LOGIN

How Trumpism Survives

And How to Defeat It

No matter how much evidence accumulates, we cannot reason our way out of Trumpism if we keep misunderstanding what gives it power. The people most alarmed by Donald Trump have spent nearly a decade exposing hypocrisy, cataloging misconduct, correcting falsehoods, and waiting for enough proof to finally break the spell. But from 2016 to 2024, that approach did not defeat Trumpism. In many ways, it helped strengthen it, because it treated the movement as a problem of information when it is much more a problem created by the Trump Campaign’s brilliant weaponization of the human mind’s unconscious processing mechanisms.

That is the urgent premise. Good people cannot simply oppose racism, condemn cruelty, and assume the moral force of the evidence will do the rest. Most Americans do not think of themselves as defending racism. Nearly two-thirds say racism against Black people is widespread in the United States, and large majorities reject racist or religious hate speech as morally unacceptable. Yet racial inequality remains stubbornly persistent across housing, education, policing, and wealth. That contradiction is not a side issue in American public life. It is the central question: if most people sincerely reject racism, why do systems of inequality remain so stable?

The answer is terrifying because it does not begin with monsters. It begins with ordinary human cognition: the instinct to sort, rank, excuse, and normalize inequality before conscience ever gets a chance to intervene. That instinct allows injustice to persist within societies that genuinely believe they have rejected it. It also helps explain why Trump did not simply survive scandal, indictment, conviction, and exposure. He grew stronger inside a political culture that kept misunderstanding the machinery that produced him.

Decades of research in social psychology demonstrate that human beings categorize themselves into groups almost instantly and without deliberate thought. Psychologists Marilyn Brewer, Henri Tajfel, and John Turner demonstrated that these group identifications quickly become central to how individuals understand their place in society. Once groups form, people compare them. Once people compare groups, they begin assigning relative status, value, trust, and worth. In other words, hierarchy does not have to be consciously chosen in order to begin organizing perception.

This process unfolds largely outside conscious awareness. Human beings rely on unconscious cognitive shortcuts because carefully reasoning through every social judgment would slow decision-making to a degree incompatible with survival. The brain, therefore, categorizes, evaluates, and sorts rapidly. That capacity helps human beings function, but it carries a brutal social consequence: once social groups exist, hierarchy almost inevitably follows.

Brewer’s research shows that people often extend favorable presumptions, such as patience, trust, and generosity of interpretation, to members of their own group while withholding those same presumptions from outsiders. Unequal outcomes can therefore arise even when people sincerely believe they are treating everyone fairly. The difference often lies not in what people consciously decide, but in the quiet advantages they automatically extend to those they perceive as familiar, safe, or similar to themselves.

That is why ordinary political argument so often fails. The facts do not arrive in a neutral mind. They arrive in a mind already sorting who deserves patience, who deserves suspicion, who sounds credible, who sounds threatening, who seems authentic, and who seems dangerous. The same statement, the same mistake, even the same cruelty can be interpreted differently depending on where the speaker sits in the hierarchy.

Think about a recent presidential debate. One candidate repeatedly misspoke, used incorrect grammar, drifted mid-sentence, and made statements that were factually wrong. Yet many minds translated that performance as “authentic,” “strong,” or “just speaking off the cuff.” The opposing candidate delivered structured answers and pressed inconsistencies. Critics translated that performance as “shrill,” “incoherent,” “unlikable,” or “not very bright.” The facts alone did not determine the interpretation. Hierarchy did.

One candidate occupies the most historically favored location in the American hierarchy: white, male, and socially dominant. The other is the daughter of immigrants from a country once publicly described as a “shithole country.” That does not mean every criticism was consciously racist or sexist. It means the automatic presumptions ran downhill along a familiar hierarchy. Forgiveness flowed more easily in one direction. Suspicion flowed more easily in the other.

Nothing about this process requires conscious prejudice. It happens automatically. The human mind instinctively protects the credibility of people it perceives as belonging to the in-group while interpreting similar behavior from perceived outsiders as evidence of deficiency. Once hierarchies emerge through these subtle processes, another powerful psychological mechanism begins to operate.

Political psychologist John Jost describes a phenomenon known as system justification: the unconscious tendency to interpret existing social arrangements as fair or legitimate simply because those arrangements already exist. Shannon McCoy explains that the mechanism operates across society. Even people disadvantaged by a hierarchy may internalize and defend it, not because they are irrational, but because accepting the system as legitimate can make the world feel more stable, predictable, and morally ordered.

That point is crucial. Social hierarchies do not survive only because powerful groups enforce them. They also persist because human cognition stabilizes them from the inside. This instinct becomes even stronger when societies feel threatened. Jost’s experiments suggest that when individuals are reminded of danger, such as economic insecurity, cultural change, or external enemies, their support for existing hierarchies often intensifies among both high-status and low-status groups. Under perceived threat, defending the system can begin to feel like defending morality itself.

That is why Trumpism cannot be defeated by treating it as a simple failure of information. When politics is framed around danger, invasion, humiliation, cultural loss, and national decline, the mind does not merely evaluate policy claims. It searches for protection. It searches for belonging. It searches for a figure who appears to defend the group and restore the hierarchy that threat has made feel endangered.

We sometimes see this dynamic in contemporary politics in ways that confound conventional analysis. Exit polls from the last election suggested that 54 percent of Hispanic men voted for Donald Trump, a candidate whose rhetoric about immigration and national identity many commentators assumed would alienate Latino voters. The point is not that those voters were mistaken or irrational. The point is that people positioned within complex social hierarchies can view the existing system as legitimate, protective, or aligned with their interests, especially when political conflict is organized around security, identity, masculinity, and threat.

Seen through this lens, one of the most baffling features of modern American politics becomes easier to understand. Commentators remain stunned by the durability of Donald Trump’s support because much political commentary still imagines voters as jurors evaluating evidence. The assumption is that if enough proof of misconduct, dishonesty, or cruelty accumulates, support should eventually collapse. But that assumes the evidence is being processed outside identity. It is not.

Criticism often strengthens loyalty rather than weakening it. Trump once claimed he could shoot someone on Fifth Avenue and not lose supporters. The remark was widely mocked as political bravado. From the perspective of social psychology, it was less implausible than it sounded. If the leader becomes fused with the group, attacks on the leader feel like attacks on the group. If the leader becomes the symbol of a threatened order, evidence against him can be experienced not as disqualification but as persecution.

That is the mirror Trump holds up. He is not simply a politician whose supporters overlook his flaws. He represents the kind of political figure human beings can produce when hierarchy, identity, and perceived threat become central to public life. Under those conditions, loyalty to the leader becomes entangled with defense of the group and the social order associated with it. From the outside, that loyalty can appear irrational. From the inside, it can feel like protecting something fundamental.

This is why the stakes are urgent now. The next election cycle will not simply be a contest between candidates or policies. It will be a test of how deeply identity, hierarchy, and perceived threat can mobilize the unconscious instincts that stabilize social systems. Political analysts will again ask why this scandal mattered less than expected, why that lie did not move the polls, why that cruelty did not repel supporters, why that contradiction did not break the coalition. They will be asking the wrong question if they do not first ask what the mind is protecting.

There is another reason these patterns are so hard to interrupt. Human beings are not psychologically built to experience every injustice around them as a constant moral emergency. Research on psychic numbing and compassion fade shows that emotional responsiveness often weakens as suffering becomes larger, more statistical, or less individually identifiable. System justification research further suggests that people often adopt beliefs that reduce anxiety, guilt, discomfort, and moral distress about existing inequality.

This unconscious dampening of moral alarm helps explain why systemic racism can persist even in societies where large majorities of citizens sincerely reject racism. It also helps explain why political movements organized around identity and hierarchy can remain stable even when their contradictions are obvious to outside observers. The mind turns recurring injustice into background noise. It converts hierarchy into normal life. Then it punishes those who insist the background is the emergency.

The forces stabilizing inequality may not lie primarily in malicious individuals or deliberate conspiracies. They may lie in the unconscious cognitive mechanisms that allow human societies to function at all. If that is true, then the persistence of systemic inequality and the durability of figures like Donald Trump should not surprise us. They are not anomalies. They are predictable consequences of how human minds organize social life when hierarchy, fear, and identity are allowed to govern perception.

Understanding these mechanisms is uncomfortable, but ignoring them will not make them disappear. That is why I wrote A Critical Race Approach to Systemic Inequity: to expose the human machinery that allows inequality to survive inside societies that sincerely believe they have rejected it, and to show why our current political climate cannot be understood without confronting the unconscious processes we would rather ignore.

The way forward is disruption, not violence, not chaos, and not spectacle for its own sake. What must be disrupted are the human heuristics that make hierarchy feel natural, threat feel righteous, and cruelty feel like common sense. There is no easy path through this. But these instincts must be interrupted. Good people have to do more than prove Trumpism wrong. They have to disrupt the cognitive and institutional conditions that make it feel right to the people it mobilizes.

The current approach of exposing hypocrisy, cataloging misconduct, correcting misinformation, and assuming that enough evidence will finally break the spell has not defeated Trumpism. From 2016 to 2024, it helped strengthen it. Unless we understand the “isms” as more than conscious prejudice, unless we see them as powerful human sorting systems that organize identity, fear, loyalty, and moral judgment, we will never defeat this movement.

Rory Bahadur is the author of A Critical Race Approach to Systemic Inequity and the James R. Ahrens Professor of Law at Washburn University School of Law but his views are his own and do not represent those of Washburn University.