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Today's
Stories
September 4-6,
2004
Sasan Fayazmanesh
The
Holy Empire: Who Are and What We Do
William A.
Cook
The
Day of the Lemming
September 3,
2004
Jeffrey St.
Clair
High
Plains Grifter: Jesus Told Him Where to Bomb
Rahul Mahajan
Bush's RNC Speech: an Annotated Response
Carl Estabrook
The
Book of Slaughter and Forgetting
Joshua Frank
The Florida of the Northwest: Oregon Dems Sabotage Nader Again
Gary Leupp
Music to My Ears: Sunday's March
James Hollander
Deja Vu in Manhattan: Assisted Political Suicide?
Mark Engler
Republicans
Among Us: a Week at the RNC, Inside and Out
Jesse Sharkey
Making Students and Teachers Pay for the Crisis in Education
Jane Stillwater
Calling the Cops on Your Own Kid
Stephen Green
Serving
Two Flags: the Bush Neo-Cons and Israel
Sex,
Drugs & the Blues!
Serpents in the Garden
CounterPunch's
Sizzling New Book on Culture and Sex is Now Available
Click here to purchase
September 2,
2004
Jeffrey St.
Clair
High
Plains Grifter: Part 3: More Pricks Than Kicks
Max Gimble
Et Tu, Menchu? Extrajudicial Killings and Clandestine Graves
in Guatemala
James Petras
President Chavez and the Referendum: Myths and Realities
Christopher
Brauchli
Bush and the Afghan Electoral Model: "If They Want to Vote
Twice, Let Them"
Todd Chretien & Jessie
Muldoon
Will the Democrats Expel Zell Miller?
Jack Random
Spite and Venom Day: the Turncoat and the Profiteer
Alan Maass
The Real Vietnam
Christa Allen
Contre Bush
Website of
the Day
[Redacted]
September 1,
2004
Alexander Cockburn
The
Stench of Doom
Kathleen and Bill Christison
Poor Larry Franklin
Dave Lindorff
Kerry's Litmus Test
Josh Frank
Protest in White: Not All of New York Rises Up
John L. Hess
Moles, Scoops and Flip Flops
Mike Whitney
Deconstructing Arnold
Jack Random
Kindergarten Night at the RNC
Andrew Wilson
War on the Pachyderms: Why Do Elephants Hate Us?
Jeffrey St.
Clair
High
Plains Grifter: Part Two: Mark His Words
August 31,
2004
Joseph Nevins
Escapism
and Global Apartheid: The Dominican Republic & the NYTs
Matt Vidal
Beyond
Bush's Rhetoric on the Economy
Neve Gordon
Kerry and the Middle East
Dave Lindorff
Bush
the Peace Candidate?
Mike Whitney
NPR Leads the Charge for War Against Iran
Jack Random
Opening Night: Playing the War Card
Jeffrey St.
Clair
High
Plains Grifter: the Life and Crimes of George W. Bush (Part One)
CounterPunch Photo of the Day
Pete Seeger in NYC
August 30,
2004
Justin Podhur
The
Disappeared Mayor
Shaun Joseph
The
Hypocrites at TheNaderbasher.com
Mike Whitney
Israeli Moles in the Pentagon: What More Could They Possibly
Want?
Ron Jacobs
Live, From New York: the Majority of Protesters Claimed No Candidate
David Lindorff
Sunday in Manhattan: the Sound of Marchin', Chargin' Feet, Boy
Dave Zirin
USA Basketball: The Team White America Loved to Hate
Sam Husseini
Israeli Spying on the US: a Long History
August 28 /
29, 2004
Alexander Cockburn
Zombies
for Kerry
Patrick Cockburn
Najaf Ceasefire Good for Iraq, But Weakens Allawi and US
Ray McGovern
Blowing Smoke on Intelligence
Dr. Juan Romagoza
From El Salvador to Abu Ghraib: Reflections of Torture Survivor
Ray Hanania
An Israeli Spy in the Pentagon? Ridiculous!
Fred Gardner
Eddie Lepp Busted by DEA: Facing Life for Growing Medical Pot
Diane Christian
Big Men: the Better Leader Lets You Live
William S. Lind
The Desert Fox
Paul D'Amato
The Left Takes a Dive for Kerry
Joshua Frank
Greens at the Crossroads
Mickey Z.
Media Declares War on Anti-War Protests
Winslow T. Wheeler
Sen. McCain's Pork Chops: an Exchange
Justin E.H.
Smith
The New Age Racket and the Left
Thomas St. John
Burning Slaves at the Stake: On "Sinners in the Hands of
an Angry God"
Ali Tonak
Help the NYPD?
Mark Engler
New York Says "No"
Justin Felux
Haiti: the Attica of the Americas
Poets' Basement
Gelman, Albert, Ford and Hamod
August 27,
2004
Gary Leupp
Neocon
Musings
Robin Cook
The
Ghosts of Abu Ghraib
Diane Christian
Disarming
Michael Donnelly
Situational Democracy: the Show Me the Green Party?
Jack Random
4F and Other Heroes: an Army of War Resisters
Mike Ferner
"To the Swift Boats!"
Mazin Qumsiyeh
7000 Palestinian Political Prisoners
Veronza Bowers, Jr.
"You Won't Be Leaving Tomorrow"
August 26,
2004
M. Shahid Alam
The
Clash Thesis: a Failing Ideology?
Diane Christian
War
Rules: Bush is No Sun Tzu
Derek Seidman
"They're As Bad As Wal-Mart:" Starbucks Workers Get
Organized
David Lindorff
Court to RNC Protesters: Drop the Rally
Christopher
Brauchli
Signs of Dissent: the Bush in the Bubble
Stew Albert
Reporting Suspicious Activity
Mark Donham
Judgement in Athens: Give the Koreans Their Day in Court
Saul Landau
Pinochet:
the Al Capone of the Southern Cone
Website of
the Day
The Kerry 527 Ad You'll Never See
August 25,
2004
Amelia Peltz
Can
I Have 9.8 Seconds of Your Time?
Noah Leavitt
Defining and Redefining Torture
Ron Jacobs
Takin' It to the Streets: It's Not About the Election, It's About
Democracy
James Brooks
Coronado Crosses the Jordan
Akiva Eldar
How to Win the Jewish Vote: Turn Gaza into a "Mini-Afghanistan"
Gemma Araneta
Chavez's New Brand of Populism
Philip Cryan
Uribe's Boys: the Death Squads of Colombia
CounterPunch Wire
Cheney Opens the Closet Door
August 24,
2004
Jeremy Scahill
John
Kerry: the Warchurian Candidate
Gary Leupp
"We
Want Them to Go Away"
David Domke
God
Willing: an Echoing Press and Political Fundamentalism
William Loren Katz
The Meaning of Hugo Chávez: Black and Indian Power in
Venezuela
Jonah Gindin
With Chavez? Reading the International Private Media
Fran Schor
Denying Atrocities: From Vietnam to Fallujah
Joe Bageant
Driving
on the Bones of God
Website of the Day
The Great America Lockdown: a Primer for the RNC
August 23,
2004
Winslow Wheeler
Don't
Mind If I Do: Porkbarrel and the War on Terror
John Pilger
Bush
May Be the Lesser Evil
Stan Goff
Swift
Boat Dogfight
Bill and Kathleen
Christison
Notes
from the West Bank: Build, Demolish, Rebuild
Mike Whitney
The Unraveling of Afghanistan
William Blum
Brave
New World of Iraqi Sovereignty
Ralph Nader
A Letter to the Washington Post: a Shameful and Unsavory Editorial
August 21 /
22, 2004
Cockburn /
St. Clair
"They
Want Blood:" The Bi-Partisan Origins of the Total War on
Drugs
Landau / Hassen
Failing
the Mission? Form a Commission
Brian Cloughley
The
Bush Team in Iraq: Moral Cowardice, as Practiced by Experts
Josh Frank
Nader as David Duke? The ADL Wants You to Think So
Mike Whitney
Reincarnating Mengele: the Torture Doctors of Abu Ghraib
Ron Jacobs
Day Labor Blues
Mickey Z.
Shooting at Whales: 40 Years After Tonkin
Fred Gardner
Dr. Wolman Comes Out: The Cannabis Consultants
Dave Zirin
Uprising in Athens: Iraqi Soccer Team Gives Bush the Boot
Josh Saxe
Witnessing Police Brutality in LA
Yanar Mohammed
Letter from Baghdad: a Democracy of Killings and Bombings
Helen Williams
Ali's Story: a Taste of Reality from Baghdad
Michael Donnelly
Elemental and NaturalForests, Fire and Recovery
Elizabeth Schulte
The Crisis in Affordable Housing
Poets' Basement
Adler, Albert, Virgil, Ford and Krieger
Hot Stories
Alexander Cockburn
Behold,
the Head of a Neo-Con!
Subcomandante
Marcos
The
Death Train of the WTO
Norman Finkelstein
Hitchens
as Model Apostate
Steve Niva
Israel's
Assassination Policy: the Trigger for Suicide Bombings?
Dardagan,
Slobodo and Williams
CounterPunch Exclusive:
20,000 Wounded Iraqi Civilians
Steve
J.B.
Prison Bitch
Sheldon
Rampton and John Stauber
True Lies: the Use of Propaganda
in the Iraq War
Wendell
Berry
Small Destructions Add Up
CounterPunch
Wire
WMD: Who Said What When
Cindy
Corrie
A Mother's Day Talk: the Daughter
I Can't Hear From
Gore Vidal
The
Erosion of the American Dream
Francis Boyle
Impeach
Bush: A Draft Resolution
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Labor Day Weekend
Edition
September 4-6, 2004
The Prison
at Guantanamo
What
the World Should Know
By
DOUGLAS VALENTINE
The new book Guantanamo:
What The World Should Know is an interview between author/editor
Ellen Ray, and Michael Ratner, an eloquent human rights attorney
and president of the Center for Constitutional Rights. Mr Ratner
and his colleagues at the CCR have the distinction of being the
first Americans to mount a legal challenge of the Kafkaesque
detention and interrogation facilities the Bush Administration
uses at the US military base in Guantanamo, Cuba, to incarcerate
suspects in the war on terror.
This is a tight, well-organized
book. The discussion proceeds in logical order, and right away
we learn that Ratner is eminently qualified to speak about the
subject of human rights abuses. He has years of experience dealing
with the issues of torture and indefinite detention, although
his focus is usually in Third World dictatorships. His involvement
with human rights issues in America, stemming from the hysteria
following 9/11, began when the CCR decided to represent Muslim
and Arab citizens whom Attorney General John Ashcroft had rounded
up and detained without due process.
Having represented HIV-positive
Haitian refugees detained at Guantanamo in the 1990s, Ratner
also knows the history of what may rightfully be described as
America's Devil's Island. Knowing the history helps to put the
situation in context. As Ratner explains, even when he was representing
the Haitians, the US government insisted that no court had jurisdiction
over Guantanamo. "The United States wanted Guantanamo to
be a law-free zone," he says.
Evidently, this has always been the case. But Guantanamo's special
legal status, forged in the ambiguous language of the 1903 Platt
Amendment to the Cuban Constitution, is especially well crafted
to serve the US  government's duplicitous motives in the
murky war on terror. Guantanamo is a place where the US government
is totally unaccountable, although the US military is in total
control. Suspected members of al Qaeda, captured in Afghanistan
and Pakistan, may have some legal recourse in those countries.
But once they land in Guantanamo, they disappear down a legal
black hole; which is why some people facetiously refer to it
as "an off-shore concentration camp."
Ratner's personal experience
and historical knowledge gave him cause for alarm when, in January
2002, the rampaging Bush Administration began packing the "dog-run-like
cages" at Guantanamo's infamous Camp X-Ray with alleged
"enemy combatants." He saw the pictures of tough-looking
bearded men, and read news reports quoting Secretary of Defense
Donald Rumsfeld saying that only the most dangerous, best-trained,
vicious killers were being held at Guantanamo. But none of the
detainees were allowed to have lawyers, and it wasn't known,
at the time, that among those being incarcerated were boys as
young as eleven, and at least one old man in his nineties.
Having no one to represent,
Ratner at first objected solely on principle. The Center for
Constitutional Rights believes that even a suspected member of
al Qaeda should not be detained without due process of law. Ratner
and the CCR believe that everybody has the right of habeas corpus
and legal representation as well as the universally recognized
right not to be tortured.
They also know that where human rights are denied, human rights
abuses are being committed. Right away they suspected that Rumsfeld
was lying, so Ratner and the Center assembled a team and waited
for the opportunity to act. That happened almost immediately,
when they were approached by a lawyer in Australia and asked
to help defend David Hicks, an Australian citizen detained at
Guantanamo. From that point onward, Ratner would get a firsthand
look of the sadistic practices and horrendous conditions that
define Guantanamo, and which are recounted in detail in the book.
Inside
Guantanamo
Enemy combatants sent
to Guantanamo were initially quartered at Camp X-Ray, a desolate
place surrounded by razor wire and gun turrets. The cells where
human beings are caged are covered on three sides with steel
mess wire, and are exposed to the blazing Caribbean sun and hard
rains. All-American boys and girls assigned as guards pass the
cages twice every minute, not because the prisoners have any
chance of escaping, but simply to torment them. To soften them
up for interrogation.
Take note, readers: people
require privacy in order to maintain their self-respect. Take
away their privacy, while abusing their minds and bodies, and
eventually you destroy their sense of personal identity. And
then they become putty in your hands.
The purpose of Camp X-Ray,
like all of Guantanamo's detention facilities, is the slow, calculated
murder of the spirit. It's a place where people are subjected
to unbearable, humiliating and degrading forms of abuse every
minute of every day. They sleep on concrete floors, and are denied
clothing, medical attention and food. Unless, of course, they
cooperate.
As Major General Geoffrey Miller, the camp commandant, once boasted,
many detainees have cooperated during the climatic hours they
spend in Guantanamo's interrogation booths, which Ratner describes
as "trailers, really."
Guantanamo is also a
laboratory, where new methods of destroying the human spirit
are constantly being tried. Thus, sometime in the middle of 2002,
a number of prisoners were transferred from Camp X-Ray to Camp
Delta, which is different in so far as it separates detainees
according to their status. Those who cooperate are segregated
from those who do not, and those who are deemed to be troublemakers
get special attention in their own private quarters.
Guantanamo is further
divided into Camp Echo is a separate facility for those facing
trial by military commission. (Camp Echo is aptly name. It was
built by Halliburton's subsidiary, Kellogg Brown Root, which
in an earlier lifetime built the detention facilities which replaced
in the infamous Tiger Cages on Con Son Island, 90 miles off the
Coast of South Vietnam). Camps Romeo and Tango consist of isolation
cells, where naked Muslim men are, in scenes reminiscent of Abu
Ghraib, gawked at by female American guards, as yet another form
of spiritual assassination.
The purpose of continual
softening up detainees for interrogation, and then interrogating
them, is twofold. The first purpose is to coerce confessions
that result in convictions. The second is to obtain information
for use in the war on terror.
Convictions are preordained,
but so far there is no verifiable evidence that any useful intelligence
has ever been produced.
However, in return for signing a false confession, or bearing
false witness against another Muslim, or for turning into a double
agent, the ultimate reward is a Big Mac.
Imagine a world where,
after two years of privation and the most sophisticated physical
and psychological torture techniques ever devised by cummings'
man-unkind, the ultimate reward is a Big Mac. You have to wonder,
what kind of sick mind is capable of creating such a hellhole?
The sick mind belongs, of course, to George W. Bush, war criminal
extraordinaire.
L'etat,
c'est moi
What Ellen Ray does through
her well-chosen questions, and what Michael Ratner explains clearly,
in layman's terms, is why Bush and his accomplices in
war crimes have established Guantanamo as a symbol of their omnipotence,
and how their lawless and supremely arrogant actions have
undermined America's democratic institutions at home, and moral
authority abroad. They tell us how and why we evolved from the
rule of law to rule by executive fiat, and how this process made
Guantanamo possible.
The authors include in
the book's Appendixes the full text of several documents that
are critically important for understanding why and how Guantanamo
occurred. The most important is Military Order No. 1.
This is not a widely disseminated document, for very good reasons.
Signed by Bush on 13 November 2001, it confirms that he used
9/11 as a pretext to proclaim a national emergency, which in
turn enabled him to confer upon himself extraordinary war powers,
without the consent of Congress or the Judiciary. Through
Military Order No. 1, and other powers vested in him as commander-in-chief,
Bush, in effect, has staged a military coup d'etat. He has taken
America back to a time prior to the Constitution, when the military
ruled the country.
Through Military Order
No. 1, Bush has given himself the authority 1) to identify
terrorists and "those who support them" and 2) to detain
"individuals subject to this order" in horrid places
like Guantanamo. People subject to this order need only have
harbored people who threaten to harm our "citizens, national
security, foreign policy, or economy." This applies to anyone
Bush has a personal grudge against, like Saddam Hussein. Bush
has only to write a note telling his deputies to get someone
in order to condemn that someone to a life of endless persecution
and/or death.
Military Order No.
1 also allows Bush
to form "tribunals" or "commissions" to try
alleged terrorists under military, not civilian law, despite
the fact that terrorism is "not a violation of military
law or the laws of war," as Ratner explains. The military
tribunals have "exclusive jurisdiction," and individuals
subject to Military Order No. 1 are denied due process
not only in the US, but also in any foreign court or international
tribunal.
Apart from any document
or law, and in violation of treaties and the supreme law of the
land, Bush has exempted himself and his deputies from any existing
international laws of war, such as the Geneva Conventions. The
reason for this is simple: Bush has been advised, for good reason,
to protect himself and his henchmen from being tried as war criminals.
Which they are.
"People
Will Say Anything"
This is disturbing stuff
that does not bode well for the future of America. But, as the
dialogue between Ray and Ratner reveals, it just gets worse and
worse.
Bush and his corporate
puppet-masters have seized upon the penultimate point of Darwin's
Theory of Evolution, the survival of the fittest, and given it
an evangelical, Masonic twist. By bestowing upon himself the
powers of a military dictator, Bush has broadened into infinity
the moat of secrecy between the fortress of government and the
citizen rabble. Not only are the denizens of Guantanamo held
in isolation from the world, many for crimes they did not commit,
but we, the citizens of America, no longer have the right to
examine what is being done to them in our name.
Not even the Red Cross
can examine the interrogation centers.
As an attorney for several
detainees, Ratner, however, has heard first hand accounts of
what goes on inside Guantanamo, and what he describes "is
like Dante's ninth circle of hell."
Sleep derivation is a
favorite form of "stress and duress," the designated
euphemism for torture at Guantanamo. Old-fashioned beatings are
routine. Shackling people to the floor of an interrogation room
for hours and making them lie in their excrement is an easy and
effective way of telling someone, "You're not worth shit."
(It also has the side of effect of making their tormentors hate
them even more.)
Making people kneel for
hours has the dual effect of causing Muslims pain when it's time
to pray. Then again, as we know from reading the newspapers and
watching TV, defaming Islam is de rigueur in America nowadays.
Making detainees stand
for hours in the hot sun is another favorite technique, which
caused me chills, as the Japanese tortured my father in the same
fashion in a camp in the Philippines in the Second World War.
My father saw several tough Australian soldiers resort to suicide
attempts at his prison camp, and at least forty suicide attempts
in a six-month period have been documented at Guantanamo. Small
wonder. Like at my father's POW camp, the possibility that
one will not survive, or ever be allowed to leave, is perhaps
the cruelest torment of all.
Ah, but there's more.
Loudspeakers at one time continually blared out little Rumsfeld
lies like, "Cooperate and you'll go home." Sometimes
the loudspeakers blared bigger lies, like, "We know who
is telling the truth and who is lying and we can tell. Tell the
truth."
This is the venerable
"Eye of God" trick, which was used by the CIA as a
facet of its Phoenix Program in Vietnam.
Take note again, dear
reader: the Eye of God trick is being employed, incrementally,
on you, too. As the Homeland Security color codes continually
rise and fall, based on "chatter" about unconfirmed
threats, and as the level of surveillance reaches ubiquitous
proportions, we are all finding ourselves under spiritual assault.
Then there is the old
medicine trick, which consists of denying medicine to prisoners
unless the cooperate. This is another torture technique that
has personal meaning to me. I remember interviewing Congressman
Rob Simmons (R-CT), about his experiences as a CIA officer running
an interrogation center in Vietnam in 1972. Yes, Simmons, now
a member of the Armed Services Committee, used the same trick
on detainees way back then. A counter-terror team or the secret
police would drag in a guy with a gunshot wound, and Simmons
would present him with the choice: cooperate and get medicine,
or take your chances.
Simmons says that doesn't
amount to torture and (big surprise) the people running Guantanamo,
even the CIA Doctor Menegles on there, agree.
Not everything at Guantanamo
is derivative. Some torture techniques are innovative, and incredibly
bizarre. Michael Ratner tells of about an interrogation room
that displayed posters of Israelis who had apparently murdered
Palestinian women. According to Ratner, the idea was to get Muslim
detainees to believe that if they cooperated, they would be freed
to return to the Middle East to kill Israelis.
What
The Future Bodes
For me, it hurt at times
to listen to Ray and Ratner's interview. I'm sure many other
readers will personally relate to different aspects of this timely
and important book, too.
It was especially bad
news to learn that there is there a Deputy Assistant Secretary
of Defense for Detainee Operations, a Mr. Paul Butler, who sits
in the Pentagon and reviews cases. However, final judgments about
the fate of any of Guantanamo's lab rats are not made by Butler,
or even some secret review board, but by a "designated civilian
official (DCO)" appointed by, you guessed it, Bush. This
DCO can hold a detainee indefinitely for any reason that is deemed
"in the interest of the United States," a term which
really means, in the political interests of Bush.
Ray and Ratner's book
raises some disturbing questions. For example: What's to stop
Bush from turning his star chambers and designated civilian officials
on his political opponents, here, in America?
One might also ask: How
long does a national emergency last, and how does one know, quantitatively,
when it's over?
It's a fact that our
government is waging psychological warfare against us. Is it
paranoid to ask: Are mini-Guantanamo, political indoctrination
camps for recalcitrant Americans looming on the horizon?
This book makes one thing
painfully clear: we're in big trouble if these new terms and
instruments of government become part of our national dialogue,
and not just an ominous conversation between Ellen Ray and Michael
Ratner.
Reading this book made
me angrier than ever before. I don't want to live by Bush's leave,
as a lab rat in a corporate experiment in a military dictatorship,
under the guise of what Michael Ratner calls a "metaphorical"
war on terror. Maybe it's time to new form a new government?
One not modeled on the totalitarian corporate paradigm, and certainly
not a government where a mentally unstable chief executive has
the power to torture, murder, invade foreign countries under
false pretenses, dispense with due process, and otherwise break
the supreme law of the land. Maybe it's time to change our current
form of government to ensure that the people, not the government,
control their fate?
The book raises one other
matter for consideration. Approximately 2,800 soldiers and CIA
interrogators have already served as de facto torturers at Guantanamo,
which houses only a few hundred prisoners. The total number of
Americans who have served there is certainly larger, as soldiers
and spooks are rotated in and out. Many others are being trained
as torturers in military indoctrination courses. Already thousands
of Americans at Guantanamo, and in other God-forsaken places
around the world, have whole-heartedly embraced the role of torturer.
Like those Abu Ghraib, they enjoy it.
What does this mean for
America, as these torturers return home? Is it our patriotic
duty to validate their service, and adopt their values? Or shall
the privates, corporals and sergeants be held responsible for
the war crimes they committed, while following the orders of
policy makers like Bush?
Will there be a prison big enough to hold all the war criminals
America is producing at places like Guantanamo?
Douglas Valentine is the author of The
Hotel Tacloban, The
Phoenix Program, and TDY.
His fourth book, The
Strength of the Wolf: The Federal Bureau of Narcotics, 1930-1968,
is newly published by Verso. For information about Mr. Valentine,
and his books and articles, please visit his web sites at www.DouglasValentine.com
and http://members.authorsguild.net/valentine
Weekend
Edition Features for August 7 / 8, 2004
James Petras
The
Anatomy of "Terror Experts": Meet the Mandarins of
Abu Ghraib
Fred Gardner
Run
Ricky Run: Football, Pot and Pain
Justin Delacour
Anti-Chavez Pollsters Panic: Fix Numbers; Reinvent Venezuela
Brian Cloughley
Persecuted by All; Supported by None: Who Would Be A Kurd?
Joshua Frank
The
Outsider: a Talk with Ralph Nader
Iain A. Boal
On "Shame": Warmed-Over Orientalism and Racist Projection
Chris Floyd
All About Eve: Open Season on Women in DC and Rome
Andrew Fenton
Fighting for Democracy and Justice in Haiti
Aseem Shrivastava
Saga of an Anguished Afghan
Neil Corbett
See Cuba: Sometimes a Cigar is Just a Cigar, Mr. Bush
Carol Miller
/ Forrest Hill
Rigged Convention; Divided Party: How David Cobb Won with Only
12% of the Vote
Tarek Milleron
Breaking the Principled Voter
Donald Macintyre
The
Battle of Najaf
Ron Jacobs
Spirits of The Dead: Why I Love My Petty Bourgeois Tendencies
Mickey Z.
Kid
Gavilan's Grave: Propaganda Scores a TKO
Poets' Basement
Adler, Ford and Albert
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