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December
3, 2004
Sasan
Fayazmanesh
The EU, the US, Israel and Iran
December
2, 2004
Tito
Tricot
No Justice in Chile: I'm a Torture
Survivor in a Country Where Torturers Still Run Free
Behzad
Yaghmaian
The Murder of Theo Van Gogh and Muslim Migration
Dr.
Susan Block
Lana and Me: Meetings with Remarkable Apes
Frank
/ Chowkwanyun
Liberalism and Its Bounds
Lee
Sustar
Standoff in Ukraine: the Bad v. the Corrupt
Patrick
Cockburn
Another Grim Record in Iraq
Mark
Engler
Seattle at Five
Michael
Donnelly
Something Stinks in South Bend: the Firing of Tyrone Willingham
Nate
Collins
The Bay Area Mall on an Ohlone Burial Grounds
Saul
Landau
The Assassination of Danilo Anderson
December
1, 2004
Phillip
Cryan
Associated with Whom? Rightist Bias
in Wire Coverage of Colombia
Dave
Zirin
What's the Matter with "Leon"?:
Budweiser's Racist Commercial
Ghali
Hassan
Iraq's Health Care Under the Occupation:
200 Children Die Every Day
Donna
J. Volatile
Beware Western Nations Threatening "Democracy"
Patrick
Cockburn
How Saddam Tried to Arm the Insurgency
Nick
Meo
Chemical War Over Afghanistan
Mike
Ferner
The Battle of Toledo
Mokhiber
/ Weissman
Shame and Determination on Global AIDS Day: 40 Million and Rising
Kathy
Kelly
Looking the Other Way: the Real Crimes
of the UN in Iraq
November
30, 2004
Jennifer
Van Bergen
The Veil of Secrecy
Toni
Nelson Herrera
Meeting Kurtz: When Art is a Crime
Paul
Craig Roberts
The Bush Delusions: Successful at Incompetence
Patrick
Cockburn
The Insurgency Strikes Back: There Are No Safe Havens in Iraq
Chuck
Munson
WTO Protests Five Years Later: Seattle Weekly Trashes Anti-Globalization
Movement
Adam
Williams
Citizenship Sold: Back to Business in Indiana
Gregory
Elich
A Dangerous Turn in the US Plans for
North Korea
Website
of the Day
Read Lynne Cheney's Lesbian Novel Online!
November
29, 2004
Dave
Lindorff
Blowback in Ukraine: The Hand of
the CIA?
Omar
Barghouti
"The Pianist" of Palestine:
Roadblock Concerto at Gunpoint
Mike
Whitney
The US Media and Fallujah: How to
Market a Siege
Uri
Avnery
The Abu Mazen Style: "Give Me
Some Credit!"
Matt
Vidal
Globalization and Economic Inequality: a Look at the Numbers
Patrick
Cockburn
An Interview with Iraq's Foreign
Minister
Alan
Farago
Sex Change and Salvation: God, Girly Men and Endocrine Disrupters
Justin
Huggler
Bhopal 20 Years Later
Antony
Loewenstein
How Australia Reported Arafat's Death and Legacy
Gary
Leupp
Ukraine: Poll Results Aren't the Real
Issue
Website
of the Day
Mosul: Images from a Kill Zone
November
27 / 28, 2004
Peter
Linebaugh
Torture & Neo-Liberalism with
Sycorax in Iraq
Alexander
Cockburn
What Happened to O'Reilly's Loofa?
Fred
Gardner
Ashcroft v. Raich: Medical Marijuana and the Supreme Court
Kathy
Kelly
What We Can Control
Diane
Christian
The Other Cheek: "Empire Doesn't Analyze, It Acts"
Gary
Leupp
One More Neocon Target: South (Yes, South) Korea
Lenni
Brenner
Equality and Rights of Return: Jefferson Instructs the New York
Times
Ron
Jacobs
Death Squads and Iraq's Elections: the Mysterious Murders of
the AMS Clerics
Joshua
Frank
An Interview with Kevin Zeese on Nader, Kerry and the ABB Crowd
Toni
Solo
The Murder of Danilo Anderson
Saul
Landau
Fallujah, the 21st Century Guernica
JoAnn
Wypijewski
Matthew Shepard Case 6 Years Later: Why Hate Crimes Laws are
No Cure for Homophobia
Justin
Taylor
Empire's Lawless Opportunities
Amos
Harel
The Case of Captain R.
Walter
A. Davis
Tabloid Justice
Stephen
Hendricks
God's Kind of Men
Poets'
Basement
Albert, LaMorticella and Ford
November
26, 2004
Peter
Feng
Gavin Newsom: Man or Machine?
Greg
Moses
It's the White Vote, Stupid
Liaquat
Ali Khan
The Devil's Work: Bush's Minority Appointments
Michael
Mandel / Gail Davidson
Why Bush Should Be Banned from Canada: a Memo to the Ministry
of Immigration
Dave
Lindorff
Nation of Sheep, Turkey of an Election: Urkrainians Show the
Way
Gary
Corseri
When Black Friday Comes...
Paul
Craig Roberts
Whatever Happened to Conservatives?
Website
of the Day
Iraq Pipeline Watch
November
25, 2004
Willliam
Loren Katz
Giving Thanks to Whom?: "Thanks
to God We Sent 600 Heathen Souls to Hell Today"
Mitchel
Cohen
Why I Hate Thanksgiving
Mike
Ferner
An Uncommon Mom
November
24, 2004
Gila
Svirsky
License to Kill: the Example of Violence
is Set by the State
Winslow
T. Wheeler
The
Other Mess in Congress
Christopher
Brauchli
The Company He Keeps: the Syndicate of Tom Delay
Dave
Lindorff
Double Standards on Exit Polls: Hypocrisy Sans Irony
Ron
Jacobs
The Occupation of Iraq is the Root of t he Problem
Ken
Sengupta
Witnesses: War Crimes in Fallujah
Diana
Barahona
The Final Holocaust or Why I Voted for Ralph Nader
John
L. Hess
Safire the Shameless
Jason
Leopold
Did Harvard Hire (Another) War Criminal?
Jeffrey
St. Clair
The Mark of McCain: the Senator Most Likely to Start a Nuclear
War
Map
of the Day
Now and Then: 2004 v. 1860
November
23, 2004
Forrest
Hylton
Bush and Uribe at the Beach
November
22, 2004
Dave
Zirin
Fight Night in the NBA: Selective Outrage
in Detroit
Paul
Craig Roberts
On to Iran: We Won't Get Fooled Again?
Michael
Mandel / Gail Davidson
Why Bush Should be Banned from Canada
Kathie
Helmkamp
Our Son: a Marine Who Won't Kill
Ken
Sengupta
The Triangle of Death: "This is Now the Most Dangerous Place
in Iraq"
Mike
Whitney
Greenspan's Hammer
Roger
Burbach
Why They Hate Bush in Chile
Website
of the Day
Fed Up with Government Lies and Corporate Spin?
November
20 / 21, 2004
Alexander
Cockburn
The Poisoned Chalice
Todd
May
Religion, the Election and the Politics of Fear
Abbas
Ahmed Ibrahim
The Horrors of Fallujah: a First-Hand Account
Kevin
Zeese
Mishandling Nader
Landau
/ Hassen
After Arafat
Tom
Barry
The Vulcans Consolidate Power: The Rise of Stephen Hadley
Fred
Gardner
Pot Shots: Ask Dr. Todd
Justin
E.H. Smith
Triumph of the Will: the Sequel
Carl
Estabrook
Where We Are Now
Gary
Leupp
Imperial History-Making vs. Reality-Based Thought: a Dialogue
Dave
Lindorff
Apocalypse Soon
Jenna
Michelle Liut
Plans Colombia and Patriota: Wanton Wastes of Money, Manpower
and Lives
Mickey
Z.
The Granma Moses of Radical Writing: an Interview with William
Blum
Greg
Moses
The Same Old Struggle Against Imperial America
Sharon
Smith
Abortion Rights and the Election: What Now?
Ron
Jacobs
Sandwiches and Car Bombs
Ben
Tripp
Raising d'Etre: Finding Money in Hollywood These Days
Richard
Oxman
Basketbrawl Two Pointer: Iraq Rules!
Gilad
Atzmon
Politics and Jazz
Poets'
Basement
LaMorticella, Albert, Ford, & Anon.
Website
of the Day
Voice of the Forest
Hot Stories
Alexander Cockburn
Behold,
the Head of a Neo-Con!
Subcomandante
Marcos
The
Death Train of the WTO
Norman Finkelstein
Hitchens
as Model Apostate
Steve Niva
Israel's
Assassination Policy: the Trigger for Suicide Bombings?
Dardagan,
Slobodo and Williams
CounterPunch Exclusive:
20,000 Wounded Iraqi Civilians
Steve
J.B.
Prison Bitch
Sheldon
Rampton and John Stauber
True Lies: the Use of Propaganda
in the Iraq War
Wendell
Berry
Small Destructions Add Up
CounterPunch
Wire
WMD: Who Said What When
Cindy
Corrie
A Mother's Day Talk: the Daughter
I Can't Hear From
Gore Vidal
The
Erosion of the American Dream
Francis Boyle
Impeach
Bush: A Draft Resolution
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December 3, 2004
The White Elephant
in the Room
Race
and Election 2004
By
BOB WING
The 2004 presidential contest was a
warning shot across the bow of all progressives. While the president
and the Republican pundits vastly overstate their "mandate,"
progressives need to become clear on the motion of racial politics
if we are to get ourselves in shape for the coming battles.
Many spin doctors would have
us believe that the story of the 2004 election turns on evangelicals
and moral values, the better to advance their rightwing agenda
in both the Democratic and Republican parties, not to speak of
the halls of power.
But an examination of the exit
polls shows something very different (though not at all new):
the centrality of race in U.S. politics. The bad news is that
the Republicans, trumpeting their program of aggressive war and
racism, swung the election by increasing their share of the white
vote to 58 percent. This represents a four-point gain over 2000;
a 12-point gain over 1996 and a grim18-point gain over 1992.
The good news is that people
of color--African Americans, Latinos, Native peoples, Asian Americans
and Arab Americans--surged to the polls in unprecedented numbers
and voted overwhelmingly in opposition to the Bush agenda despite
an unprecedented Republican attempt to intimidate them. People
of color constituted about 35 percent of new voters and, despite
their dazzling diversity, showed uncommon political unity.
A key lesson of this election
is that progressives and Democrats need to stop chasing the Republicans
to the right and instead adopt a clear vision that mobilizes
our main social constituencies and wins new allies. Only a long
term strategy that draws deeply and skillfully from the high
moral ground of peace, jobs and equality and refuses to cede
the South and Southwest to the right can enable us to staunch
the country's longstanding movement to the right. Otherwise what
Lani Guinier calls the "tyranny of the (white) majority"
will continue to lead us into authoritarianism and empire.
The bitter truth is that the
election marks a substantial and dangerous victory for the rightwing
forces in this country. Despite a presidency marked by numerous
impeachable offenses; despite daily exposure by the press over
many months of the administration's lying and incompetence; despite
both a disastrous war and an unprecedented loss of jobs; despite
an impressive effort by the Democrats, unions and allied groups
to mobilize and protect the vote; despite a massive voter turnout
led by African American voters; despite the fact that people
of color constituted 23 percent of all voters as opposed to 19
percent in the last election, the president turned a 500,000
vote loss in 2000 into a 3.5 million vote victory and the Republicans
increased their majorities in both the House and the Senate.
Progressives have much to be
proud of in our tremendous effort and substantial impact in the
2004 presidential election. But we must also face the fact our
loss was not the result simply of the Republicans having more
money or of a low voter turnout. The Republicans flat out organized
us and methodically found white voters receptive to their racist
program of "permanent war on terrorism at home and abroad."
THE MYTH OF
THE EVANGELICALS AND THE RIGHTWARD MOTION OF WHITES
There has been much talk by
the punditry about how the evangelicals were the key to the Republican
victory. They counsel the Democrats to move to the right to remain
politically competitive. There was indeed a tremendous mobilization
of Christian religious conservatives (and National Rifle Association
members) to work the campaign for the Republicans. They were
the critical ground troops for the Republicans but they were
not the critical voters.
Alan Abramowitz points out,
"Between 2000 and 2004, President Bush's largest gains occurred
among less religious voters, not among more religious voters."
Among those who attend church weekly or more, his gain was only
one point. But among those attending services a few times a month
he gained 4 points. From those attending a few times a year,
he increased his share by 3 points and from those who never attend
services he racked up a 4-point gain.
The emphasis on the evangelical
vote is a smokescreen motivated by the attempt by Republicans
(and conservative Democrats) to move the country rightwards.
Meanwhile, most pundits, left and right, refuse to squarely face
the white elephant in the room: race.
The Republican victory turned
almost exclusively on increasing its share of the white vote.
In 2000 Bush won the white vote by 12 points, 54-42; in 2004
he increased this to a 17-point margin, 58-41. That increase
translates into about a 4 million vote gain for Bush, the same
number by which Bush turned his 500,000 vote loss in 2000 into
a 3.5 million vote victory this time around.
This increase came mainly from
white women. Bush carried white men by 24 points in 2000 (60-36)
and increased that margin by only one point in 2004 (62-37).
But he increased his margin of victory among white women from
only 1 point in 2000 (49-48) to 11 points in 2004 (55-44). This
accounts for a 4 million plus vote swing for Bush. (Women of
color favored Kerry by 75-24.)
Another overlooked exit poll
result is that Kerry actually increased the Democrats' share
of the vote among rural and small town voters and held steady
among suburbanites. However, his share of the vote in cities
fell considerably. In cities of 500,000 or more Kerry won 60
percent of the vote, compared to 71 percent for Gore. Bush increased
his big city vote by 13 points, from 26 percent in 2000 to 39
percent in 2004. We are apparently looking at a significant rightward
motion among white women in big cities, a real blow to progressive
strategy.
CONTROVERSY
OVER THE LATINO VOTE
The other issue that has disguised
the centrality of race in this campaign has been the National
Exit Poll (NEP) survey of the Latino vote. The poll concluded
that Latinos voted for Kerry by 53-44, a steep decline from Gore's
62-35 victory among Latinos in 2000. But the NEP's results are
self-contradictory. Larger Latino exit polls show a tremendous
Latino turnout that went for Kerry by as much as 68 percent.
Since the NEP polls only 13,000
voters, the size of the sample for Latinos was very small and
therefore probably not very accurate. Latinos make up eight percent
of the electorate, and their geographic location (more urban)
and income/education (lower) are quite different from the majority
white population that shapes the polling sample.
In addition, the NEP does not
include the numerous Latino nationalities in appropriate proportions.
This is important because these nationalities differ politically.
For example Cubans tend to vote much more Republican than all
other Latino groups, while Puerto Ricans tend to vote more Democratic.
More importantly the NEP's
conclusion about the national Latino vote is not compatible with
its own state-by-state polling results. For example, the NEP
says that Bush won a mind-bending 64 percent of Latino votes
in the South, the region with the most Latino voters (35 percent
of the national total). But it simultaneously reported that Bush
won 56 percent of Latino votes in Florida, the state where Cuban
Republicans make up most of the Latino vote and 59 percent of
the Latino vote in Texas. Something is clearly wrong when it
is reported that the two states where Latinos are most likely
to vote Republican voted less Republican than the South as a
whole.
Indeed it is statistically
impossible for both the NEP's results for individual states in
the South and its conclusion that 64 percent of all Latinos in
the South voted for Bush to be correct.
The William C. Velásquez
Institute, as it has for many elections, performed a much larger
exit poll of Latinos. The Institute polled 1,179 Latino respondents
in 46 precincts across 11 states, and took into account the unique
demographic characteristics of Latinos. Its survey concluded
that Kerry won the Latino vote by 68-31, a strong showing in
the face of unprecedented efforts by Republican operatives and
Catholic priests to sway Latinos the other way.
It also found that 7.6 million
Latinos voted, a record number that represents an increase of
an impressive 1.6 million (27 percent) over 2000. This turnout
was even more remarkable considering the widespread attempts
by Republicans to intimidate Latino voters and the chronic shortages
of Spanish language ballots.
Antonio Gonzalez, president
of the Velásquez Institute, concludes, "President
Bush tried unsuccessfully to increase his support among Latinos.
The Democratsmessage appears to have resonated with Latinos.
REPUBLICAN
BREAKTHROUGH AMONG BLACKS?--NOT
The Republican spin-meisters,
as well as some "centrist" Democrats, are even claiming
a Republican breakthrough among African American voters based
on appealing to conservative Christian values. However, veteran
political consultants Cornell Belcher and Donna Brazile counter:
"Those who trumpet inroads by Bush into the African American
vote ignore history and show a strong prejudice against basic
arithmetic."
The NEP concluded that Kerry
won the black vote by an overwhelming 88-11 percent. Although
this is two points fewer than Gore won in 2000, those two points
are well within the margin of error of the poll. Even if correct,
the results indicate that Bush received a lower percentage of
the black vote than Nixon, Ford, Dole or Ronald Reagan in 1980.
This outcome is even more notable
when one considers that, according to a Nov. 17 public memo by
Belcher and Brazile, fully 60 percent of African Americans in
the key battleground states, where the Republicans messaged heavily
against abortion and gay marriage, consider themselves "born
again Christians."
Their polling also indicates
that, "The more likely African Americans are to be frequent
church goers, the more likely they are to identify themselves
as a strong Democrat." Clearly when pundits argue that the
Republicans won by appealing to "moral values" or "evangelicals,"
they should really qualify their statements racially.
Perhaps most importantly, Belcher
and Brazile point out that more than three million new black
voters thronged to the polls in 2004, accounting for more than
20 percent of the total voter increase. They also erased the
traditional 6-10 point voter participation gap between whites
and blacks and increased their percentage of all voters from
10 percent in 2000 to almost 12 percent this year.
Black voters defeated the unprecedented
Republican voter intimidation and suppression effort in the run-up
to the election. Belcher and Brazile conclude that, "The
real story is the reawakening of civic participation by African
Americans in 2004."
ASIAN AMERICANS
TREND DEMOCRATIC
Asian Americans also surged
to the polls in historic numbers and, in all their great internal
diversity, voted overwhelmingly Democratic.
The political trajectory of
Asian voters has been striking. Like most immigrant groups, most
Asians have historically registered and voted Democratic. However,
as their incomes rose and the percentage of Asian voters who
had fled Asian socialist countries climbed as a result of the
1965 immigration reform act, many became "Reagan Democrats"
in the 1980s. By the 1990s a higher percentage of Asians were
registered as independents than any other racial/ethnic group.
Asians were not included in
national exit polls until 1992. In that election, won by Clinton,
their Republican and independent bent showed through, with Bush
Sr. receiving 55 percent of the Asian vote, Perot 15 percent
and Clinton only 31 percent. However, since 1992 Asians have
turned strongly toward the Democrats. Clinton won 43 percent
in 1996, Gore won 54 percent and Kerry at least 58 percent. This
trend is probably connected to the hard right turn of the GOP
in the 1990s, especially its fierce attacks on immigrants.
The NEP sample of Asian American
voters was tiny, as Asians represent only 2-3 percent of all
voters. By contrast, the Asian American Legal Defense and Education
Fund conducted a multilingual, non-partisan poll of 11,000 Asian
voters in eight states. Mindful of the diversity among Asians,
it surveyed them in 23 Asian languages and dialects as they left
82 polling places in 20 cities in New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Virginia, Michigan and Illinois.
AALDEF executive director Margaret
Fung said: "The record turnout of Asian American voters
demonstrated our community's extraordinary interest in the electoral
process this year." A tremendous 38 percent of Asian voters
reported that they were first time voters despite what AALDEF
called "an array of barriers that prevented them from exercising
their right to vote."
The poll found that Asian Americans
favored John Kerry over George Bush by 74-24 percent. First timers
voted for Kerry by 78-20. A Los Angeles Times poll of 3,357 California
voters found that 64 percent of Asian Americans voted for Kerry
and 34 percent for Bush.
NATIVE PEOPLES
VOTE IN FORCE
The National Congress of American
Indians spearheaded Native Vote 2004, a nationwide voter registration
and turnout effort. In a press release dated Nov. 3, NCAI President
Tex Hall reported, "Native voters turned out to the election
polls in greater numbers for this election day than any other
in history." The release documented voter turnout successes
across Indian country, including a doubling of Native voters
in Minnesota. This show of political force was especially impressive
considering widespread reports of Native voter intimidation by
Republicans.
Although no exit polls on Native
peoples are available, the county-by-county map of the 2004 vote
indicates that the Native vote was largely Democratic. In addition,
the NEP results by race shows the "Other" vote (which
includes but is not limited to Native voters) as going for Kerry
by 57-43. A Democratic Native vote would be in line with historical
trends and pre-election polling.
The NCAI states that "The
2004 election will be the first time Native votes will be quantified
in a way to benchmark the population for future elections"
and that "rising political clout [by Native voters] will
only grow going forward."
ARAB TURNAROUND
The only available analysis
of Arab American voters indicates a major political about face
by this group. According to a Zogby International poll, George
Bush carried the Arab vote by 46-38 in 2000, with a strong 13
percent choosing Ralph Nader. The final Zogby poll for 2004 found
Kerry winning by a landslide 63-28-3.
Arab voters contributed to
Kerry's slim victories in Michigan, where they represent 5 percent
of voters, and Pennsylvania, where they constitute 1.5 percent
of the electorate. The Zogby poll indicates that Bush carried
Arab Orthodox voters by one point, Arab Catholics favored Kerry
55-34-5 and Arab Muslims voted overwhelmingly for Kerry, 83-6-4.
Both immigrant and U.S. born Arab voters went strongly for Kerry.
There are no figures available
on Arab American voter turnout but, according to the Arab American
Institute, there was an unprecedented Arab Get Out the Vote effort
spearheaded by Yalla Vote. The Institute reports that Arabs organized
GOTV efforts in 11 states that directly contacted at least 300,000
Arab American voters.
The Bush administration has
rudely informed Arab Americans that they, like other immigrant
groups from the Global South before them, are not just part of
the "melting pot." They are also a group that is singled
out by the government, the media and much of the public for racist
stereotyping and harsh treatment.
As they have been increasingly
treated like a racially oppressed group, Arab Americans have
responded by voting like other people of color.
Taken together, people of color
represented 23 percent of the total vote, but they accounted
for about 35 percent of Kerry's tally. Their sense of political
urgency was demonstrated by the fact that they represented about
35 percent of first time voters in this election. They are, unquestionably,
the main base of the Democratic Party and the most avid anti-Bush
constituencies.
White people and people of
color are tremendously diverse groups and neither vote uniformly,
but they are clearly trending in opposite political directions.
How can we staunch the one and encourage the other?
LOOKING BACKWARD,
LOOKING FORWARD
The political map of Election
2004 has a depressing but telling resemblance to the pre-Civil
War map of free versus slave states and territories. And, although
blacks and other people of color now have the right to vote,
the outcome of the electoral college vote in the South shows
that the 55 percent of black voters who still reside there have
as little impact on the presidential race today as they did when
they had no right to vote at all.
The same disenfranchisement
afflicts Latinos in the Southwest and Native voters in the heartland.
Quiet as its kept, the racist remnants of slavery and the Monroe
Doctrine are alive and well in the political life, institutions
and consciousness of Americans of all colors and classes up to
today.
Racism--at home and abroad--is
a central element of the Republican "moral values"
and strategy. And racism is conciliated if not actively promoted
by the Democratic focus on winning more white voters by moving
to the right while taking voters of color virtually for granted.
The Democratic refusal to mount
a fight for electoral reform and for the Southern vote leaves
all its residents to the tender mercies of racist white fundamentalists,
oil magnates, sugar barons and militarists. And it disarms progressives'
ability to invoke the political and moral weight of the fight
for racial and economic justice that still has deep Southern
roots. And so it also is with urban racism and the burgeoning
issue of immigrant rights concentrated (though by no means exclusively)
in the Southwest.
It is about time for progressives,
including those in the Democratic Party, to show the same basic
common sense that the right has demonstrated. We should prioritize
the issues and organization of our most powerful social bases
as the foundation upon which to extend our influence to the population
at large. It is time to stop chasing the Republicans--and the
money--to the right. It is time to develop and fight for a coherent
progressive political vision and set of policies that appeal
to the positive sentiments of all people, and to fight for this
vision over the long haul.
The fight for social and economic
progress now, as in the past, cannot be won without challenging
the racist, militarist right in its historic Southern heartland
and its deep Southwestern echoes. We must have the confidence
that skillfully doing so will win increased support from whites
as well as people of color.
This is not just rhetoric.
The future of our country and the well-being of the world depend
on us. We cannot stop the right's incessant drive to dominate
the world's resources and to steamroll all opposition to that
program unless we pose a clear alternative. A powerful vision
of peace, jobs and justice is our only chance to mobilize the
democratic sentiments and courage of all the people of our country.
Bob Wing is national co-chair of United for
Peace and Justice, www.unitedforpeace.org,
and was the founding editor of War Times newspaper and ColorLines
magazine. He can be reached at: bobwing@sbcglobal.net
Weekend Edition
Features for November
27 / 28, 2004
Peter
Linebaugh
Torture & Neo-Liberalism with
Sycorax in Iraq
Alexander
Cockburn
What Happened to O'Reilly's Loofa?
Fred
Gardner
Ashcroft v. Raich: Medical Marijuana and the Supreme Court
Kathy
Kelly
What We Can Control
Diane
Christian
The Other Cheek: "Empire Doesn't Analyze, It Acts"
Gary
Leupp
One More Neocon Target: South (Yes, South) Korea
Lenni
Brenner
Equality and Rights of Return: Jefferson Instructs the New York
Times
Ron
Jacobs
Death Squads and Iraq's Elections: the Mysterious Murders of
the AMS Clerics
Joshua
Frank
An Interview with Kevin Zeese on Nader, Kerry and the ABB Crowd
Toni
Solo
The Murder of Danilo Anderson
Saul
Landau
Fallujah, the 21st Century Guernica
JoAnn
Wypijewski
Matthew Shepard Case 6 Years Later: Why Hate Crimes Laws are
No Cure for Homophobia
Justin
Taylor
Empire's Lawless Opportunities
Amos
Harel
The Case of Captain R.
Walter
A. Davis
Tabloid Justice
Stephen
Hendricks
God's Kind of Men
Poets'
Basement
Albert, LaMorticella and Ford
|