FacebookTwitterGoogle+RedditEmail

The Cairo Junta and Its Washington Paymasters

As we watch the Egyptian military and police forces kill and maim their fellow Egyptians we can wonder if Washington will cut off all aid to the Egyptian junta.  That’s what it is, a junta.  Even if it was a progressive military coup (which it is not), it would still be in power because of a coup.  Therefore, it is a junta.

Democracy in the modern world is deceptive.  In a true expression of its origins in the bourgeois revolutions of the 18th century, modern day democracy represents one class in every society where it exists.  That class is the current version of the bourgeoisie.  In the United States, this means the government represents the wealthy and the middle class.  In other nations that are nominal democracies, the class makeup of the represented is essentially the same.  Naturally, this represented class makes certain its military and police forces are on the same side as they are, even though the rank and file in these agencies are often from the working and lumpen classes.

Morsi’s election in 2012 was relatively fraud-free.  As any observer knows, completely clean elections rarely ever happen, especially in countries where powerful forces are competing for complete control.  This is certainly the case in revolutionary Egypt.  In part because the left and liberal forces of the revolution were divided and split the non-Muslim Brotherhood/Salafist vote, he was elected about as democratically as can be expected; certainly as democratically as George Bush was elected to the White House in 2000. However because of where the true interests of the Muslim Brotherhood lie, Morsi began to accede to the demands of Washington and the international capitalist system.  Still, he failed to move quickly enough for the real powerbrokers and continued to represent a threat to them.  The negotiations for an IMF loan dragged because of popular and left opposition to the implementation of austerity regimens demanded by the IMF.  As the economy dragged down, the military continued conspiring to regain power while the liberals, the left and some religious parties organized larger and larger protests.  These protests culminated in the massive demonstrations of June 30, 2013 that brought millions into the streets across the country.

When it was all over, the military had arrested Morsi and several members of his government.  Morsi supporters and others opposed to the coup set up protest camps in cities around the country.  The military was now running the country and Washington’s response was a typical mishmash of semantics, lies and denial, with the end result being that US military and other aid would continue to flow to the generals.  As part of the requirement for that aid, Morsi would be charged with aiding a terrorist organization (Hamas).  Some elements of the Morsi opposition would come out in support of the military junta.  This allowed the generals to find some sycophantic power hungry stooge to serve as their president and provide a façade of legitimacy to their rule.  In the days that followed, the president began appointing ministers. Eleven of the eighteen appointments are former military officials and two are ex-police generals.  The results of these and other appointments are being shown on television and computer screens around the world as I write.  The video is of people burned to death in their tents and bloodied protesters; corpses stacked in makeshift hospitals in Cairo and elsewhere; a government official praising the restraint of the police and military; and members of various leftist organizations decrying the violence and the junta.

The revolution in Egypt is at a crossroads.  The forces of reaction have laid another of their cards on the table.  It is one of the bloodiest cards every played in Egypt’s recent history.  Once the Muslim Brotherhood is crushed, the opposition forces secular and religious, leftist and liberal may be once again under the boot of the Egyptian generals, wondering how they could have supported the coup in the first place.   Only those who have refused to support the Morsi regime at any time can claim revolutionary foresight.  The junta’s paymasters in Washington, Cairo and beyond have much to answer for.  It’s time we demand the answers.

Ron Jacobs is the author of the just released novel All the Sinners, Saints. He is also the author of  The Way the Wind Blew: a History of the Weather Underground and Short Order Frame Up and The Co-Conspirator’s Tale. Jacobs’ essay on Big Bill Broonzy is featured in CounterPunch’s collection on music, art and sex, Serpents in the Garden.  His third novel All the Sinners Saints is a companion to the previous two and is due out in April 2013.  He is a contributor to Hopeless: Barack Obama and the Politics of Illusion, published by AK Press.  He can be reached at: ronj1955@gmail.com.

 

 

 

 

More articles by:

Ron Jacobs is the author of Daydream Sunset: Sixties Counterculture in the Seventies published by CounterPunch Books. His latest offering is a pamphlet titled Capitalism: Is the Problem.  He lives in Vermont. He can be reached at: ronj1955@gmail.com.

Weekend Edition
December 14, 2018
Friday - Sunday
Andrew Levine
A Tale of Two Cities
Peter Linebaugh
The Significance of The Common Wind
Bruce E. Levine
The Ketamine Chorus: NYT Trumpets New Anti-Suicide Drug
Jeffrey St. Clair
Roaming Charges: Fathers and Sons, Bushes and Bin Ladens
Kathy Deacon
Coffee, Social Stratification and the Retail Sector in a Small Maritime Village
Nick Pemberton
Praise For America’s Second Leading Intellectual
Robert Hunziker
The Yellow Vest Insurgency – What’s Next?
Patrick Cockburn
The Yemeni Dead: Six Times Higher Than Previously Reported
Nick Alexandrov
George H. W. Bush: Another Eulogy
Brian Cloughley
Principles and Morality Versus Cash and Profit? No Contest
Michael Duggin
Climate Change and the Limits of Reason
Victor Grossman
Sighs of Relief in Germany
Ron Jacobs
A Propagandist of Privatization
Robert Fantina
What Does Beto Have Against the Palestinians?
Richard Falk – Daniel Falcone
Sartre, Said, Chomsky and the Meaning of the Public Intellectual
Andrew Glikson
Crimes Against the Earth
Robert Fisk
The Parasitic Relationship Between Power and the American Media
Stephen Cooper
When Will Journalism Grapple With the Ethics of Interviewing Mentally Ill Arrestees?
Jill Richardson
A War on Science, Morals and Law
Ron Jacobs
A Propagandist of Privatization
Evaggelos Vallianatos
It’s Not Easy Being Greek
Nomi Prins 
The Inequality Gap on a Planet Growing More Extreme
John W. Whitehead
Know Your Rights or You Will Lose Them
David Swanson
The Abolition of War Requires New Thoughts, Words, and Actions
J.P. Linstroth
Primates Are Us
Bill Willers
The War Against Cash
Jonah Raskin
Doris Lessing: What’s There to Celebrate?
Ralph Nader
Are the New Congressional Progressives Real? Use These Yardsticks to Find Out
Binoy Kampmark
William Blum: Anti-Imperial Advocate
Medea Benjamin – Alice Slater
Green New Deal Advocates Should Address Militarism
John Feffer
Review: Season 2 of Trump Presidency
Rich Whitney
General Motors’ Factories Should Not Be Closed. They Should Be Turned Over to the Workers
Christopher Brauchli
Deported for Christmas
Kerri Kennedy
This Holiday Season, I’m Standing With Migrants
Mel Gurtov
Weaponizing Humanitarian Aid
Thomas Knapp
Lame Duck Shutdown Theater Time: Pride Goeth Before a Wall?
George Wuerthner
The Thrill Bike Threat to the Elkhorn Mountains
Nyla Ali Khan
A Woman’s Selfhood and Her Ability to Act in the Public Domain: Resilience of Nadia Murad
Kollibri terre Sonnenblume
On the Killing of an Ash Tree
Graham Peebles
Britain’s Homeless Crisis
Louis Proyect
America: a Breeding Ground for Maladjustment
Steve Carlson
A Hell of a Time
Dan Corjescu
America and The Last Ship
Jeffrey St. Clair
Booked Up: the 25 Best Books of 2018
David Yearsley
Bikini by Rita, Voice by Anita
FacebookTwitterGoogle+RedditEmail