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Today's Stories January 2 - 4, 2009 Uri Avnery Jonathan Cook Paul Craig Roberts Brian Eno Ralph Nader Omar Barghouti Deb Reich Gary Leupp Michael Yates Cynthia McKinney Sonja Karkar Deepak Tripathi Robert Fantina January 1, 2008 Jennifer Loewenstein Oren Ben-Dor Wajahat Ali Saul Landau David Michael Green Website of the Day December 31, 2008 Pam Martens Neve Gordon / Ted Honderich Brian Cloughley Ron Jacobs Vijay Prashad Franklin Lamb Mike Whitney David Macaray Richard Thieme Mary Lynn Cramer Stephen Lendman Worthy Group of the Day December 30, 2008 Paul Craig Roberts Tariq Ali Robert Bryce Jonathan Cook Gary Leupp Dave Lindorff Brian McKenna John Walsh Ramzy Baroud Bob Sommer Worthy Activist of the Day
December 29, 2008 Jennifer Loewenstein Neve Gordon Joshua Frank George Salzman / Norman Solomon Ewa Jasiewicz Rob Larson Kenneth Libby Robert Weissman Elsa Johnson Nicola Nasser Belén Fernández Worthy Group of the Day December 26-28, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Dr Eyad Al Serraj Jeffrey St. Clair Bradley Simpson Ralph Nader Gary Leupp Ellen Cantarow Matt Landon David Macaray Patrick Bond Norm Kent Brian T. Ketcham Rannie Amiri Larry Portis Richard Rhames Stephen Lendman James L. Secor Ramzy Baroud Harold Pinter Cpt. Paul Watson Howard Lisnoff Michael Dee Steve Conn Poets' Basement Worthy Group of the Weekend December 25, 2008 Judy Gumbo Albert Rev. William E. Alberts Hannah Mermelstein Worthy Group of the Day December 24, 2008 Bill Quigley Saul Landau Sam Smith Brian Cloughley John Ross Eric Walberg Norm Kent Stephen Martin Worthy Group of the Day December 23, 2008 Michael Hudson Michael Yates Chuck Spinney Vijay Prashad Brian Horejsi David Macaray Neil Watkins / David Michael Green Worthy Group of the Day December 22, 2008 Pam Martens Gary Leupp Mike Whitney Karl Grossman Niall Meehan Steve Conn Uri Avnery Corey D. B. Walker David Swanson Worthy Group of the Day December 19 - 21, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Jeffrey St. Clair Paul Craig Roberts Patrick Cockburn Felice Pace Diane Farsetta George Ciccariello-Maher Eric Bergoust Marjorie Cohn Stan Cox Michael Donnelly Robert Weissman Ralph Nader Alan Farago Sam Smith Timothy G. Hermach Seth Sandronsky Rannie Amiri David Yearsley Martha Rosenberg Dave Lindorff Christopher Brauchli Missy Beattie Richard Rhames Stephen Martin Paul Krassner Lorenzo Wolff Poets' Basement Worthy Group of the Weekend December 18, 2008 Phillip Doe Ronnie Cummins Jesse Sharkey Saul Landau Peter Morici Dave Lindorff Panos Petrou Jeff Cohen / Worthy Group of the Day December 17, 2008 Peter Lee Conn Hallinan Mike Whitney Jeff Halper Alan Farago Peter Morici Norm Kent Col. Douglas MacGregor Margaret Kimberley Ron Jacobs Worthy Group of the Day December 16, 2008 Vicente Navarro Patrick Cockburn Thomas Michael Power Jason Hribal Farzana Versey Wajahat Ali / Mats Svensson Paul Fitzgerald / David Macaray Howard Lisnoff Worthy Group of the Day December 15, 2008 Andy Worthington Franklin Lamb Karl Grossman Brian Cloughley Mary Lynn Cramer Steve Early Thomas Christie Ken Paff Niranjan Ramakrishnan Dave Lindorff Alan Farago Worthy Group of the Day December 12 / 14, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Michael Hudson / David Price Jeffrey St. Clair Frank Barat John Ross Binoy Kampmark David Macaray Ralph Nader Eamonn Fingleton Lawrence Velvel Behzad Yaghmaian Sam Husseini Tom Barry Howard Lisnoff Laura Carlsen Raj Patel Ron Jacobs Paul Watson David Yearsley Lorenzo Wolff Kim Nicolini Susie Day Poets' Basement Worthy Group of the Weekend December 11, 2008 Patrick Cockburn P. Sainath Vicken Cheterian Ray McGovern Dedrick Muhammad Lee Sustar Peter Morici Ayesha Ijaz Khan George Wuerthner Christopher Brauchli Worthy Group of the Day December 10, 2008 Ismael Hossein-Zadeh Mary Lynn Cramer Manuel Garcia, Jr. Joshua Frank Steve Conn Lee Sustar Glen Ford Stephen Lendman Nadia Hijab Dave Lindorff Website of the Day December 9, 2008 Mike Whitney Fawzia Afzal-Khan Ghada Karmi Dave Lindorff Steve Breyman Lee Sustar / Rev. William E. Alberts Martha Rosenberg Sam Husseini David Macaray Website of the Day December 8, 2008 Steve Early Michael Hudson Patrick Cockburn Diane Farsetta Paul Craig Roberts Daniel Gross Saul Landau Harvey Wasserman Mike Ferner Norman Solomon David Michael Green Website of the Day
December 5 / 7, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Brian Cloughley Paul Craig Roberts Liaquat Ali Khan Farzana Versey Peter Lee Peter Morici Ralph Nader / Yinon Cohen / Wajahat Ali Johnny Barber Alan Farago Jeremy Scahill Mike Whitney Ranjit Hoskote Carl Finamore Marjorie Cohn Norm Kent Missy Beattie Binoy Kampmark David Macaray Nancy Stohlman Ron Jacobs David Yearsley Lorenzo Wolff Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend December 4, 2008 Ece Temelkuran Ralph Nader Harry Browne Eamonn Fingleton Conn Hallinan Mike Whitney Stewart J. Lawrence Paul Fitzgerald / Karyn Strickler Jennifer Matsui Website of the Day December 3, 2008 Andrew Cockburn Sheldon Rampton Robert Weissman Yifat Susskind William Blum Alan Singer David Macaray Martha Rosenberg Mats Svensson Website of the Day December 2, 2008 Jeremy Scahill Paul Craig Roberts Ayesha Ijaz Khan Sarah Anderson / William Blum John Ross Dave Lindorff Nicola Nasser Steve Conn Robert Bryce Website of the Day December 1, 2008 Patrick Cockburn Damien Millet / Vijay Prashad Deepak Tripathi Joshua Frank P. Sainath Alan Farago Binoy Kampmark Chris Genovali David Michael Green Stephen Martin Website of the Day November 28-30, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Mike Whitney Ted Honderich Tom Kerr Mike Ely David Yearsley Deepak Tripathi Sonja Karkar Ramzy Baroud Robert Weitzel Robert Roth Carlos Fierro David Macaray David Rosen James Cockcroft Stan Cox Steve Conn Stephen Martin Richard Rhames Kim Nicolini Lorenzo Wolff Poets' Basement
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Weekend Edition Kashmir in the East, Durrand in the WestWhere Pakistan's Generals and the ISI Draw Their LinesBy GRAHAM USHER On December 7 security forces in Pakistan Kashmir (PK) closed a camp linked with Lashkar-e-Taiba (LT), the Pakistan militant group India says was behind the killings in Mumbai. The government then banned its civilian “front” Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JD), following its designation as a “terrorist group” by the United Nations: 100 offices were sealed and 50 leaders arrested. Among those detained were LT commanders Zaki-ur-Rehman Lakhvi and Zarrar Shah and LT founder and JD “emir” Hafiz Saeed. India says the first two orchestrated the Mumbai carnage. It says Saeed gave the gunmen a “motivational” speech in a LT camp in PK before they set out for Mumbai. The United States welcomed the moves, as did the European Union. India kept silent. Understandably. Before his arrest Saeed denied all charges as “Indian propaganda”, vowing to take his case to the Pakistan High court. But he called for neither protests nor violence. “We don’t want confrontation,” said a JD source. “We understand the government needs good relations with India”. Sure enough, the sweep against LT and JD has so far met barely a bump. The signs are it will be no more serious than its 2002 preamble. Then LT and other Pakistan militant groups were banned and 2,000 arrested on Indian charges that they had attacked the Indian parliament. Most were released within the year. Pakistan’s powerful military establishment – which determines policy on “banned” groups rather than the civilian government – may think this time too the squall will pass. It probably won’t. Since Mumbai, India and the US have choreographed a policy of coercive diplomacy against Islamabad. America is the good cop, saying there is “no evidence” linking the Pakistan state to Mumbai. Delhi is the bad: “there is not a modicum of doubt about the complicity of elements of Pakistan, including the ISI” (Pakistan’s Inter Service Intelligence agency), says an Indian official. But both are cops and determined to break whatever links remain between the ISI and groups like LT. The fall out from Mumbai will depend on how the army responds. Proxy Wars in KashmirLT was set up in 1989 to fight Pakistan’s “deniable” proxy wars in Afghanistan and Indian Kashmir (IK), the Himalayan territory claimed by both states since partition and cause of two of their three wars. LT’s goal is the establishment of a “pure Islamic state” throughout South Asia, including India. The ISI’s goal was to use proxies to “bleed” India into submission in IK. In the 1990s, the liaison was overt. LT recruited fighters throughout Pakistan, but particularly the southern Punjab (whence most the Mumbai gunmen allegedly derive). In 1999 they fought with Pakistan soldiers in Kargil in IK: the last time the two armies tried to force a resolution of the conflict. But change came with the attack on the Indian parliament - apparently. Guided by the US, Pakistan and India moved from near war to a ceasefire to, in 2004, a peace process. What began as a ban, appeared to become policy. The ISI demobilized 12,000 fighters in PK. Six divisions of the army were moved from the eastern border with India to the western border with Afghanistan, where Pakistan was battling an indigenous insurgency by the Pakistan Taliban. Infiltration into IK fell. But “war by proxy” wasn’t abandoned altogether, particularly for pro-Pakistan groups like LT. Their camps were moved inland or, on frontiers like PK, camouflaged as JD “centers”: their guerillas did sterling work as rescuers during the 2005 Kashmir earthquake. When presented with this as evidence that the “jihadis” had not been de- mobbed but “re-jobbed” a Pakistani General was unapologetic. “We won’t disband them. If we did, Kashmir would go cold and India will bury it forever”. Kashmir has warmed since. This year has seen increased militant penetration across the Line of Control separating Pakistan from Indian Kashmir, triggering skirmishes. In southern Punjab LT-JD “recruiters” have reappeared, proselytizing for jihad. At a funeral in Bahawalpur in the summer a JD preacher eulogized “60 martyrs” from that area alone, most killed in Kashmir. The new line must have been driven by the ISI: it emerged during in the hiatus between the end of General Pervez Musharraf’s military regime and Pakistan’s new civilian government, elected in February 2008. But it doesn’t seem to have been a response to the mass demonstrations for independence that rocked IK this summer. These were caused by indigenous Muslim alienation to Indian rule rather than any “mischief” by Pakistan, cede Indian analysts. Meanwhile in Afghanistan ... The reason the ISI relaxed its hold on LT was probably Afghanistan. For the last two years the army has been fighting Islamic militants on its Afghan border. More than 1000 soldiers have been killed. The insurgency’s epicenter is the Pashtun tribal areas that straddle the so-called Durrand Line: drawn by the British in the 19th century and accepted as Pakistan’s western border at the time of partition, no Afghan government has ever recognized it. Defeat in the tribal areas would mean the emergence of an “independent” Pashtun Islamic “state”, says a Pakistani officer. Pakistan’s counterinsurgency is not uniform. In Bajaur tribal area punitive aerial bombardments are coupled with ground offensives to wrest back territory captured by the “enemy”. In North and South Waziristan ceasefires are cut with pro-Taliban tribesmen, often mediated by Afghan Taliban commanders Jalaluddin and Sirajuddin Haqqani. The army says it lacks the capacity to “deal with all the Taliban groups at once. If you go for all out confrontation, you lose whatever control you have”. But there’s another reason for the difference. In Bajaur the army believes it’s fighting an anti-Pakistan insurgency led by the Pakistan Taliban and elements of al Qaeda but fueled by “agencies” from India and Afghanistan. In the Waziristans the tribes support the Afghan Taliban but are not anti-Pakistani per se. Unlike the militants in Bajaur they are not deemed hostile by the army. “They are our people,” says an officer. India denies any hand in the tribal areas. “In Afghanistan we build roads”, says an Indian diplomat. That’s so. India, with Iran, is laying a road network that once complete will circumvent landlocked Afghanistan’s need to use Pakistan’s ports to the Gulf, outlets Islamabad deems vital to its economic future. India also helps train the Afghan army. Its aid to Afghanistan is $2.1 billion – quite a bit for a country that’s 99 percent Muslim and with which Delhi has no border. And Delhi exerts undue influence over American policy in Afghanistan, says army officials. Two examples are cited. One is Washington’s endorsement of India’s claim that the ISI was “involved” in the July bombing of its embassy in Kabul, where 50 were killed. Since then, the CIA has refused to share intelligence with the ISI, including in the tribal areas. “It fears we will pass it on to the Afghan Taliban,” says an officer. The other was President Bush’s order in July that US Special Forces in Afghanistan could enter Pakistani territory in pursuit of al Qaeda and Taliban “targets” without the approval of the Pakistani government. There has been one US ground assault and 22 aerial missile strikes since, overwhelmingly in the Waziristans. These, says the CIA, are “safe havens” for the Taliban and al Qaeda: the source of the greatest seepage of fighters into Afghanistan and where the “next 9/11” is probably being plotted. They’re also one of the few sites of peace between the army and the Taliban. Washington says there is a “tacit” agreement about the strikes with Pakistan. The government denies this. The army says they are violations of Pakistani sovereignty and “counterproductive” to its attempts to move the tribes against the militants. It also sees Indian fingerprints all over them. “The Americans want India to be the regional power,” says a security source. Many of “these militants in the tribal areas are being financed by India and Afghanistan”. To what end? Two scenarios are sketched by the military. The mildest is to create such ferment in the tribal areas that the CIA, NATO and Afghan army will enter them, wresting back Pashtun lands long claimed by Kabul. The worst is to dismember Pakistan as the world’s only Muslim nuclear state. “India thinks a fragmented Pakistan would reduce the threat level,” says another source. “The more I talk to the (military) establishment, the more I’m convinced fear and hatred of India is growing,” says a Pakistani analyst, who refused to be attributed. “And now it’s India with America”. Does this mean the ISI was involved in the Mumbai or Kabul attacks? Not necessarily: it simply underscores the recklessness of having proxies or covert alliances over which Islamabad actually has no control. None but the most conspiratorial can believe Pakistan’s regional aims are furthered by the atrocities in Mumbai and Kabul. Yet they may square with the goals of those (like the Taliban and al Qaeda) that want “independence of activity” in the tribal areas or (like LT) a “clash of civilizations” between Hindu and Muslim in South Asia. These are the fissures in which all three groups thrive. This is the reason Pakistan’s current suppression of LT-JD should be real rather than virtual. But “coercive diplomacy” won’t induce it. Nor is it much use for Washington or London to conspire with Pakistan’s hapless civilian government to wrest national security policy from the hands of the army and ISI. Afghanistan, India and nuclear weapons have been their policy preserve for 30 years. With the western border aflame and the eastern simmering they are not going to be given up now. The only way the army will loosen its hold on these policies – and abandon proxies – is if its regional concerns are addressed. With Afghanistan this means recognition by its government and US that the Durrand Line is Pakistan’s legitimate border and that all counterinsurgency operations on the Pakistani side are the exclusive right of the army. With India it means resolution of Kashmir. The two are interlinked, says an analyst. “The army’s recent experience with India is very bitter. After 2004 the army scaled down militant intrusions into Kashmir by 95 percent. And India’s response was not to talk about Kashmir and say the issue was solved. The army thinks it would be the same in Afghanistan if it abandoned the Afghan Taliban”. Prior to Mumbai it wasn’t only analysts who made that connection. Last year US president-elect Barack Obama wrote: “if Pakistan can look towards the east with confidence, it will be less likely to believe its interests are best advanced through cooperation with the Taliban”. He later said peace between India and Pakistan could be the fulcrum for a greater regional engagement in America’s losing war in Afghanistan. Of all Mumbai’s casualties the end of that link may be the deadliest. Graham Usher is a writer and journalist in Islamabad and author of Dispatches From Palestine: The Rise and Fall of the This article appears in the January edition of this excellent monthly, whose English language edition can be found at mondediplo.com. This full text appears by agreement with Le Monde Diplomatique. CounterPunch features one or two articles from LMD every month.
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