So now we have Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage wading into local Australian politics with the latest Bush administration attack on the ALP’s Iraq withdrawal plan (see Howard’s 2004 Tampa: director George Bush). Armitage doesn’t waste time like President Bush. He goes right for ALP leader Mark Latham by name:
“Mr Latham criticised the Howard Government for, in his words, having failed policies that hurt Australia in five unacceptable ways and went on to blame high petrol prices on President Bush, in effect. That is not the fact of the case. Anybody who analyses the oil markets would be able to tell the ALP that. I also take great exception to the claim that the policies in Iraq have made Australia a bigger target. I was under the very strong impression that Bali happened prior to any military activities in Iraq. So I am somewhat confused by these statements.” (from The Australian, June 9, 2004)
So who is Richard Armitage? None other than a former board member of CACI–the private contractor that employed four interrogators at Abu Ghraib prison–interrogators who worked with the 205th Military Intelligence Brigade there.
General Taguba singled out one of these CACI interrogators in his report on prison abuses at Abu Ghraib. He was Steven Stefanowicz, former naval intelligence and Adelaide resident for 18 months until October 2002. Stefanowicz emailed a friend in early May of this year that he had seen enough of Iraq and wanted to come back to Adelaide. Immigration Minister Vanstone replied that his application would be reviewed just like any other application. Since then Stefanowicz has apparently decided to stay in the U.S., where he apparently returned in late May.
Meanwhile, CACI is being investigated by no less than 5 US agencies for possible contract violations. According to The Washington Post, CACI has some 92% of its contracts in defense, and many wonder how they got the contracts. Having friends in high places never hurts.
Apparently hiring interrogators for prison use was not specified in CACI’s contracts (obtained through the Interior Department–but, strangely, administered by the Defense Department). Abu Ghraib prison MPs are being court martialled for their actions against prisoners, including torture and sexual abuse–as they should. But one of the key “team leaders”–Steven Stefanowicz–is home free because he is not employed by the U.S. government. He cannot be court martialled–because he is a civilian!
Armitage, meanwhile, has been a key contact for the Howard government in terms of the two Australian citizens (Hicks and Habib) imprisoned in Guantanamo Bay by the U.S. military. The Age has reported that the head of Australia’s foreign affairs department Dr. Ashton Calvert met with Armitage and Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs James Kelly near the end of May.
Calvert urged the U.S. government to speed up the resolution of the case involving Hicks and Habib. He also raised allegations of Hicks’s mistreatment while in Afghanistan. Armitage and Kelly told Calvert that they were working with the Pentagon to provide “a full and appropriate response” to the allegations made about Hicks.
Did Foreign Affairs Minister Alexander Downer direct Calvert to pursue this issue with Armitage? Was Downer aware that Armitage had former connections with CACI, so was hardly a reliable source for information on Guantanamo. After all, the man in charge of Guantanamo interrogations, U.S. Army General Miller, took Guantanamo techniques to Iraq and into Abu Ghraib? Were either Downer or Calvert aware that CACI was using Guantanamo techniques of interrogation inside Abu Ghraib by October 2003?
All of this is now public knowledge that anyone can easily find on the internet. So what type of investigation was this by our Foreign Affairs Department under Minister Downer’s direction?
Armitage’s past helps explain why he now is interfering directly in Australian politics. He was indirectly connected with the Iran-Contra scandal when he served in the Reagan administration as Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs. He had direct knowledge of the diversion of funds, from arms sold to Iran (illegally–but approved by Reagan), that were syphoned through the CIA to the Contras (illegally–but again, approved by Reagan) for CIA-directed use against the Sandinista government in Nicaragua.
Armitage, like some other officials in the Reagan administration, did not like the illegality of the whole operation–but they did not come forward with their knowledge–and Armitage, in his Defense position, would most likely have known most of the details.
Armitage served in Vietnam during that war, but according to his biography on the State Department website he “left active duty in 1973 and joined the U.S. Defense Attache Office, Saigon”. “Immediately prior to the fall of Saigon, he organised and led the removal of Vietnamese naval assets and personnel from the country.”
Like Stefanowicz, Armitage served in Naval intelligence, though unlike Stefanowicz he graduated from the U.S. Naval Academy.
Among his later postings for the U.S. government were Teheran in Iran on behalf of the Pentagon in 1975-76, when the CIA-installed Shah was still in power in 1975-76. In the first Bush administration he was the key negotiator on U.S. bases in the Philippines.
Armitage’s main task at the moment is to bring Australia into line with U.S. military objectives–even if these include how the U.S. operates its overseas prisons like Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay. Armitage wants bases in Australia and wants political leaders in our country to accept these. And he wants our political leaders to shut up if they have any criticisms of Bush policies.
For Mark Latham and the ALP to be attacked by someone like Armitage is an honour–not just in political terms. To stand up to the bullying by Armitage and the Bush administration is to stand up for Australian independence and against dominance by U.S. government military interests.
***
Steven Anthony Stefanowicz [1], the Abu Ghraib Prison scandal, CACI, and the links to Australia–a chronology
1970: Steven Anthony Stefanowicz born. [2] Grows up in Telford, PA., some 25 miles northwest of Philadelphia.
1984-1988: Attends Souderton Area High School–plays centre on school basketball team (he is 6 foot, 5 inches as an adult) and is considered a class leader who is generally very popular. [3]
1988: Graduates from Souderton Area School District High School (Pennsylvania) [4]
1995: Graduates from University of Maryland.
Feb. 20, 1998: Steven Stefanowicz enlists in the U.S. Navy Reserve, following family tradition. Serves in Pennsylvania, Washington, and Florida (length of time?) in intelligence, most likely because he asked for it according to a Navy spokesman. Meets Joanna Buttfield, an Australian who is working in the U.S. as an occupational therapist. [5]
May 1999: CACI adds a new member to its board, Richard Armitage, who will later be Deputy Sec. of State in the administration of President George W. Bush. [6]
Late 1999: Stefanowicz leaves Philadelphia for Adelaide, Australia, where he will stay for 18 months. He comes with girlfriend Buttfield, but they are not engaged. [7]
2000–Sept. 2001: While in Adelaide, Stefanowicz works for Morgan and Banks as an IT recruitment consultant. Buttfield is a health worker in Adelaide. Former Morgan and Banks boss Peter Emmerton describes Stefanovicz as “the most reliable, straight-up-and-down, good human you could imagine, gentle as a lamb”. [8]
Sept. 11, 2001: Terrorist attacks on the United States.
Sept. 16, 2001: The Sunday Mail reports the responses of four Americans in Adelaide to the S11 attacks, including Stefanowicz: “It was one of the most incredible and most devastating things I have ever seen. I have been in constant contact with my family and frineds in the U.S. and the mood was very solemn and quiet. But this is progressing into anger.” Those quoted in the article are Jerry Kleeman, Chairman of American Chamber of Commerce in South Australia; Stefanowicz; Al Green, former Adelaide National Basketball championship player and New York native; and Bruce Jacobssen, 46, who grew up in New York and has been in Australia for 15 years. [9]
October, first week, 2001: Stefanowicz returns to the United States to re-enlist in the armed forces. [10] Girlfriend Buttfield remains in Adelaide. [11] Within a few weeks he requests a full-time, active-duty position in the Navy. [12]
Feb. 8, 2002: Stefanowicz becomes an Intelligence Specialist 3rd Class, U.S. Naval Reserve–receives “numerous awards, ribbons and medals during his service”. [13] Serves most of the year in Muscat, Oman. [14] A navy spokesman says his military record “shows not a blemish”. [15]
March 2003: The U.S. led coalition invades and occupies Iraq.
Aug. 2003: CACI gets one-year contract to provide interrogators at Abu Ghraib prison. CACI has 27 interrogators stationed throughout Iraq, according to spokesman for U.S. Central Command, as of the first week of May, 2004. [16]
Sept. 2003: Stefanowicz leaves his last Naval posting at Willow Grove, Pennsylvania and receives a number of military honours, including a medal for meritorious service. His rank is Intelligence Specialist 3rd Class [17], which he’s held for 20 months. To work for CACI as an interrogator he would be required to work for 2 years in U.S. military intelligence. This is not only a CACI stipulation, but is a requirement under the Department of Defence contract given to CACI. [18] Therefore, it can be assumed that Stefanowicz most likely entered Naval intelligence work in Oct. 2001 when he returned to the U.S. from Australia. His previous naval intelligence work in the Reserves would have qualified him for this new position. Given Stefanowicz’s continuous activity in intelligence–including highly classified work while at Abu Ghraib, in a leadership position there–the question might be raised about whether this also encompassed his 18 month stay in Adelaide. Jerry Kleeman, chairman of American Chamber of Commerce in SA, receives email from Stefanowicz saying he is looking for another job in Adelaide–probably during this period. [19] Kleeman knew Stefanowicz when he lived in Adelaide, and no doubt was the source for the interview published on September 16, 2001.
Oct. 2003: Stefanowicz gets position with CACI in Iraq, and earns more than $US100,000 a year. He quickly becomes a team leader in interrogation at Abu Ghraib. A number of prisoners recall him during interrogations, but there are no photos of him as of May 2004 publicly released. [20] It is not known how Stefanowicz got the CACI position–whether he responded to a public advertisement or got an inside lead. No public information is available regarding when the CACI contract at Abu Ghraib began, but it may have been when General Miller (head of Guantanamo operations) came to Iraq to bring in tougher interrogation techniques.
Oct–Dec 2003: Worst point of prison abuses in Abu Ghraib, with many photos that document it.
Jan. 2004: Investigation and report by General Taguba. Stefanowicz is singled out as the key civilian interrogator involved in the abuse, CACI identified as his employer and MPs in abuse photos claim interrogators directed them. Taguba recommends that Stefanowicz be fired. However, Stefanowicz will continue working in the prison through to early May, and for CACI to late May, when he returns to the U.S. Regarding CACI, Taguba’s report notes (in Part 2 of investigation, specific findings of fact):
30. (U) In general, US civilian contract personnel (Titan Corporation, CACI, etc.), third country nationals, and local contractors do not appear to be properly supervised within the detention facility at Abu Ghraib. During our on-site inspection, they wandered about with too much unsupervised free access in the detainee area. Having civilians in various outfits (civilian and DCUs) in and about the detainee area causes confusion and may have contributed to the difficulties in the accountability process and with detecting escapes.
Regarding Stefanowicz, Taguba’s report notes (recommendation under Part 3 of the investigation):
11. (U) That Mr. Steven Stephanowicz, Contract US Civilian Interrogator, CACI, 205th Military Intelligence Brigade, be given an Official Reprimand to be placed in his employment file, termination of employment, and generation of a derogatory report to revoke his security clearance for the following acts which have been previously referred to in the aforementioned findings:
. Made a false statement to the investigation team regarding the locations of his interrogations, the activities during his interrogations, and his knowledge of abuses.
. Allowed and/or instructed MPs, who were not trained in interrogation techniques, to facilitate interrogations by “setting conditions” which were neither authorised and in accordance with applicable regulations/policy. He clearly knew his instructions equated to physical abuse. [21]
April 2004: Revelation of photos from Abu Ghraib prison. Revelation of General Taguba’s report by Seymour Hersh in The New Yorker. Political leaders (Bush, Blair) deny knowledge of the scandal until it was publicised in the media. Sec. of Defense Rumsfeld, it is revealed, knew of the report earlier but claims he didn’t realise the gravity of the abuse.
May 2004: Seven MPs are identified and prosecuted for Abu Ghraib prison abuses. Private contractor employees in interrogation and translation, including Stefanowicz, are not prosecuted. U.S. Defense Sec. Rumsfeld says that because they are privately employed, “disciplining contractor personnel is the contractor’s responsibility”. [22]
May, first week, 2004: Stefanowicz emails a friend (most like Kleeman in Adelaide) that he wants to return to Adelaide: “It’s safe to say I’ve seen enough for a lifetime here in Iraq, and it’s definitely time to come home.” [23]
May 8, 2004: Spokesman for Federal Immigration Minister Amanda Vanstone says the case (of Stefanowicz) would be assessed on its merits. “We can’t discuss details of individual cases, however, if Mr. Stefanowicz applies to come to Australia his application would be processed in the normal manner … That process includes checks as to an applicant’s character.” [24]
May 10, 2004: CACI chairman and CEO J.P. “Jack” London tells The Washington Post that none of the company’s employees have been removed from their duties and that CACI has not been informed by the government of any charges against its employees. London declines to confirm Stefanowicz’s identity or discuss his employment. Stefanowicz’s lawyer, Henry E. Hockeimer Jr., a partner at Hangley Aronchick Segal & Pudlin in Philadelphia denies his client did anything wrong: “Any meaningful review of the facts will inevitably lead to the conclusion that Mr. Stefanowicz’s conduct was both appropriate and authorized.” Hockheimer declined to elaborate on the status of investigation into Stefanowicz’s behaviour. [25]
May 11, 2004: Major General Geoffrey Miller, deputy commanding general for detention operations in Iraq tells United Press International that Stefanowicz is still working at Abu Ghraib prison in an administrative capacity. [26] Australian Defence Minister Robert Hill tells the Senate that no Australians had seen the prison abuse photos until they were made public in April, when he was asked when he first learned of the situation there. [27]
May, mid-month, 2004: Stefanowicz returns to the U.S. according to former girlfriend Buttfield. [28] It now appears unlikely that he will be coming back to Adelaide. No information is available on whether he still is employed by CACI. Red Cross reports, Amnesty International, military legal counsel and lawyer Stephen Kenny express concern for the welfare of Australian citizens Hicks and Habib in Cuba’s Guantanamo Bay as Taliban suspects. Kenny claims there is a video of Hicks being beaten, his source a released prisoner who later tells of Hicks’s treatment.
May 22, 2004: Head of Foreign Affairs Dr. Ashton Calvert meets Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage and Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs James Kelly. Calvert urges the U.S. government to speed up the resolution of the case involving Hicks and Habib. He also raises allegations of Hicks’s mistreatment in Afghanistan. Armitage and Kelly tell Calvert that they are working with the Pentagon to provide “a full and appropriate response” to allegations Hicks was mistreated while in detention in Afghanistan. Earlier in the week Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz dismissed claims that Hick had been mistreated when the Australian embassy raised the issue with him. Howard tells the press that he has ordered Australian officials to pursue the issue and have it investigated. [Earlier Howard had not pursued the issue–this appears to be the first public admission by him that he would take up the mistreatment charge.] [29]
The media reports do not disclose that Armitage was a board member of CACI, which has employed private contractors as interrogators throughout the U.S.–run Iraqi prison system–or that CACI interrogators appear to have used techniques brought in from Guantanamo by General Miller around October 2003.
May 23, 2004: Pentagon spokesman says that Australian officials could have learned of Abu Ghraib prison abuses as early as January 16, three days after Sec. of Defense Rumsfeld received the Taguba report, because the information was posted on the official website. The Sydney Morning Herald reports further revelations about the possibility of top Australian officials’ awareness:
A spokesman for the Pentagon, Lieutenant Colonel Jim Cassella, also confirmed that Australia could have learnt about the reports of abuse through ‘your senior in-country official in Iraq’ or Australia’s military representative at Centcom.
Last week, Defence Minister Robert Hill said Australia knew nothing about the abuse allegations until the International Committee of the Red Cross presented a report in February: “We relied on the US and we had every reason to believe the US would also treat them humanely and professionally.” [30]
May 27, 2004: CACI publicly announces it is being investigated by the U.S. General Services Administration over contracting rules violations and whether a possible ban from future government contracts. One major issue is that CACI was contracted for purchases of information technology services and equipment. The contract was made through the Defense Department, but administered by the Interior Department. Interior approved an Army request to use the contract to buy interrogation services. At issue is whether this fell outside the contract scope. CACI CEO London also said his company was aware of four other investigations into CACI involved at Abu Ghraib, including the Army’s Office of the Inspector General, the Defense Contract Audit Agency, the military intelligence investigation led by Major General George R. Fay, and the Interior Department’s inspector general. CACI got 92 percent of its revenue from federal clients in 2003. [31]
The Sydney Morning Herald reports that an Australian military lawyer was aware of abuse claims last October. John Howard confirms that Major George O’Kane had seen a report outlining ‘general concerns about detainee conditions and treatment’. He confirms that O’Kane ‘prepared a draft response’ to the Red Cross report on prisoner abuses. Major O’Kane was stationed at US military headquarters in Baghdad from September 2003 until February, working for its senior legal officer, Colonel Marc Warren. [32]
The SMH asks the Defence Department how far up the Australian chain command Major O’Kane had reported the International Red Cross complaints. The Department refuses to answer. [33] Labor’s Chris Evans states that a Senate Estimates Committee wants Major O’Kane to testify on the situation.
May 28, 2004: Defence Minister Robert Hill accused of misleading Parliament (see May 11 entry) during question time. He and his office deny the charge. Howard claims he only saw the February 2004 Red Cross report, distancing himself from Hill. The Red Cross undercuts PM Howard by responding: “It is for us important to understand that what appears in the report of February 2004 are observations that are consistent with those made earlier on several occasions, orally and in writing, throughout 2003.” The Red Cross had repeatedly made their concerns known to coalition forces, which would include Australia–and its Prime Minister, John Howard. [34]
June, first week–Howard meets with Bush in Washington–discussion includes situation in Iraq, Howard government’s support for U.S. policy there, and issue of two detainees in Guantanamo. Bush promises to look into the situation. Controversy over how much Howard knew about Abu Ghraib prison abuses–and when–continues.
DAVID PALMER, who writes a web diary for the Sydney Morning Herald, is a senior lecturer in American studies at Flinders University in Adelaide. He may be reached at: David.Palmer@flinders.edu.au
FOOTNOTES
[1] Stefanowicz’s last name has frequently been mispelled by news reporters, in some cases (including Gen. Taguba’s report) as “Stephanowicz” and in one case as “Stefanowicz” (Robert Fisk, The Independent).
[2] William Bunch, “Montoc man tied to prisoner abuse,” Philadelphia Daily News, May 6, 2004. “Stefanowicz (sic) was 31 years old” when the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks occurred. p
McCarthy below lists his age as 34 (in May 2004).
[3] “9/11 set Army contractor on path to Abu Ghraib,” New York Times, May 19, 2004.
[4] “Telford man implicated in Iraqi prison scandal,” Souderton Independent, May 12, 2004 at accessed 13/05/2004. Source was Deb Faulkner, reference librarian at Indian Valley Public Library, Telford, who provided details from 1988 high school yearbook.
[5] “9/11 set Army contractor on path to Abu Ghraib,” New York Times, May 19, 2004; “Telford man,” Souderton Independent, May 12, 2004 (source was U.S. Navy’s Chief of Naval Information Office at the Pentagon).
[6] Wall Street Journal, May 10, 1999.
[7] “9/11 set Army contractor on path to Abu Ghraib,” New York Times, May 19, 2004; “The SA sorrow: We feel violated,” StateSun / Sunday Mail–owned by Murdoch), published in Adelaide, Sept. 16, 2001.
[8] “9/11 set Army contractor on path to Abu Ghraib,” New York Times, May 19, 2004; “The SA sorrow: We feel violated,” StateSun / Sunday Mail, Sept. 16, 2001; “My man was no torturer, accused was a patriot, says ex,” Herald-Sun (Sydney), May 10, 2004 (source for information on Stefanowicz is Buttfield, who was interviewed for this article).
[9] “The SA sorrow: We feel violated,” StateSun / Sunday Mail, Sept. 16, 2001.
[10] Sarah Larson, “Former soldier in abuse case defended,” PhillyBurbs.com, May 11, 2004.
[11] “My man was no torturer, accused was a patriot, says ex,” Herald-Sun (Sydney), May 10, 2004.
[12] “9/11 set Army contractor on path to Abu Ghraib,” New York Times, May 19, 2004.
[13] “Telford man,” Souderton Independent, May 12, 2004. Source was Lt. Mike Kafda, Navy spokesman.
[14] Ellen McCarthy, “”CACI worker did nothing wrong, lawyer says,” at Washington Post, May 11, 2004. [15]
“9/11 set Army contractor on path to Abu Ghraib,” New York Times, May 19, 2004.
[16] McCarthy, “CACI worker did nothing wrong, lawyer says,” Washington Post, May 11, 2004.
[17] McCarthy, “CACI worker did nothing wrong, lawyer says,” Washington Post, May 11, 2004.
[18] “CACI emphasizes facts presented during Congressional testimony on Iraq prison investigation and requirements related to company’s U.S. military contracts.” CACI International Inc. News Release, May 5, 2004.
[19] “Iraq prison suspect seeks ‘home’ in SA–Interrogator wants out,” Sunday Mail (final edition), May 9, 2004.
[20] “9/11 set Army contractor on path to Abu Ghraib,” New York Times, May 19, 2004.
[21] The Taguba Report on treatment of Abu Ghraib prisoners in Iraq, ARTICLE 15-6 INVESTIGATION OF THE 800th MILITARY POLICE BRIGADE.
[22] “9/11 set Army contractor on path to Abu Ghraib,” New York Times, May 19, 2004.
[23] “Iraq prison suspect seeks ‘home’ in SA–Interrogator wants out,” Sunday Mail (final edition), May 9, 2004.
[24] “Iraq prison suspect seeks ‘home’ in SA–Interrogator wants out,” Sunday Mail (final edition), May 9, 2004.
[25] McCarthy, “CACI worker did nothing wrong, lawyer says,” Washington Post, May 11, 2004. [26] Bunch, “Montoc man tied to prisoner abuse,” Philadelphia Daily News, May 6, 2004.
[27] “PM and minister clash over timing of Iraq abuse alert,” The Sydney Morning Herald, May 28, 2004.
[28] “9/11 set Army contractor on path to Abu Ghraib,” New York Times, May 19, 2004.
[29] Marian Wilkinson, “Pentagon to report on Hicks, Habib treatment,” The Age, May 22, 2004. [30] “Iraq Abuse Unveiled in January” The Sydney Morning Herald, May 23, 2004.
[31] Ellen McCarthy, “CACI faces new probe of contract,” The Washington Post, May 28, 2004.
[32] “PM and minister clash over timing of Iraq abuse alert,” The Sydney Morning Herald, May 28, 2004.
[33] “PM and minister clash over timing of Iraq abuse alert,” The Sydney Morning Herald, May 28, 2004.
[34] “PM and minister clash over timing of Iraq abuse alert,” The Sydney Morning Herald, May 28, 2004.