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Today's Stories

September 8, 2004

Stan Goff
Body Count: 1001

 

September 7, 2004

Diane Christian
Hostage Tactics: a Game of Mortal Poker

Joshua Frank
Greens Unravel from Within

Patrick Cockburn
Fallujah Erupts Again: US Death Toll in Iraq Nears 1000

Ron Jacobs
Bush and Putin: "We're Not Girlie Men"

Chris Floyd
Cry Havoc: Bush's Own Personal Janjaweed

Dr. Carol Wolman
No Blood for Oil at Paul Bunyan Day Parade

John Ross
The Politics of Darkness North / South

 

September 6, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
An Anti-Labor Day That Lives in Infamy: How Many Democrats Voted For Taft-Hartley?

Ralph Nader
The Cruel Legacy of Taft-Hartley: a Labor Day Call for Rights for Working People

Lee Sustar
What's Driving the Attack on Pensions?

Kathleen and Bill Christison
Dual Loyalties: the Bush Necons and Israel

 

September 4-5, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Elephants and Gramsci

Ted Honderich
The Way Things Are

Sasan Fayazmanesh
The Holy Empire: Who We Are and What We Do

Douglas Valentine
What the World Should Know About Guantanamo

Patrick Cockburn
New Iraqi Police State Flexes Its Muscles

Gary Leupp
Neo Cons Under Fire

Fred Gardner
Pot Shots: the Hempstead T-Shirt

William A. Cook
The Day of the Lemming

Dave Zirin
Kobe Bryant and the Price of Freedom

John Chuckman
The Day the World Ended

Karyn Strickler
God Save the Endangered Species Act

Vanessa Jones
Bad Day with an Ikea Cup

Mike Whitney
Kerry: the "Better" War Candidate

Mark Donham
Dear John (Kerry): Start Explaining and Fast

Mickey Z.
McBypass Nation: Feeling Clinton's Pain

Alan Farago
Can the Everglades be Fixed?

Poets' Basement
Landau and Albert

 

September 3, 2004

Jeffrey St. Clair
High Plains Grifter: Jesus Told Him Where to Bomb

Rahul Mahajan
Bush's RNC Speech: an Annotated Response

Carl Estabrook
The Book of Slaughter and Forgetting

Joshua Frank
The Florida of the Northwest: Oregon Dems Sabotage Nader Again

Gary Leupp
Music to My Ears: Sunday's March

James Hollander
Deja Vu in Manhattan: Assisted Political Suicide?

Mark Engler
Republicans Among Us: a Week at the RNC, Inside and Out

Jesse Sharkey
Making Students and Teachers Pay for the Crisis in Education

Jane Stillwater
Calling the Cops on Your Own Kid

Stephen Green
Serving Two Flags: the Bush Neo-Cons and Israel

Sex, Drugs & the Blues!
Serpents in the Garden

CounterPunch's Sizzling New Book on Culture and Sex is Now Available
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September 2, 2004

Jeffrey St. Clair
High Plains Grifter: Part 3: More Pricks Than Kicks

Max Gimble
Et Tu, Menchu? Extrajudicial Killings and Clandestine Graves in Guatemala

James Petras
President Chavez and the Referendum: Myths and Realities

Christopher Brauchli
Bush and the Afghan Electoral Model: "If They Want to Vote Twice, Let Them"

Todd Chretien & Jessie Muldoon
Will the Democrats Expel Zell Miller?

Jack Random
Spite and Venom Day: the Turncoat and the Profiteer

Alan Maass
The Real Vietnam

Christa Allen
Contre Bush

Website of the Day
[Redacted]

 

September 1, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
The Stench of Doom

Kathleen and Bill Christison
Poor Larry Franklin

Dave Lindorff
Kerry's Litmus Test

Josh Frank
Protest in White: Not All of New York Rises Up

John L. Hess
Moles, Scoops and Flip Flops

Mike Whitney
Deconstructing Arnold

Jack Random
Kindergarten Night at the RNC

Andrew Wilson
War on the Pachyderms: Why Do Elephants Hate Us?

Jeffrey St. Clair
High Plains Grifter: Part Two: Mark His Words

 

August 31, 2004

Joseph Nevins
Escapism and Global Apartheid: The Dominican Republic & the NYTs

Matt Vidal
Beyond Bush's Rhetoric on the Economy

Neve Gordon
Kerry and the Middle East

Dave Lindorff
Bush the Peace Candidate?

Mike Whitney
NPR Leads the Charge for War Against Iran

Jack Random
Opening Night: Playing the War Card

Jeffrey St. Clair
High Plains Grifter: the Life and Crimes of George W. Bush (Part One)

CounterPunch Photo of the Day
Pete Seeger in NYC

 

August 30, 2004

Justin Podhur
The Disappeared Mayor

Shaun Joseph
The Hypocrites at TheNaderbasher.com

Mike Whitney
Israeli Moles in the Pentagon: What More Could They Possibly Want?

Ron Jacobs
Live, From New York: the Majority of Protesters Claimed No Candidate

David Lindorff
Sunday in Manhattan: the Sound of Marchin', Chargin' Feet, Boy

Dave Zirin
USA Basketball: The Team White America Loved to Hate

Sam Husseini
Israeli Spying on the US: a Long History

 

 

August 28 / 29, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Zombies for Kerry

Patrick Cockburn
Najaf Ceasefire Good for Iraq, But Weakens Allawi and US

Ray McGovern
Blowing Smoke on Intelligence

Dr. Juan Romagoza
From El Salvador to Abu Ghraib: Reflections of Torture Survivor

Ray Hanania
An Israeli Spy in the Pentagon? Ridiculous!

Fred Gardner
Eddie Lepp Busted by DEA: Facing Life for Growing Medical Pot

Diane Christian
Big Men: the Better Leader Lets You Live

William S. Lind
The Desert Fox

Paul D'Amato
The Left Takes a Dive for Kerry

Joshua Frank
Greens at the Crossroads

Mickey Z.
Media Declares War on Anti-War Protests

Winslow T. Wheeler
Sen. McCain's Pork Chops: an Exchange

Justin E.H. Smith
The New Age Racket and the Left

Thomas St. John
Burning Slaves at the Stake: On "Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God"

Ali Tonak
Help the NYPD?

Mark Engler
New York Says "No"

Justin Felux
Haiti: the Attica of the Americas

Poets' Basement
Gelman, Albert, Ford and Hamod

 

 

August 27, 2004

Gary Leupp
Neocon Musings

Robin Cook
The Ghosts of Abu Ghraib

Diane Christian
Disarming

Michael Donnelly
Situational Democracy: the Show Me the Green Party?

Jack Random
4F and Other Heroes: an Army of War Resisters

Mike Ferner
"To the Swift Boats!"

Mazin Qumsiyeh
7000 Palestinian Political Prisoners

Veronza Bowers, Jr.
"You Won't Be Leaving Tomorrow"


 

August 26, 2004

M. Shahid Alam
The Clash Thesis: a Failing Ideology?

Diane Christian
War Rules: Bush is No Sun Tzu

Derek Seidman
"They're As Bad As Wal-Mart:" Starbucks Workers Get Organized

David Lindorff
Court to RNC Protesters: Drop the Rally

Christopher Brauchli
Signs of Dissent: the Bush in the Bubble

Stew Albert
Reporting Suspicious Activity

Mark Donham
Judgement in Athens: Give the Koreans Their Day in Court

Saul Landau
Pinochet: the Al Capone of the Southern Cone

Website of the Day
The Kerry 527 Ad You'll Never See

 

 

August 25, 2004

Amelia Peltz
Can I Have 9.8 Seconds of Your Time?

Noah Leavitt
Defining and Redefining Torture

Ron Jacobs
Takin' It to the Streets: It's Not About the Election, It's About Democracy

James Brooks
Coronado Crosses the Jordan

Akiva Eldar
How to Win the Jewish Vote: Turn Gaza into a "Mini-Afghanistan"

Gemma Araneta
Chavez's New Brand of Populism

Philip Cryan
Uribe's Boys: the Death Squads of Colombia

CounterPunch Wire
Cheney Opens the Closet Door

 

 

August 24, 2004

Jeremy Scahill
John Kerry: the Warchurian Candidate

Gary Leupp
"We Want Them to Go Away"

David Domke
God Willing: an Echoing Press and Political Fundamentalism

William Loren Katz
The Meaning of Hugo Chávez: Black and Indian Power in Venezuela

Jonah Gindin
With Chavez? Reading the International Private Media

Fran Schor
Denying Atrocities: From Vietnam to Fallujah

Joe Bageant
Driving on the Bones of God

Website of the Day
The Great America Lockdown: a Primer for the RNC


 

August 23, 2004

Winslow Wheeler
Don't Mind If I Do: Porkbarrel and the War on Terror

John Pilger
Bush May Be the Lesser Evil

Stan Goff
Swift Boat Dogfight

Bill and Kathleen Christison
Notes from the West Bank: Build, Demolish, Rebuild

Mike Whitney
The Unraveling of Afghanistan

William Blum
Brave New World of Iraqi Sovereignty

Ralph Nader
A Letter to the Washington Post: a Shameful and Unsavory Editorial

 

 

August 21 / 22, 2004

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"They Want Blood:" The Bi-Partisan Origins of the Total War on Drugs

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Failing the Mission? Form a Commission

Brian Cloughley
The Bush Team in Iraq: Moral Cowardice, as Practiced by Experts

Josh Frank
Nader as David Duke? The ADL Wants You to Think So

Mike Whitney
Reincarnating Mengele: the Torture Doctors of Abu Ghraib

Ron Jacobs
Day Labor Blues

Mickey Z.
Shooting at Whales: 40 Years After Tonkin

Fred Gardner
Dr. Wolman Comes Out: The Cannabis Consultants

Dave Zirin
Uprising in Athens: Iraqi Soccer Team Gives Bush the Boot

Josh Saxe
Witnessing Police Brutality in LA

Yanar Mohammed
Letter from Baghdad: a Democracy of Killings and Bombings

Helen Williams
Ali's Story: a Taste of Reality from Baghdad

Michael Donnelly
Elemental and NaturalForests, Fire and Recovery

Elizabeth Schulte
The Crisis in Affordable Housing

Poets' Basement
Adler, Albert, Virgil, Ford and Krieger

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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September 8, 2004

La Plataforma Agraria

Land Reform and Conflict in Guatemala

By LISA VISCIDI

In rural Guatemala, poor mostly indigenous farmers scrape off a living on the nation¡s poorest soils while wealthy finca (large plantation) owners reap the benefits of an agricultural system based on international exports and the exploitation of cheap labor. Guatemala has one of the most skewed land distribution patterns in the world and the second most inequitable in Latin America--roughly 2 percent of the population owns 70 percent of all productive farmland. This has led to fierce and often violent land conflicts between poor campesinos (farmers) and a powerful landed elite that maintains dominance vis-a-vis close ties to the government.

A Long History of Land Conflict and Inequality

Guatemala¡s inequitable land distribution system is rooted in the Spanish conquest, when land seized from the indigenous populations was granted to colonizers. The Spanish usurped the nation¡s richest soils and exploited the indigenous labor force in order to sell products such as sugar and cacao on European markets. Indigenous farmers were relocated to the most unproductive farmlands where they barely survived off of subsistence farming.

Independence from Spain in 1821 brought few rewards to Guatemala¡s rural indigenous population. The emerging class of wealthy ladinos (non-indigenous) gained increasing control over land and labor. Coffee became the nation¡s largest export, and a powerful elite of coffee growers forced farmers to abandon their lands in order to further agribusiness interests. As communal land tenure disappeared and export crop growers forced indigenous villagers to relocate to less productive highland areas, many campesinos were compelled to migrate to coastal plantations in search of work.

Land ownership became increasingly concentrated until Guatemalan President Jacobo Arbenz initiated the Agrarian Reform Law of 1952, which called for the expropriation of mostly idle lands from large plantation owners to be redistributed to poor farmers. The reform, which benefited an estimated 100,000 families, threatened the holdings of large landowners and powerful foreign companies, especially the North American-owned United Fruit Company.

Under the guise of combating communism, the U.S. government ordered a CIA-orchestrated coup to oust Arbenz in 1954. The democratically-elected president was replaced by a U.S.-backed general who annulled the majority of the land expropriations, returning the territory to its previous owners. In the following decades a civil war ensued, pitting military dictatorships against a leftist guerilla insurgency. The best lands were rewarded to military officers and rich land-owners tied to the military regimes, thus cementing the system of inequitable land distribution.

Indeed, land ownership was one of the most controversial components of the 1996 Peace Accords, which charged the state with the task of providing land to peasant farmers. The stipulations of the accords, however, have yet to be implemented, and Guatemala remains a panorama of inequality and poverty-- the same ills that have devastated the nation since the Spanish conquest.

The Agrarian Problem Today

Today, Guatemala has the largest rural population in Central America-over 60 percent of its inhabitants depend on agriculture to survive. Yet available land is shrinking as rural families grow and expansive tracts devoted to export agriculture are concentrated into fewer hands. The United States and international institutions such as the World Bank have pressured Guatemala to employ an agricultural export model that allows multinational food corporations and wealthy finca owners to reap the benefits of the country¡s rich agricultural environment and cheap labor source, while the majority of the population survives on tiny subsistence-oriented plots.

On the steep slopes of the Western Highlands, where most subsistence farms are located, intensive land cultivation has led to soil degradation. Rural families suffer from severe malnutrition and inadequate living conditions: more than half lack running water and electricity. Illiteracy also plagues rural communities, where financial constraints prevent many children from attending school.

Rural poverty has led to an increase in migration. Many farmers must supplement their harvests by working as seasonal laborers on large coffee, banana and sugar plantations on the southern coast while others have migrated to urban areas in search of wage labor. However, according to Jose Luis Aguilar of the Pastoral de la Tierra in Quetzaltenango, migrants often encounter worse conditions in urban areas: "They lack the resources to buy land or houses, so they go to marginal zones where there is a lot of crime, delinquency and narco-trafficking. They live in truly horrendous conditions." More recently, many poor farmers have chosen to migrate to the United States, and funds sent home from workers in the U.S. are many families¡ only means of survival.

Impediments to Accessing Land

In order to combat rural poverty, the peace accords established a land market system and the government land fund FONTIERRAS to facilitate poor farmers¡ access to land. The fund offers credit to campesinos to buy idle state lands or private fincas sold on the market while simultaneously providing technical assistance to its beneficiaries to make acquired lands productive.

However, the market system has been largely ineffective, and lands have not been adequately redistributed. This is due in part to large landowners¡ tendency to sell low quality land at inflated prices, forcing campesinos to incur a crippling debt which they find impossible to repay. Aguilar notes that "it is difficult to implement productive agricultural projects because many times the fincas are in poor conditions or they do not have infrastructure such as schools, roads and electricity." Farmers must use all their income to repay the debt rather than invest it as capital to make the project productive. Many have thus been forced to abandon the land or return it to the government.

In addition, FONTIERRAS suffers from a severe lack of finances. Its budget is too small to purchase all the lands requested and hire personnel to provide technical assistance. According to the United Nations, current budget levels would allow FONTIERRAS to adequately meet approximately 5 percent of the claims of landless families.

Without the help of FONTIERRAS, it is practically impossible for campesinos to enter the land market because most lack sufficient savings to purchase large tracts of land. In addition, as Guatemala does not have a well-established property system, many who do possess land have no legal documentation to prove ownership. Guatemala is currently the only country in Central America that lacks a national catastro, or property registry, that acurately covers all landholdings, and some estimate that over half of Guatemalan landholdings are not currently registered. In many cases, several titleholders claim the same land, which often leads to fierce land disputes.

In recent years, the land crisis has been exacerbated by a global "coffee crisis," which began in 2000. Coffee prices in Guatemala and throughout Central America have plummeted since Asian countries, especially Vietnam, have begun producing large amounts of coffee at lower prices. Coffee plantations throughout Guatemala have since halted production, resulting in rampant unemployment in the countryside. Farmers who traditionally migrated from their small plots to seek jobs harvesting at plantations now find that there is no available work. Industry other than agriculture barely exists in rural areas. As workers are dismissed, they are also expelled from their homes and the land they have cultivated for decades.

Poor Campesinos Retake the Land

With no other means of survival, evicted families frequently retake the land. Increasingly desperate groups of poor farmers have taken to occupying idle lands or refusing to vacate plots which they have traditionally cultivated. In most cases of land occupation, campesinos are pressuring for the payment of their wages or the right to cultivate the terrain from which they were evicted. Campesinos are often forcibly removed from the land by police or landowners¡ private security. Since president Oscar Berger took office in January, the number of evictions has drastically increased. The National Civil Police have set fire to crops, burned houses, and murdered campesino leaders and rural families. Many campesino families have been left homeless as a result.
During his political campaign, Berger promised to prioritize agrarian problems, but has offered no concrete land proposal and has not suspended evictions as promised. Campesinos groups do not anticipate radical agrarian reform, given the president¡s close ties to finca owners.

The Agrarian Platform

In light of the state¡s virtual silence on this pertinent issue, several campesino, indigenous, religious and human rights organizations across Guatemala have formed the Plataforma Agraria, a group of non-state actors that has proposed sweeping reforms to Guatemala¡s land tenure system. Central to this coalition¡s analysis is a condemnation of the centuries of exploitation that Guatemala¡s poor indigenous majority has endured and the resulting unequal distribution of land and wealth.

The Agrarian Platform proposes to reform the market-based land distribution system to make land accessible to poor farmers. Its members advocate the redistribution of land by expropriating estates taken illegally during the armed conflict and taxing idle land to obligate landowners to create jobs or give the property to landless agricultural workers. In the interest of promoting sustainable rural development, they propose that the government provide technical assistance, credit and market information to small farmers to enable them to produce for sale rather than just subsistence.
In addition, the Agrarian Platform is pressuring the government to secure property and labor rights. They advocate a national land registry to ensure proof of property ownership and legislative reform to guarantee the fulfillment of employers' obligations.

Unfortunately, the government has not been very responsive to the proposal, claiming that it represents only a small sector of society and not the interests of the campesino population as a whole. Aguilar and others see this as a mere excuse not to implement the much-needed reform. Aguilar holds that "the agrarian conflict in Guatemala is an historical conflict, and the majority of the governments haven't been interested in resolving it. The governments have been manipulated by people with economic power and people tied to the oligarchy. They have done everything possible not to resolve the situation." Given the government's history of supporting the economically powerful at the expense of the poor majority, it is unlikely that the nation¡s unjust land tenure system will be dismantled by the new administration.

Members of the Plataforma Agraria have therefore proposed their own solution to the agrarian problem to foment true rural development in hopes of finally bringing an end to Guatemala¡s centuries-long system of inequality.

Lisa Viscidi is editor-in-chief of EntreMundos Newspaper, based in Quetzaltenango, Guatemala. She can be reached at lviscidi@yahoo.com.


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