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CounterPunch
October
25, 2002
Israel's Singles
Night Out:
Critics Charge that Divestment "Singles Out" Israel.
They Are Right.
by WILL YOUMANS
A little more than a week ago several hundred
college students from all over the United States met in Michigan
to further the growing campaign to divest American universities
of companies with holdings in Israel. The students gathered because
they share recognition of the importance of severing the US-Israeli
umbilical cord that feeds Israel's destructive military occupation
of the Palestinian people. They argue that Israel's discriminatory
legal and political structure vis-à-vis the non-citizen
Palestinians of the Occupied Territories is at the very least
a variant of Apartheid--the rights and security of Jews are prioritized
while Israel refers to the Palestinians as a collective "problem"--thus,
devoid of rights or the need for security.
Reactions to this nascent movement from
American opinion leaders have been nothing short of contemptuous.
The president of Harvard, and former Treasury Secretary under
Bill Clinton, Larry Summers, decried it as "anti-Semitic
in effect, if not in intent." A New York Times columnist,
or memoist rather, wrote that divestment's advocates were "dishonest"
and "hypocrites" because they "single out"
Israel. This past week, the original singling out that inspired
the divestment campaign in the first place shined its ugly head.
Ha'aretz reported that Israeli officials are asking for as much
as $10 billion in pure aid from the United States. This "proposal"
supposedly "stems from the United States' expected campaign
against Iraq coupled with the American desire that Israel not
interfere with Washington's plans or use IDF troops against Iraq."
That Israel could issue and reasonably
expect such an absurd request shows that it already enjoys a
special singled out status. Why would they need more money for
the less costly course of action? Intervening or using "IDF
troops against Iraq" would seem to merit the required aid,
but Israel does the opposite and charges the United States. If
the aid is granted, it will be time to send in the auditors to
review this fishy financial transaction.
What bewilders me is that so many critics
attack viciously the critical singling out of Israel by the divestment
campaign, but are actively supportive of singling out Israel
as a special ally and worthy recipient of disproportionately
high arms, aid, and trade. This is a contradiction because clearly
one's biggest ally and paraded model "light among nations"
should be held to an extent of scrutiny commensurate with the
favoritism bestowed upon it. Harvard Law professor Alan Dershowitz
is one of the most avid purveyors of this contradiction. In a
piece he published in the Harvard Crimson (9/23/2002), he charges
divestment supporters with singling out Israel, then goes on
to start three paragraphs with sentences that start with "Israel
is the only" to demonstrate its benevolence.
Clearly, it is not about "singling
out," it is about criticism, and Israel's supporters have
proven again to be intolerant of it. The interesting thing is
that the end goal of lifting US Aid to Israel is not really anti-Israel,
it is really merely seeking American neutrality. Divestment seeks
to transform the United States from being overtly pro-Israeli,
to just being impartial. No one is saying re-direct US aid to
the PA or invest all that money in Palestine!
A fantastic mystical aspect to this "singling
out" criticism of divestment is the principle it establishes:
no one should focus activism on one area or issue unless they
address every other one of equal or greater detriment. Only big-shot
columnists and prestigious university administrators could have
such an idiotically unworkable conception of activism.
Thomas Friedman's suggestion that divestment
activists should target Syria first is also laughable. According
to him, divestment activists should target a country that American
companies do not invest in, which is sort of like boycotting
a business that went bankrupt.
His other counter-examples, Egypt and
Saudi Arabia, admittedly make more sense. Their human rights
records are deplorable and they receive American aid and investment.
Israel is still more justified to target since it has a rights-based
democratic structure in place for one portion of those living
under its jurisdiction already. Divestment activists simply demand
that Israel extend it to everyone under its jurisdiction. No
such rights-based structure exists in Egypt, which gets its aid
for making peace with Israel, or Saudi Arabia, which functions
as the institutionalized guardian of western oil corporations.
Democratizing these will be easier once
Israel goes from being what Israeli professor Oren Yiftachel
calls an "ethnocracy" to a sincere democracy. The Arab
regimes will no longer be able to use Israel's treatment of the
Palestinians to divert its people from their own repression and
keep the perpetual police state the threat of Israel is used
to justify. After all, these countries will argue that American
calls for democracy are hypocritical so long as our biggest ally
gets away with Apartheid.
There is another important consideration.
Israel is much more dependent on trade with American corporations
than most other countries are. It is also much more reliant on
US foreign aid, which Israel receives the largest share of. Therefore,
it social responsibility obligation to US taxpayers, investors,
and consumers is the highest.
Noble Peace Prize winner Desmond Tutu
and Ian Urbina explained it perfectly: "Divestment from
apartheid South Africa was certainly no less justified because
there was repression elsewhere on the African continent."
Should we really lower our standards for Israel because there
are other countries with poor records?
There is a purely pragmatic reason why
American patriots should support divestment. Uncritical support
of Israel damages America's international stature. Nearly every
decent position the United States takes on human rights, refugees,
militarism, nuclear proliferation, and minority rights is easily
deemed an agenda-driven farce due to its contradictory support
for Israel. For example, the international community instantly
recognized the emptiness of President George Bush's citation
of UN resolution violations by Iraq as a justification for war.
Israel undermines far more.
This is not just about ending Israel's
Apartheidesque oppression of the Palestinians, it is about importing
respectability and consistency into American foreign policy.
To do that, we must change it where it is needed the most. The
United States will never be an honest broker for peace between
Israel and the Palestinians so long as its public and private
sectors have so much invested in Israel. Israel must be isolated
to be vulnerable to international pressure. George W. Bush is
not interested in peace beyond its expedience for other policy
priorities. American support for Israel shields it from international
criticism.
Divestment is not a knee-jerk, anti-Israel
reaction as critics maintain. The goal for divestment is an objective,
non-partisan American policy to replace its destructive, pro-Israeli
bias that ultimately furthers the wasting of lives on both sides.
Divestment advocates seek to disconnect Israel from America's
womb. This does what the United States has failed to do: treat
Israel as another country in the world's community of nations.
It is time Israel face the responsibilities and expectations
codified in international law and necessary for a peaceful resolution
to its conflict with the land's natives.
Divestment is fundamentally a strategy
for peace. It is a healthy, morally-sound and practical singling
out of Israel.
Will Youmans
is a third year law student at UC-Berkeley. You can e-mail him
at youmans@boalthall.berkeley.edu
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October 14,
2002
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