FacebookTwitterGoogle+RedditEmail

Plucking the Chords of Change

In 1912, a future U.S. Presidential candidate, Adlai Stevenson accidentally killed a 16-year-old girl at his childhood home when he was performing a drill technique with a .22 rifle which he thought was unloaded. Even though no charges were filled, he was grief-stricken and full of doubts about his worth. However, as the Governor of Illinois, he was told about a teenager who had survived an automobile accident while his friend was killed. Stevenson told the teen’s father that he should tell his son that “he now has to live for two”, which Stevenson’s friends took to be a reference to the shooting incident

When hundreds of college age students headed for the rural communities of Mississippi in the summer of 1964 to set up community centers, freedom schools, libraries, health and legal services as well as work on voter registration, destiny called upon them to live for the rest of their lives not for two but for four. Three members of the famed Freedom Summer would be murdered by the Ku Klux Klan in Philadelphia, Mississippi.

The other participants would forever feel the resonance of the lost lives of James Earl Chaney, Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner whose car was stopped and burned on June 21; their bodies were recovered much later buried in a dam.

The Freedom Summer participants became sponges for the nation’s guilt at the corrosive hatred which had mandated the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee to utilize Freedom Summer to organize its first political power base at a national political convention. The volunteer and staff efforts were to be centered upon the organization of the black Mississippi Freedom Democratic party, led by an evicted sharecropper, Fannie Lou Hamer. Ms. Hamer had lost most of the sight of one eye from beatings in jails, but her indomitable vision was to unseat the white Mississippi delegation and allow the disenfranchised black community to select the next President of the United States.

America’s guilt was vast when the bodies of the two white college students were pulled from the dam with the corpse of the black organizer, James Chaney. They had not pulled the trigger as Adlai Stevenson had in 1912, but the victims were just as dead.

The press swarmed around the white privileged volunteers, probing their motivations for putting their feet in the fire of the apartheid cauldron. Rita Schwerner, the wife of the slain Michael noted that if her husband and Andrew Goodman had been Negroes, most of the ensuing national attention would not be existent. One volunteer, Sally Belfrage wrote in her memoir, Freedom Summer , that she heard a white man say in Mississippi to writer James Baldwin who was visiting the project: “I feel victimized by some of the things you wrote…I feel personal guilt for your condition. But it is not my fault. What can I do?’ Baldwin answered, ‘That you are guilty and I bitter is the state of things. It is not my fault. It is not enough to feel guilty. Change things.’’

And change things they did.

The manifestations of their change has new relevance in light of a recent study done at the suggestion of Wendy Kopp, the founder of Teach for America, a corps of recent college graduates who teach in high-risk schools. The program is nearing its twentieth anniversary and Ms. Kopp wished to compare the level of civic activism exhibited by graduates of the program compared to others who dropped out of the program and those who were accepted but declined the acceptance. The study was patterned after one done by the same Stanford professor who surveyed Freedom Summer graduates and found that after time in Mississippi nearly all volunteers were still engaged in progressive activism.

The Teach for America study found that those accepted and declined the invitation to join as well as those who dropped out before the two year committed actually manifested more involvement in areas like voting, charitable giving and civic engagement than those who completed their tour of duty in a school. This is important in terms of the program design of Teach for America since an organizational goal was initially included of “making citizens who took their civic commitments beyond the field of

Some “experts” have postulated that exhaustion and burnout may account for the lack of community involvement, while others felt that the experience of teaching in the troubled schools may have lead to a broader disillusionment with the capacity to initiate change.

But where are the songs that have been written and sung from the teachers and students in Teach for America?

Many veterans of charismatic movements have often found that change is often best reflected in the songs that are composed by those who place their bodies on the line for service. Most of the movement meetings in the summer of 1964 were held in small churches in Mississippi. Kwame Toure (earlier named Stokely Carmichael) noted in his autobiography that he often drew strength in a pew while the Klan drove by flashing their headlights by singing the words of a spiritual, “Guide my feets, Lord, while I run this race, for I don’t want to run this race in vain.” Toure and other organizers felt that there was a balm in Gilead to soothe their fears.

The tradition of singing continued in movements that emerged from the matrix of the Civil Rights movement. The antiwar movement benefited by the anthem “I Ain’t Marching Anymore” written by Phil Ochs who was part of the Caravan of Music Project Mississippi in 1964. Bob Dylan’s “Blowing in the Wind” became emblematic of internal and external turmoil felt by those seized by the prospect of change in all areas. Indeed, Ms, Ella Baker’s keynote address at the first state convention of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party included the words: “We who believe in freedom cannot rest…” became the signature words in a song composed by the world wide singing group, Sweet Honey in the Rock.

The experiences of Teach for America veterans contain little of the linkage with the community and the land that Freedom Summer produced. This writer met a dropout from Teach from America who left his school assignment after his efforts to involve parents in their children’s progress were condemned by his principal who admonished him that: “There is no room for parent involvement in this school!” Another Teach for America volunteer was dismissed from his school after an incident involving two students who left class and were found having sex—despite the teacher’s obedience to regulations which state that a teacher is to stay with his class at all times. The bureaucracy used him as the whipping boy in the controversy.

Freedom Summer veterans were frequently involved in education but Lawrence Lader, author of Power on the Left: American Radical Movements since 1946 noted that “one aim of the freedom schools was to prepare blacks for political leadership…classes were always linked to the movement. French teachers conjugated, ‘we love freedom.’ Math classes centered on practical examples of installment buying. Farmers were taught about untapped sources of financial aid.”

By educating the educators prepared themselves for dramatic new roles in their future lives. The New Left had learned the pragmatic organizational lessons in the South and carried them to new arenas. One of the first parallel agendas occurred on September 14, 1964 when student organizational tables used by civil rights groups were banned in a certain area of the University of California at Berkeley campus. The ensuing turmoil became one of this country most disruptive student uprisings and protest—the Free Speech Movement. (FMS) Its most dynamic speaker was a former teacher in a Mississippi freedom school, Mario Savio. He wrote to a friend, I’m tired of reading history, I want to make it.” The FSM demonstrations ultimately resulted in over eight hundred arrests and set the stage for many more student demonstrations around the country.

Robert Moses, who led the Mississippi project for three years after dropping out of Harvard Graduate School, left to become active in the antiwar movement, telling audiences, “Don’t use Mississippi as a lightening rod, and use it as a looking glass.” He eventually used a MacArthur “genius” grant to develop a new early intervention method to increase mathematical literacy in black youth.

The songs sung in churches in Mississippi continue to sway the feet and hearts of generations to come. They are living for three and four and multitudes. Perhaps the leaders of Teach for America can find new program concepts in their efforts—concepts that deal with the need for organization and inclusiveness in the families that send their children to school.

FREDERICK B. HUDSON is a columnist for A Good Black Man. He can be reached at: FHdsn@aol.com

 

 

 

More articles by:

January 17, 2019
Stan Cox
That Green Growth at the Heart of the Green New Deal? It’s Malignant
David Schultz
Trump vs the Constitution: Why He Cannot Invoke the Emergencies Act to Build a Wall
Paul Cochrane
Europe’s Strategic Humanitarian Aid: Yemen vs. Syria
Tom Clifford
China: An Ancient Country, Getting Older
Greg Grandin
How Not to Build a “Great, Great Wall”
Ted Rall
Our Pointless, Very American Culture of Shame
John G. Russell
Just Another Brick in the Wall of Lies
Patrick Walker
Referendum 2020: A Green New Deal vs. Racist, Classist Climate Genocide
Kevin Zeese - Margaret Flowers
Uniting for a Green New Deal
Matt Johnson
The Wall Already Exists — In Our Hearts and Minds
Jesse Jackson
Trump’s Flailing will get More Desperate and More Dangerous
Andrew Stewart
The Green New Deal Must be Centered on African American and Indigenous Workers to Differentiate Itself From the Democratic Party: Part Three
January 16, 2019
Patrick Bond
Jim Yong Kim’s Mixed Messages to the World Bank and the World
John Grant
Joe Biden, Crime Fighter from Hell
Alvaro Huerta
Brief History Notes on Mexican Immigration to the U.S.
Kenneth Surin
A Great Speaker of the UK’s House of Commons
Elizabeth Henderson
Why Sustainable Agriculture Should Support a Green New Deal
Binoy Kampmark
Trump, Bolton and the Syrian Confusion
Jeff Mackler
Trump’s Syria Exit Tweet Provokes Washington Panic
Barbara Nimri Aziz
How Long Can Nepal Blame Others for Its Woes?
Glenn Sacks
LA Teachers’ Strike: When Just One Man Says, “No”
Cesar Chelala
Violence Against Women: A Pandemic No Longer Hidden
Kim C. Domenico
To Make a Vineyard of the Curse: Fate, Fatalism and Freedom
Dave Lindorff
Criminalizing BDS Trashes Free Speech & Association
Thomas Knapp
Now More Than Ever, It’s Clear the FBI Must Go
Binoy Kampmark
Dances of Disinformation: The Partisan Politics of the Integrity Initiative
Andrew Stewart
The Green New Deal Must be Centered on African American and Indigenous Workers to Differentiate Itself From the Democratic Party: Part Two
Edward Curtin
A Gentrified Little Town Goes to Pot
January 15, 2019
Patrick Cockburn
Refugees Are in the English Channel Because of Western Interventions in the Middle East
Howard Lisnoff
The Faux Political System by the Numbers
Lawrence Davidson
Amos Oz and the Real Israel
John W. Whitehead
Beware the Emergency State
John Laforge
Loudmouths against Nuclear Lawlessness
Myles Hoenig
Labor in the Age of Trump
Jeff Cohen
Mainstream Media Bias on 2020 Democratic Race Already in High Gear
Dean Baker
Will Paying for Kidneys Reduce the Transplant Wait List?
George Ochenski
Trump’s Wall and the Montana Senate’s Theater of the Absurd
Binoy Kampmark
Dances of Disinformation: the Partisan Politics of the Integrity Initiative
Glenn Sacks
On the Picket Lines: Los Angeles Teachers Go On Strike for First Time in 30 Years
Jonah Raskin
Love in a Cold War Climate
Andrew Stewart
The Green New Deal Must be Centered on African American and Indigenous Workers to Differentiate Itself From the Democratic Party
January 14, 2019
Kenn Orphan
The Tears of Justin Trudeau
Julia Stein
California Needs a 10-Year Green New Deal
Dean Baker
Declining Birth Rates: Is the US in Danger of Running Out of People?
Robert Fisk
The US Media has Lost One of Its Sanest Voices on Military Matters
FacebookTwitterGoogle+RedditEmail