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March
3, 2002
Eric Schaeffer
Dear
Christie Whitman:
Take This Job and Shove It
John Chuckman
Why
the Rest of Planet is Unnerved by America
March
2, 2002
Alexander
Cockburn
Sweat,
Sex, Feet and
the Working Class
March
1, 2002
Brendan
Sexton III
What's
Wrong With Black Hawk Down: an Actor Speaks Out
Terry
Diggs
Why
Twain's Pudd'nhead
Wilson Still Matters
David
Krieger
Nuclear
Terrorism
and US Nuclear Policy
February
28, 2002
James
T. Phillips
Baghdad,
Spring 1992
Gideon
Samet
Sharon
Must Go
Rep. Ron
Paul
Before
We Bomb Iraq
M. Shahid
Alam
Samuel
Huntington:
Peddling Civilizational Wars
St. Clair
/ Cockburn
Rumble
from the Jungle:
Ecaudorian Farmers Fight
DynCorp's ChemWar
February
27, 2002
Eric Hobsbawm
The
Future of War and Peace
John Troyer
About
that WTC Memorial
Mokhiber
/ Weissman
Wired
for Democracy
or Business?
Alexander
Cockburn
Daniel
Pearl: Should His
Editors Have Sent Him There?
February
26, 2002
Jonathan
Steele
Kabul's
Loss
Vasily
Streltsov
The
Pentagon in
the Transcaucusas
CounterPunch
Wire
How
Corporations Use Shadowy "527" Groups to Influence
Politicians
Lt. Col.
Robert Bowman
ABM
Treaty: Alive or Dead?
Rep. Dennis
Kucinich
A
Prayer for America
February
25, 2002
John Clarke
Interrogated
at US Border
Blankfort,
Poirier, Zeltzer
ADL
Blinks, Settles Spying Case
Alex Lynch
Naked
from Sin:
The Ordeal of Nahla
and Sami Al-Arian
John Chuckman
Ashcroft
Speaks in Tongues
February
24, 2002
David
Vest
Skate
Date
February
23, 2002
Tom Turnipseed
Axis
of Evil and
Media Monopolies
Bahour/Dahan
Cracks
in the Occupation
February
22, 2002
Alexander
Cockburn
Axel
of Evil: Sex Crimes
and the Constitution
February
21, 2002
Gary Leupp
The
Philippines: Second Front in US's Global War
David
Vest
Reagan
Clone Project?
Mokhiber
and Weissman
Chicago
School and Corporate America: Rotten to the Core
February
20, 2002
Bernard
Weiner
The
Shallow Throat Document
Kay Lee
The
Prison Guard Who Never Owned Up to His Crimes
February
19, 2002
David
Orr
Waylon
Jennings, the Duke,
and the Navajo
John Chuckman
The
Devil and Georgie Bush
Prudence
Crowther
Giblet
Gravitas
Ramzi
Kysia
Caught
in the Iraq DMZ
February
18, 2002
Ron Jacobs
The
US and Iran
George
Lewandowski
Empire
in Declline
Lenni
Brenner
Life
and Death of a Folk Hero
February
17, 2002
Robert
Fisk
Lost
in a Pit of Desperation
February
16, 2002
Phillip
Cryan
Colombia
in War Time
February
15, 2002
C.G. Estabrook
From
New York to Porto Alegre
Robert
O'Brien
The
View from Porto Alegre
Mokhiber/Weissman
Resisting
the Assassins
February
14, 2002
Levy and
Easton
Ante
Pavelic
Real Butcher of the Balkans
Joan Claybrook
Dear
Jeb Bush,
About You and Enron
John Chuckman
Time
for a Woman Prez
Alexander
Cockburn
Banning
the Koran
February
13, 2002
Sen. Russ
Feingold
War
Powers and
the War on Terror
Tom Turnipseed
Bush's
Folly
George
Monbiot
American
Imperialism
February
12, 2002
Uri Avnery
The
Great Game:
Oil, Sharon and Iran
Tommy
Ates
Black
Land Loss
February
11, 2002
Walt Brasch
The
Synergizing of America
John Troyer
Enron's
Deep Throat?
February
9, 2002
John Blair
Criticize
Cheney, Go to Jail
A Photographic Journal of Life
in an Afghan Refugee Camp
By Judith Mann
Resources:
100s of Links
About 9/11
CounterPunch:
Complete
Coverage of 9/11 and Its Aftermath
Five
Days That
Shook The World:
Seattle and Beyond
By Alexander
Cockburn
and Jeffrey St. Clair
Photos by Allan Sekula
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War Diary
CIA's Assassination Plan a History of
Torture in US Prisons
bin Laden and Bush
Business Connections
Aisha Ikramuddin on the Hidden Hype
of US Food Bombs
Peter Linebaugh on
Pakistan
Christopher Hitchens' Love for Mrs. Thatcher
Jiang Zemin Tells Bush:
Nuke 'Em
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CounterPunch
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How the CIA's Backing of the Mujahideen Created the World's Most
Robust Heroin Market and Helped to Finance the Rise of the Taliban
and Osama bin Laden
Whiteout:
CIA, Drugs & the
Press
by Alexander
Cockburn
and Jeffrey St. Clair
The New Crusade:
America's War on Terrorism
By Rahul Mahajan
The Memphis Blues Again:
Six Decades of Memphis Music Photographs
Photos by Ernest Withers
Text by Daniel Wolff
The New Intifada:
Resisting Israel's Apartheid
Edited by Roane Carey
A Pocket Guide to
Environmental Bad Guys
by James Ridgeway
and Jeffrey St. Clair
The
Phoenix Program
by Douglas Valentine
Al Gore:
A User's Manual
by Cockburn
and St. Clair
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Reviews of Gore:
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March 3, 2002
Toward a Nonviolent
Africa
Bill Sutherland's Quest
By Frederick B. Hudson
A white Columbia University graduate student,
Matt Mayer, announces his plans to resist President Jimmy Carter's
new Selective Service registration program in 1980. After significant
media attention including an interview in Rolling Stone magazine,
he finds himself at a War Resisters International convocation
in 1982, hoping to meet resisters from every spot on the globe.
But no comrades are present from Africa,
Latin America, or Asia. The American resister becomes convinced
that racism divides those who proclaim a devotion to peace even
at the cost of incarceration. He looks for a mentor from the
communities of color. He finds one. With forty years in the pacifist
trenches.
Bill Sutherland is an African American
who refused military service in World War II-when many blacks
saw the war as a coveted opportunity to assert their claims
to full citizenship.
Influenced as a youth by the strategies
of Mahatma Gandhi, Sutherland worked after graduation from Bates
College in Maine for the Quaker affiliated American Friends
Service Committee. In 1942, Sutherland joined noted activist(and
Chicago 7 defendant) Dave Dellinger in the Lewisburg Federal
Penitentiary as a war resister.
After his release from prison in 1945,
Sutherland pedaled around Europe on a bicycle trip. He met African
students in London and Paris whose enthusiasm for the possibility
of liberation on the African continent sparked an unyielding
commitment in Sutherland that he shared with his revolutionary
compatriots on "the Dark Continent"..
Matt Mayer and Bill Sutherland have collaborated
on a remarkable book, Guns and Gandhi in Africa, which probes
the dilemma of advocating nonviolence in the face of a brutality
that held people in thrall with pistols, whips, barbed wire,
identity passes, and unspeakable horrors.
This work by Mayer and Sutherland is
not a biography. Sutherland's selflessness required that the
pages reflect the experiences, philosophies, strategies, and
tactics employed by African leaders who shared confidences with
the two authors.
A remarkable man, Mr. Sutherland. How
many people, living or dead, had prolonged tete-a-tetes with
Frantz Fanon, Kwame Nkrumah, Patrice Lumumba, Tom Mboya(who
was representing an imprisoned Jomo Kenyatta), and Bayard Rustin-at
the same meeting?
Ghana was the first African country where
Sutherland settled-it was after all the first to achieve independence
after World War II. Sutherland observed Nkrumah's efforts to
a build a state via a mass movement and the creation of institutions
responsive to the needs of the people.
Mayer and Sutherland returned to Ghana
in 1992 . Sutherland's oldest daughter has remained there since
her birth and has become that country's Deputy Minister in charge
of Higher Education. She helps them meet leaders who review
Nkrumah's successes and failures to implement a strategy called
Positive Action-an offshoot of the Gandhian movement featuring
sit-down strikes, boycotts and noncooperation which lead to
Ghana's independence in 1957.
These civil rights techniques had usefulness
after independence-the Ghanaian Minister of Finance provoked
President Eisenhower to invest U.S. dollars in the Volta River
development project after he was refused a glass of orange juice
in then Jim Crow Maryland!
Meyer and Sutherland review Nkrumah's
commitment to Pan-African solidarity. This quest was shared
by Sutherland during his over thirty year residence in Tanzania
where he discussed Africa's hope often with Julius Nyerere who
was president from 1962 to 1985.
Committed to African liberation, Nyerere
offered sanctuary in Tanzania to members of the African National
Congress and numerous other rebel groups from Zimbabwe, Mozambique,
Angola, and Uganda. In 1978, under Nyerere's leadership, Tanzanian
troops entered Uganda, deposing dictator Idi Amin.
Nyerere explained these actions by saying:
"when you win, the morale of the African freedom fighters
will go up and the morale of their opponents throughout southern
Africa will go down. I said that's what we should do-demonstrate
success-which we did."
The most graphic test of the authors'
nonviolent creed is challenged in their discussions with South
African leaders. Interviews with a variety of freedom fighters
stress their life long commitment to struggle and social transformation.
Yet the choice of violence by some freedom fighters hangs heavy
over the discussions and cannot be fully dismissed as futile
in the strife that eventually won enfranchisement for the black
majority.
Insightful interviews with Kenneth Kaunda,
the former President of Zambia and Graca Machel, the widow of
the assassinated head of Mozambique(and Nelson Mandela's present
wife) further flesh out the frustrating attempts of Africa's
leaders to find nonviolent solutions to current problems of
globalization and debt relief.
Despite a continuing, almost strident
insistence on pushing a nonviolent commitment, this book offers
a world of privileged conversations with Malcolm X, Gandhi's
granddaughter who remained in South Africa to organize, President
Jerry Rawlings of Ghana and a host of other African and Afro-American
leaders. Sutherland still sees the world through non-violent
eyes. Let us hope his vision is fulfilled.
For information about Guns and Gandhi
in Africa, please contact African World Press at www.africanworld.com
or call 609-844-9583.
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