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Today's Stories February 19, 2008 Paul Craig
Roberts February 18, 2008 Wajahat Ali Diana Johnstone Paul Craig Roberts Andy Worthington Debbie Nathan Anthony DiMaggio Bill Simpich Eva Liddell Christopher Brauchli Stephen Soldz Johann Rossouw Website of
the Day
February 16 / 17, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Ralph Nader David Macaray William J.
Peace Ron Jacobs Diane Christian Alan Maass Ramzy Baroud Michael Donnelly Cpt. Paul Watson James L. Secor Eve Bachrach Nikolas Kozloff Stephen Gowans Missy Beattie David Michael
Green Wajahat Ali Poets' Basement Website of the Day
February 15, 2008 George Szamuely Patrick Cockburn Wajahat Ali Mike Whitney Alan Farago Chris Genovali Jacob Hornberger Dave Lindorff Website of the Day
February 14, 2008 Kathleen and
Bill Christison Mike Whitney Clancy Sigal George Wuerthner Peter Morici John Ross Allan Nairn Rannie Amiri Niranjan Ramakrishnan Donna Volatile Seth Sandronsky Website of
the Day
February 13, 2008 Nikolas Kozloff Alan Farago Christina Kasica Vicente Navarro Hall Greenland Lee Sustar David Macaray Roderick Frazier
Nash Patrick Irelan Anthony Papa Carl Finamore Website of
the Day
February 12, 2008 Frank J. Menetrez Paul Craig
Roberts Dr. Trudy Bond Andy Worthington Col. Dan Smith Ronnie Cummins Ralph Nader John V. Walsh Dave Lindorff Michael Donnelly Ron Jacobs Ben Tripp Website of the Day
February 11, 2008 Cockburn /
St. Clair Wajahat Ali Ray McGovern Allan Nairn Uri Avnery Chris Floyd Martha Rosenberg Stephen Fleischman Marc Lamont Hill Liliana Segura Peter Morici Christopher
Brauchli Website of the Day
February 8 / 10, 2008 Paul Craig
Roberts Patrick Cockburn Mike Whitney Anthony DiMaggio Andy Worthington Linn Cohen-Cole Firmin DeBrabander Cpt. Paul Watson Kenneth S. Pope Jacob G. Hornberger Robert Bryce P. Sainath Allan Nairn Fred Gardner
/ Andrew Wimmer Robert Fantina David Michael Green Kevin Zeese Peter Morici Chris Driscoll Prairie Miller Poets Basement
February 7, 2008 Patrick Cockburn Bill Christison David Anderson Ron Jacobs Nikolas Kozloff Jane Rockefeller Andy Worthington Dave Zirin Saul Landau Susie Day Website of the Day
February 6, 2008 Cockburn /
St. Clair Ben Rosenfeld Vijay Prashad Joe Bageant Michael Donnelly Allan Nairn Kathryn Gray Ray McGovern Sheldon Richman Paul Cantor
/ Roger Sparks John Chuckman Website of
the Day February 5, 2008 Winslow T.
Wheeler Tariq Ali Stephen Soldz Chris Floyd William S. Lind Martha Rosenberg Heather Gray Ayesha Ijaz
Khan David Macaray Eliza Ernshire Brenda Norrell Website of
the Day
February 4, 2008 Marc Levy Patrick Cockburn Saree Makdisi Uri Avnery Alan Farago Ben Tripp Paul Wolf Paul Craig
Roberts Joshua Frank John Halle Website of the Day
February 2 / 3, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Pam Martens Ralph Nader John Ross Wajahat Ali Robert Fantina B. R. Gowani James L. Secor John V. Walsh Niranjan Ramakrishnan Dave Zirin Jeremy Scahill Fidel Castro Joe Allen Stephen Lendman Patrick Irelan Andrej Grubacic Josh Karpoff Ron Jacobs Paul Krassner Website of the Weekend
February 1, 2008 Ray McGovern Diane Farsetta Patrick Cockburn Tariq Ali Allan Nairn Rannie Amiri Ramzy Baroud Kenneth Couesbouc Peter Morici Mumia Abu-Jamal Rosemary Jackowski Scott Campbell Website of the Day
January 31, 2008 Saul Landau Andy Worthington Mike Whitney Jeff Ballinger Tiffany Ten
Eyck William Loren
Katz Alan Farago Col. Dan Smith China Hand Dave Lindorff Wadner Pierre Website of the Day
January 30, 2008 Cockburn /
St. Clair Christopher
Ketcham Robert Weissman Neve Gordon Paul Craig Roberts Joanne Mariner David Macaray Liaquat Ali
Khan Raymond J. Lawrence Dan Bacher Website of the Day
January 29, 2008 Franklin C.
Spinney Mike Whitney Alan Farago Patrick Cockburn Gary Leupp R. F. Blader Ahmad Faruqui Fran Shor Jeremy Scahill Allan Nairn Website of the Day
January 28, 2008 Patrick Cockburn Paul Craig
Roberts Allan Nairn Eyad al-Sarraj
/ Sara Roy Martha Rosenberg Corporate Crime
Reporter David Michael Green Jennifer Van
Bergen Nancy Oden Divya Karnad James L. Secor Website of
the Day
January 26 / 27, 2008 Uri Avnery JoAnn Wypijewski Ralph Nader Paul Craig
Roberts Paul Watson John Ross Fred Gardner Allan Nairn Joshua Frank Binoy Kampmark James T. Phillips Stan Cox Eamonn McCann Ron Jacobs Seth Sandronsky Ben Terrall Poets' Basement Website of
the Weekend
January 25, 2008 Douglas Valentine Patrick Cockburn JoAnn Wypijewski Heather Gray Marjorie Cohn Erica Rosenberg Alan Farago Robert Weissman Laura Carlsen Stephen Lendman Website of the Day
January 24, 2008 JoAnn Wypijewski Paul Craig
Roberts Alexander Cockburn Kathleen Christison Jeff Halper Stanley Heller George Wuerthner Patrick Cockburn Jeff Sher Patrick Irelan Charles Modiano Website of
the Day
January 23, 2008 David Rosen David Isenberg Farzana Versey Paul Craig
Roberts Alan Farago Allan Nairn Kenneth Couesbouc Niranjan Ramakrishnan Michael Donnelly Norman Solomon Website of the Day
January 22, 2008 Paul Craig
Roberts JoAnn Wypijewski Al Giordano Felice Pace Paul Wolf Robert Weissman Dave Lindorff Marjorie Cohn Richard Neville Don Fitz /
Zaki Baruti Ben Terrall Sam Husseini Website of
the Day
January 21, 2008 Kevin Alexander
Gray Linn Washington,
Jr. Pam Martens David Macaray Uri Avnery Omar Barghouti Joe DeRaymond B.R. Gowani Shepherd Bliss Jean-Guy Allard Dan Bacher Website of
the Day January 19 / 20, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Saul Landau China Hand Conn Hallinan Ron Jacobs Dave Lindorff Andy Worthington Paul Armentano Seth Sandronsky Michael Donnelly Patrick Irelan Martha Rosenberg Sherwood Ross David Michael
Green James Rothenberg Daniel Gross Peter N. Carroll Susie Day Paul Krassner Poets' Basement Website of the Day
January 18, 2008 Allan Nairn Ralph Nader Joanne Mariner Alan Farago P. Sainath R.F. Blader Andy Worthington John Jonik Brian McKenna Daoud Kuttab Website of the Day
January 17, 2008 Paul Craig
Roberts Christopher
Brauchli Robert Fantina Patrick Irelan Paul A. Moore Stephen Lendman Beena Sarwar Walter Brasch Brenda Norrell Adam Federman Website of the Day
January 16, 2008 Jeffrey St.
Clair Franklin Lamb Julian Sanchez Sharon Smith Allan Nairn Ayesha Ijaz
Khan Andy Worthington Richard Behan Website of the Day
January 15, 2008 Andrea Peacock Wajahat Ali Joe Bageant Ralph Nader John Ross Elaine Cassel Peter Morici Beena Sarwar Robert Weissman Binoy Kampmark Dave Zirin Website of
the Day
January 14, 2008 Ishmael Reed Roger Morris Uri Avnery Mike Whitney Allan Nairn William Blum Alan Farago David Macaray Eva Liddell Zoe Blunt Website of the Day
January 12 / 13, 2008 Andrew Cockburn Saul Landau Corey D. B. Walker Col. Dan Smith Eric Toussaint Ron Jacobs Fred Gardner Stan Cox Jacob G. Hornberger Ramzy Baroud Joseph Grosso David Díaz-Arias Stacey Warde Dan Bacher Michael Dickinson Website of
Weekend
January 11, 2008 Dave Lindorff Paul Craig
Roberts Andy Worthington Kenneth Couesbouc Jeff Ballinger Christopher
Brauchli Manuel Garcia, Jr. Andrew Silverstein Marwan Bishara Robert Weissman Patrick Irelan Website of
the Day
January 10, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Bob Wing Michael Donnelly David Macaray China Hand Ayesha Ijaz Khan Rannie Amiri Website of the Day
January 9, 2008 Cockburn /
St. Clair Dave Lindorff John Chuckman James Bovard Alan Farago Russell Mokhiber William S. Lind Peter Morici Josh Reubner Mike Roselle Website of the Day
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February 19, 2008 The Story of the Freightliner FiveUnion-Busting at FreightlinerBy LEE SUSTAR The Freightliner management in Cleveland, N.C., must be breathing a sigh of relief. Five terminated members of the union's bargaining committee who helped lead a one-day strike last year have been denied union membership by their local union president in what experts say is a violation of their union's constitution. One of the five, Allen Bradley, was arrested February 16, even as he, along with the other terminated members, were complying with a police order to leave a union meeting. His "crime?" Taking a photo of a police officer who was confronting a fellow worker. To an outsider, it may appear that United Auto Workers (UAW) Local 3520 is simply beset by factional rivalry. Certainly, such a conclusion would be convenient for Freightliner executives, who benefit from any diversion from the heart of the matter--the unjustified firing of five local union officers who led a walkout from their plant after their contract expired and management broke off negotiations. Since then, the workers, now known as the Freightliner Five--Bradley, Robert Whiteside, Glenna Swinford, Franklin Torrence and David Crisco--have been fighting to regain their jobs. A January letter from an official at the UAW International's office in Detroit stated that the union would press the workers' case at arbitration hearings that have yet to be scheduled. In recent weeks, the five have mounted a solidarity effort that has raised money from unionists and sympathizers around the country to keep them in the fight. The response has been positive and growing--not only because labor activists recognize the justice of their cause, but because the outcome of this struggle will have an impact on labor's long-delayed efforts to organize the South. If a company can get away with terminating a union's elected officers--Whiteside, Swinford and Torrence are members of the local's executive committee, and the others also hold several elected union positions--organizing in what is already hostile territory will become even more difficult. As has been the case historically in the South, the struggle for racial justice is intertwined with workers' rights. Whiteside and Torrence are African American and have been at the forefront of the effort to fight discrimination in the Cleveland plant. They, as well as Swinford and Bradley, are all active members of the NAACP. "Corporations continue to flock to the South, where they can take advantage of 'right-to-work' laws and intimidate workers," said Donna DeWitt, president of the South Carolina AFL-CIO. "It is incidents such as the termination of the five Cleveland Freightliner union members that impedes the ability of unions to organize successfully in the South. "When workers see what happens to union members--union leaders--they will choose not to be a part of a union. In the end, the corporations win, and workers lose." Yet in this struggle, the Freightliner Five have repeatedly found themselves up against UAW Local 3520 President George Drexel. It was Drexel who called off the strike hours after it began on April 2, 2007. It was Drexel who tried to suspend the five from union office and put them on a weeklong internal union trial last November, which failed. And it was Drexel who informed the five that they were no longer members in good standing, and would henceforth be barred from union meetings, even though in the UAW such determinations rest with a local's financial secretary. In fact, Local 3520's financial secretary, Shayne Brown, accepted back dues from the five just days before the union meeting. Drexel did not return messages seeking comment on these developments. Whatever his motivations, a campaign to remove the five from union office, and now membership, can only benefit management. And as a look at Freightliner shows, the company--recently renamed Daimler Trucks North America after its German parent corporation--has long pursued an anti-union agenda. Of course, corporate public relations specialists gave Freightliner's "human resources management" a different spin. On June 1, 2006, Dieter Zetsche, chair of Freightliner's parent company, then known as DaimlerChrysler, visited the truck maker's flagship plant in Portland, Ore., to celebrate the 25th anniversary of Daimler's purchase of Freightliner. "Today, Freightliner is not only an integral part of the DaimlerChrysler Truck Group and the pillar of our North American commercial vehicle operations, it is also the group sales leader for our entire truck business," Zetsche told an audience of factory workers, praising them as "dedicated employees." Eight months later, 900 of those "dedicated employees" were laid off as Freightliner transferred work to plants in North Carolina and Santiago Tianguistenco, outside Mexico City. By July, production workers at the Portland plant, which builds the Western Star brand trucks and military vehicles, had had enough. Some 670 members of International Association of Machinists (IAM) Local 1050 walked out, preventing the plant from re-opening after a maintenance shutdown. Three other unions at the plant--the Teamsters, the Service Employees International Union and the Painters--had already reached tentative agreements. But they honored the IAM's picket lines and kept the plant shut down. According to union officials, the IAM won improvements in job security and severance pay--key demands in view of the fact that Freightliner is building a big new plant in Saltillo, Mexico, which is scheduled to produce 30,000 Freightliner and Sterling brand trucks when production begins next year. Daimler's hard-line approach to Freightliner unions in the U.S. bears little resemblance to the employee-worker "co-management" mandated by German law. The UAW fought a long battle to organize Freightliner's Mt. Holly, N.C., plant, finally gaining recognition in 1990, and carried out a 16-day unfair labor practices strike to win a contract the following year. But as Freightliner expanded production in the region, it did its best to keep the union out. After Daimler's merger with Chrysler in 1998, the UAW tried to leverage its relationship with Chrysler to push for the company's neutrality in union organizing drives. Instead, the company dug in. A key factor was the arrival of Daimler's Rainer Schmueckle as president and CEO of Freightliner. His heavy-handed tactics created an opening for UAW organizers. At the Gastonia, N.C., truck parts plant, for example, workers were upset over a 5 percent wage cut and higher health insurance costs. But just a day before an NLRB-supervised election, Gastonia management threatened workers with job loss if they voted to bring in the UAW. The UAW lost the vote, with 322 in favor of union representation and 346 against. The NLRB, which has taken a decidedly pro-management tilt under the Bush administration, nevertheless ordered a new election because of management intimidation. In the end, the Gastonia plant was unionized--not through an NLRB election, but through a "card check" agreement in which DaimlerChrysler agreed that its nonunion operations would recognize the union if and when a majority of workers signed union cards. Nate Gooden, then director of the UAW's Chrysler and heavy truck department, predicted that DaimlerChrysler's Mercedes-Benz plant in Tuscaloosa County, Ala., would be organized "very, very soon, I think in less than a year." Nearly five years later, the Alabama plant remains nonunion after the UAW failed to win sufficient support. (The union hasn't succeeded in organizing any foreign-owned plants that aren't part of joint ventures with U.S. companies.) In 2006, the IAM launched its own attempt to organize the Alabama Mercedes plant, which has yet to yield results. At the Freightliner plants in North Carolina, however, the UAW was able to score a success. In late 2003, workers in the Gastonia plant supported unionization via card check. Their counterparts in Cleveland, where a $1.15 wage cut had been imposed, also got organized through card check. In 2004, the UAW won through card check at the Thomas Built Bus plant in High Point, N.C., but a complaint by an anti-union worker led the NLRB to overturn the recognition. A year later, the UAW narrowly won again, with 714 signing cards for the union out of a total of 1,300. But if Freightliner couldn't stop unionization, it was able to impose conditions on the UAW. In August 2002, management met with union officials to discuss a "framework" for card check procedures. The details of the agreement were revealed in a lawsuit by anti-union workers supported by the anti-labor National Right to Work Legal Defense Fund. In a document signed by the UAW's Gooden, the union agreed, among other things, that there would be "no wage adjustments provided at any newly organized plant prior to mid-2003." A memo from Freightliner human resources manager Scott Evitt also revealed that Freightliner insisted on canceling a wage increase for the unionized Mount Holly plant in December 2002, cancellation of a profit-sharing bonus and benefit "cost-sharing" by employees. Other aspects of the pre-agreement, which was to be in effect for five years, included a ban on guaranteed employee transfer between Freightliner business units; no additional limits on overtime scheduling; company control over production standards and job qualifications; a ban on strikes during the life of the contract other than health and safety issues; and "no future expectations that any Freightliner business unit will be required to meet 'UAW pattern' agreements." Whatever the agreement reached by the UAW and Freightliner, a network of activists in the Cleveland plant were already building a union from the bottom up. Allen Bradley, an electrical contractor with multiple licenses, joined the UAW Voluntary Organizing Committee (VOC) to organize among his fellow skilled trades employees. Also on the VOC was Glenna Swinford, who had worked at Daimler's Mercedes truck plant in Hampton, Va., from 1980 until it closed in 1990, before transferring to Freightliner. Robert Whiteside, who had been part of unsuccessful union drives in previous jobs, threw himself into the VOC, as did Franklin Torrence, who had been working at the plant for the previous decade. The activism of these and other VOC members helped the UAW overcome the resistance that management had mounted in Gastonia and High Point. The first contract in the plant was ratified in 2003. But there were still plenty of issues in which the workers clashed with management, with health and safety among the most important. David Crisco, who had been working for an insurance company before starting at the Cleveland plant soon after the contract was ratified, agreed to run for a union committeeman (shop steward) position just a couple of days after he was eligible to do so. What spurred Crisco to get involved was the number of injuries he saw--a man whose leg was run over by a truck, another killed because he stepped around a parked truck into the path of another, and a woman whose arm was twisted out of her shoulder socket because her wedding ring was caught in a machine. She had never used the machine before, and had no training, Crisco said. "I saw many things that could have been avoided that management just overlooked," he said. Crisco soon piled up more grievances than any other member of the shop committee, and he won a good deal more than he lost. "I was fired a couple of times and walked out of the plant a couple of times," he said. "I always changed out of my UAW shirt first, because I didn't want to give them the satisfaction of seeing someone in a union shirt taken out of the plant." It wasn't until the 2006 local union election that Crisco teamed up with the others who would become the Freightliner Five. "I didn't vote for Robert Whiteside for shop committee chair because I didn't know him," Crisco said. Soon, the two men were working closely, writing grievances and addressing issues on the shop floor. "Robert Whiteside is the epitome of a labor leader," said Crisco, recalling Whiteside's working 16- to 18-hour days despite a paycheck based on a regular workweek. "He's polite and professional, but when you stepped on his peoples' toes, you unleashed a lion." Management immediately made it clear what it thought of Whiteside, the union's leading African American official. "The previous shop committee chair had a nice office, with a secretary paid by the company," Crisco said. "But when Robert was elected, they put the office in a metal hole in the back of the plant and took the secretary away. I asked him, 'Brother, do you think you're the wrong color for this company?' He said, 'It sure looks that way." There were three other "thorns in the side" of management, Crisco says. One was Franklin Torrence, chair of the local's civil and human rights committee, which regularly investigated management for violations of racial and gender discrimination. Torrence, an activist in the NAACP, is also active in the Coalition of Black Trade Unionists, the A. Philip Randolph Institute and serves as his local's delegation to the Charlotte-area labor council. Asked at a Chicago solidarity meeting February 2 about the connection between union and racial justice issues, he replied simply, "Workers' rights and civil rights walk down the same road." Torrence's co-chair on the civil rights committee was Glenna Swinford, who earned management's ire during the 2003 contract talks for opposing mandatory random drug testing. "They called me the drug queen after that," she said. "But we had a series of terminations for substance abuse. I don't take drugs or even drink, but I think everyone has the right to be protected from false-positive tests," she said. She succeeded in getting testing at an off-site, licensed facility included in the 2007 contract. Another thorn in management's side was Bradley, who was skilled trades chair and an expert on the plant's equipment, and the health and safety risks it posed, Crisco said. With the election of the five to the bargaining committee, health and safety took center stage in negotiations. The contract expired on March 31, 2007. The next day, the company presented its final offer, with 22 articles still to be negotiated and 86 unresolved issues on health and safety. Management informed the bargaining committee that there would be no contract extension--therefore, a scheduled Good Friday holiday was cancelled. Workers also reported that they were told that their health insurance was cancelled. Thus, on April 2, the bargaining committee voted 12 to 0, with four abstentions, to call a strike. Local 3520 President George Drexel promised to support the bargaining committee. But a few hours into the strike, Drexel sent a recorded telephone message to union members calling off the strike on the basis that it had not been sanctioned by the UAW International. Eleven members of the bargaining committee were terminated by Freightliner. Six were rehired later after signing a "last chance" agreement and a statement that they had been misled by Whiteside, Swinford, Torrence, Bradley and Crisco into calling the strike. Contrary to the impression given by some UAW officials, the remaining five terminated workers received no offer to return to work at all. The Freightliner Five successfully fought to get unemployment compensation. But rather than defend them, Drexel sought to suspend them from office and put them on trial for alleged violations of union rules. That effort failed when the elected trial commission ruled against Drexel. At a subsequent meeting, rank-and-file members of Local 3520 initially rejected the contract offer that had spurred the strike, but Drexel arranged a second vote, held inside the plant, from which the five terminated workers were banned. This time, it passed. Drexel's efforts to remove the Freightliner Five from the union have complicated the fight for the workers' jobs. But the battle is far from over. According to Ellis Boal, a labor lawyer specializing in defending UAW members, the local has no basis for denying them union membership. "Indeed, they must have been in good standing to even be allowed a trial," he wrote in an e-mail message about the issue. And so the struggle continues. "This issue affects us all--it affects unions everywhere," Whiteside said at the Chicago meeting. "It affects the future organizing in the South." Bradley added, "What we want is justice from our employer. And what we would like to achieve is solidarity from our international union and our brothers and sisters all over the world." Lee Sustar is a regular contributor to CounterPunch
and the Socialist Worker.
He can be reached at: lsustar@ameritech.net
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