.
Kenneth Surin
A Great Speaker of the UK’s House of Commons
Elizabeth Henderson
Why Sustainable Agriculture Should Support a Green New Deal
Binoy Kampmark
Trump, Bolton and the Syrian Confusion
Jeff Mackler
Trump’s Syria Exit Tweet Provokes Washington Panic
Barbara Nimri Aziz
How Long Can Nepal Blame Others for Its Woes?
Glenn Sacks
LA Teachers’ Strike: When Just One Man Says, “No”
Cesar Chelala
Violence Against Women: A Pandemic No Longer Hidden
Kim C. Domenico
To Make a Vineyard of the Curse: Fate, Fatalism and Freedom
Dave Lindorff
Criminalizing BDS Trashes Free Speech & Association
Thomas Knapp
Now More Than Ever, It’s Clear the FBI Must Go
Binoy Kampmark
Dances of Disinformation: The Partisan Politics of the Integrity Initiative
Andrew Stewart
The Green New Deal Must be Centered on African American and Indigenous Workers to Differentiate Itself From the Democratic Party: Part Two
Edward Curtin
A Gentrified Little Town Goes to Pot
January 15, 2019
Patrick Cockburn
Refugees Are in the English Channel Because of Western Interventions in the Middle East
Howard Lisnoff
The Faux Political System by the Numbers
Lawrence Davidson
Amos Oz and the Real Israel
John W. Whitehead
Beware the Emergency State
John Laforge
Loudmouths against Nuclear Lawlessness
Myles Hoenig
Labor in the Age of Trump
Jeff Cohen
Mainstream Media Bias on 2020 Democratic Race Already in High Gear
Dean Baker
Will Paying for Kidneys Reduce the Transplant Wait List?
George Ochenski
Trump’s Wall and the Montana Senate’s Theater of the Absurd
Binoy Kampmark
Dances of Disinformation: the Partisan Politics of the Integrity Initiative
Glenn Sacks
On the Picket Lines: Los Angeles Teachers Go On Strike for First Time in 30 Years
Jonah Raskin
Love in a Cold War Climate
Andrew Stewart
The Green New Deal Must be Centered on African American and Indigenous Workers to Differentiate Itself From the Democratic Party
January 14, 2019
Kenn Orphan
The Tears of Justin Trudeau
Julia Stein
California Needs a 10-Year Green New Deal
Dean Baker
Declining Birth Rates: Is the US in Danger of Running Out of People?
Robert Fisk
The US Media has Lost One of Its Sanest Voices on Military Matters
FacebookTwitterGoogle+RedditEmail