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Special Report on the Global Trade in Body Parts in the New Print Edition of CounterPunch!

Peter Linebaugh on the Resurrectionists: Organs of Chinese Prisoners Harvested While Still Alive; Group Executions for Mass Body "Harvesting"; Israel's Global Network for Body Parts; Kidney Belts Flourish from Romania to Iraq to the Philippines; Brave New World of "Organ Suppliers" and Organ Receivers Monitored by Berkeley Prof Nancy Scheper-Hughes; Origins of Body Part Market in 19th Century England; Body Snatching Gangs; Plus Bruce Anderson on How the Hippies and New Settlers of California's North Coast Became the Democratic Party Machine: Scratching Their Own Backs, Crushing Dissent. CounterPunch Online is read by over 20 million viewers each month! But remember, we are funded solely by the subscribers to the print edition of CounterPunch. Please support this website by buying a subscription to our newsletter, which contains fresh material you won't find anywhere else, or by making a donation for the online edition. Remember contributions are tax-deductible. Click here to make a (tax deductible) donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now!

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Today's Stories

September 22, 2004

Jeffrey St. Clair
High Plains Grifter: The House Rules

September 21, 2004

Gary Leupp
"We Are Not Secure": Kerry's "Unwavering Commitment" to Securing a Middle East Realm

Robert Jensen
Large Dams in India: Temples or Burial Grounds?

Elaine Cassel
Fourth Circuit to Moussouai: Ask Your Questions; Prepare to Die

Stanley Heller
Reagan and the Killing Fields of Lebanon

Adam Federman
America Will Disappoint the World, Again

David Whitehouse
What's Behind the Horror in Darfur?

M. Junaid Alam
How to Avoid Becoming an Anti-American

Paul Craig Roberts
Attention Deficit America

Website of the Day
True American War Heroes: the Iraq Refuseniks

 

September 20, 2004

Cockburn / Buncombe
Get Fallujah

David Price
Relying on Phonies: What If The Problem with Phone Polls is That They Are Phone Polls

Dave Lindorff
How Dems Fight: Tigers Against Nader, Pussycats Against Bush

Harry Browne
Pre-Nup at Leeds: Talked Out, But Does IRA Give Up?

Mark Wesibrot
Bush's Ownership Society: No Taxes for Owners, Only Workers

Karyn Strickler
The Keys to the White House v. the Shrum Curse?

Uri Avnery
The Temple Mount Bombers

 

 

September 18 / 19, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Forgeries, Fingerprints and Forensic Fakery

Jeffrey St. Clair
High Plains Grifter: Bush's Mask of Anarchy

Patrick Cockburn
Into the Abyss: the Week Iraq's Dream of Peace Fell Apart

Fred Gardner
Pot Shots: Financial Torture (Asset Forfeiture)

Joe Allen
The Comrades Kerry Abandoned: the Real Story of Vietnam Vets Against the War

George Corsetti
Poletown Revisited: Finally, Some Vindication

Scott Handleman
The Knock-Knock of a Sledgehammer: Sequestered in Nablus

Richard Ward
Two Weeks in Beit Arabiya

Conn Hallinan
Ashcroft and Indonesia

Lori Smith
Health Care in America: And Then I Got Sick...

Dave Zirin
Hold the Booyah!: SportsCenter Out of the Middle East

John L. Hess
Rather Will Take the Heat, As Bush's War Deteriorates

Brian J. Foley
W is for Wimp: So Why do Manly Men Love Him?

Mickey Z.
Pat Tillman and Osama bin Laden: Odd Juxtapositions

Poets' Basement
Vest, Landau & Albert

Website of the Weekend
Eye on the NYTs

Sex, Drugs & the Blues!
Serpents in the Garden

CounterPunch's Sizzling New Book on Culture and Sex is Now Available
Click here to purchase

 

 

Septemeber 17, 2004

Ray McGovern
Gossing Over the Record

Patrick Cockburn
The New Iraqi Economy: Baghdad's Thriving Kidnapping Industry

Lee Sustar
The State of Working America: an Autopsy of the American Dream

Mike Whitney
John Kerry: 195 Lbs. of Political Helium, Not an Ounce of Sincerity

Victor Kattan
Black September

Ray Hanania
Israel's Demographics

Greg Bates
Nader's Victories: a Mid-Campaign Assessment

Website of the Day
The Road to Hell

 

September 16, 2004

Landau / Hassen
Meet the New Villain: Syria

Joanne Mariner
Inside Darfur: a Photo Essay

Patrick Cockburn
US Offers Conflicting Accounts of Baghdad Bloodbath

Greg Moses
Four Million Children Might Be News

Joshua Frank
Nader in the Battleground States

Christopher Brauchli
The Bush Drug Lottery Flops

David Himmelstein
Folke Bernadotte: a Rosh Hashonah Remembrance

Website of the Day
The Abu Ghraib Index

 

 

September 15, 2004

Patrick Cockburn
Hell on Haifa Street

Ron Jacobs
Oppose War, Not Just Bush

David Lindorff
Blanking Out Dissent

Joanne Mariner
Talking About Darfur: Is Genocide Just a Word?

Angela Godfrey-Goldstein
An Open Letter to Madonna: Please Don't Support Israeli Apartheid

Dave Zirin
Is the NFL Ready for Us?

Yigal Bronner
"They Are Building Walls Around Us"

 

 

September 14, 2004

Gary Leupp
The Problem of Chechnya

Jennifer van Bergen
What's Wrong with Torture?

Stan Goff
Wake Up and Smell the Jungle Rot

Patrick Cockburn
The Punishment of Fallujah: US Precision Strickes...on Ambulances

Anis Memon
Nader in Michigan

Michael Donnelly
The Nuance Comes Off: Former Naderites Beg for Kerry Votes

Werther
Zell Miller: the Peckerwood Pericles

Website of the Day
Osama Bin Forgotten?

 

 

 

September 13, 2004

Gabriel Kolko
Elections, Alliances and the American Empire

Phillip Cryan
How Do You Say "Death Squad?": Language in Colombia's War

Patrick Cockburn
One of Baghdad's Bloodiest Days: "I'm a Journalist! I'm Dying! I'm Dying"

Noah Leavitt
The War on Civil Liberties

Robert Jensen
Highjacking Catastrophe: Bush, the Neo-Cons and 9/11

Mike Whitney
Alan Greenspan: Fed-Master to the Wealthy

John Chuckman
Stop Talking About the "Election"

Mike Burke
Kerry/Edwards Website Censors Discussion of Israel/Palestine Issues

CounterPunch Wire
The Quotations of David Cobb: "I Don't Care How Many Votes I Get"

Website of the Day
Keep It In Your Pants: the Bush Plan to Combat Teen Promiscuity

 

September 11 / 12, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Swatting at Flies

Fred Gardner
Yet Another Prozac Scandal

Saul Landau
When Our Assassins Go Free

Jennifer Van Bergen
How to Beat Bush: a Simple Strategy for the Average American

Roger Burbach / Jim Tarbell
The Real Dead Enders: Iraq and the Crisis of Empire

Christopher Reed
9/11 in an Historical Context: a Minor Event When Compared to Worldwide War Casualties

Francisc Catalin
An ABC of American Interventions

Carl Estabrook
Big Science and Government Terror

Bernard Chazelle
Anti-Americanism: a Clinical Study

Sharon Smith
Third Party Blues

Dave Lindorff
Perhaps This Time We're the Silent Majority

Mike Whitney
Fallujah: an Iraqi Beslan?

Frederick B. Hudson
Their Sons Perished in the Flames, But Not Their Faith

Mickey Z.
Round Up the Usual Suspects: a Look Back at 9/11

Ron Jacobs
Redneck Music for the New Century

Greg Moses
Soap Opera Moments in Texas School Funding Trial

Benjamin Dangl / Andrew Kennis
An Interview with Leslie Cagan

Poets Basement
Del Papa, Albert, Gelman

 

 

September 10, 2004

Patrick Cockburn
Disappointment at Samarrah?

Michael Donnelly
Democrats v. Democracy

Alan Farago
Mosquitoes in a Hurricane

Doug Giebel
Karl Rove's Terror Playbook

Mike Whitney
Bob Graham's Political Tsunami

David Domke
God's Will, According to the Bush Administration

 

 

September 9, 2004

Joe Bageant
Karaoke Night in Bush's America

Ed Kinane
Abducted in Baghdad

Peter Bohmer
The Cuban Revolution: Present and Future

Todd May
The Emerging Case for a Single-State Solution

Jeremy Scahill
The New York Model: Indymedia and the Text Message Jihad

Joshua Frank
Green House Party Gasses

Fran Shor
The Crisis in Public Dissent: When Protest is Considered a Terrorist Act

Patrick Cockburn
Welcome to the Dirtiest City in the World: Despair in Baghdad

Website of the Day
Liberty Street Protest: No to War at Ground Zero

 

September 8, 2004

Patrick Cockburn
This Doesn't Smell Like Victory: A War on Two Fronts in Iraq

Dave Lindorff
Bush Confuses; Kerry Mute: Spinning 1000 Dead

Bulent Gokay
Russian and Chechnia After Beslan

Lisa Viscidi
Land Reform and Conflict in Guatemala

Niranjan Ramakrishnan
Byrd's Eye View

Mike Whitney
Afghanistan: American's Drug Colony

Stan Goff
Body Count: 1001

Website of the Day
Bush and the Love Doctors

 

 

September 7, 2004

Diane Christian
Hostage Tactics: a Game of Mortal Poker

Joshua Frank
Greens Unravel from Within

Patrick Cockburn
Fallujah Erupts Again: US Death Toll in Iraq Nears 1000

Ron Jacobs
Bush and Putin: "We're Not Girlie Men"

Chris Floyd
Cry Havoc: Bush's Own Personal Janjaweed

Dr. Carol Wolman
No Blood for Oil at Paul Bunyan Day Parade

John Ross
The Politics of Darkness North / South

 

 

September 6, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
An Anti-Labor Day That Lives in Infamy: How Many Democrats Voted For Taft-Hartley?

Ralph Nader
The Cruel Legacy of Taft-Hartley: a Labor Day Call for Rights for Working People

Lee Sustar
What's Driving the Attack on Pensions?

Kathleen and Bill Christison
Dual Loyalties: the Bush Necons and Israel

 

 

September 4-5, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Elephants and Gramsci

Ted Honderich
The Way Things Are

Sasan Fayazmanesh
The Holy Empire: Who We Are and What We Do

Douglas Valentine
What the World Should Know About Guantanamo

Patrick Cockburn
New Iraqi Police State Flexes Its Muscles

Gary Leupp
Neo Cons Under Fire

Fred Gardner
Pot Shots: the Hempstead T-Shirt

William A. Cook
The Day of the Lemming

Dave Zirin
Kobe Bryant and the Price of Freedom

John Chuckman
The Day the World Ended

Karyn Strickler
God Save the Endangered Species Act

Vanessa Jones
Bad Day with an Ikea Cup

Mike Whitney
Kerry: the "Better" War Candidate

Mark Donham
Dear John (Kerry): Start Explaining and Fast

Mickey Z.
McBypass Nation: Feeling Clinton's Pain

Alan Farago
Can the Everglades be Fixed?

Poets' Basement
Landau and Albert

 

 

September 3, 2004

Jeffrey St. Clair
High Plains Grifter: Jesus Told Him Where to Bomb

Rahul Mahajan
Bush's RNC Speech: an Annotated Response

Carl Estabrook
The Book of Slaughter and Forgetting

Joshua Frank
The Florida of the Northwest: Oregon Dems Sabotage Nader Again

Gary Leupp
Music to My Ears: Sunday's March

James Hollander
Deja Vu in Manhattan: Assisted Political Suicide?

Mark Engler
Republicans Among Us: a Week at the RNC, Inside and Out

Jesse Sharkey
Making Students and Teachers Pay for the Crisis in Education

Jane Stillwater
Calling the Cops on Your Own Kid

Stephen Green
Serving Two Flags: the Bush Neo-Cons and Israel

 

 

September 2, 2004

Jeffrey St. Clair
High Plains Grifter: Part 3: More Pricks Than Kicks

Max Gimble
Et Tu, Menchu? Extrajudicial Killings and Clandestine Graves in Guatemala

James Petras
President Chavez and the Referendum: Myths and Realities

Christopher Brauchli
Bush and the Afghan Electoral Model: "If They Want to Vote Twice, Let Them"

Todd Chretien & Jessie Muldoon
Will the Democrats Expel Zell Miller?

Jack Random
Spite and Venom Day: the Turncoat and the Profiteer

Alan Maass
The Real Vietnam

Christa Allen
Contre Bush

Website of the Day
[Redacted]

 

 

September 1, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
The Stench of Doom

Kathleen and Bill Christison
Poor Larry Franklin

Dave Lindorff
Kerry's Litmus Test

Josh Frank
Protest in White: Not All of New York Rises Up

John L. Hess
Moles, Scoops and Flip Flops

Mike Whitney
Deconstructing Arnold

Jack Random
Kindergarten Night at the RNC

Andrew Wilson
War on the Pachyderms: Why Do Elephants Hate Us?

Jeffrey St. Clair
High Plains Grifter: Part Two: Mark His Words

 

 

August 31, 2004

Joseph Nevins
Escapism and Global Apartheid: The Dominican Republic & the NYTs

Matt Vidal
Beyond Bush's Rhetoric on the Economy

Neve Gordon
Kerry and the Middle East

Dave Lindorff
Bush the Peace Candidate?

Mike Whitney
NPR Leads the Charge for War Against Iran

Jack Random
Opening Night: Playing the War Card

Jeffrey St. Clair
High Plains Grifter: the Life and Crimes of George W. Bush (Part One)

CounterPunch Photo of the Day
Pete Seeger in NYC

 

 

August 30, 2004

Justin Podhur
The Disappeared Mayor

Shaun Joseph
The Hypocrites at TheNaderbasher.com

Mike Whitney
Israeli Moles in the Pentagon: What More Could They Possibly Want?

Ron Jacobs
Live, From New York: the Majority of Protesters Claimed No Candidate

David Lindorff
Sunday in Manhattan: the Sound of Marchin', Chargin' Feet, Boy

Dave Zirin
USA Basketball: The Team White America Loved to Hate

Sam Husseini
Israeli Spying on the US: a Long History

 

 

August 28 / 29, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Zombies for Kerry

Patrick Cockburn
Najaf Ceasefire Good for Iraq, But Weakens Allawi and US

Ray McGovern
Blowing Smoke on Intelligence

Dr. Juan Romagoza
From El Salvador to Abu Ghraib: Reflections of Torture Survivor

Ray Hanania
An Israeli Spy in the Pentagon? Ridiculous!

Fred Gardner
Eddie Lepp Busted by DEA: Facing Life for Growing Medical Pot

Diane Christian
Big Men: the Better Leader Lets You Live

William S. Lind
The Desert Fox

Paul D'Amato
The Left Takes a Dive for Kerry

Joshua Frank
Greens at the Crossroads

Mickey Z.
Media Declares War on Anti-War Protests

Winslow T. Wheeler
Sen. McCain's Pork Chops: an Exchange

Justin E.H. Smith
The New Age Racket and the Left

Thomas St. John
Burning Slaves at the Stake: On "Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God"

Ali Tonak
Help the NYPD?

Mark Engler
New York Says "No"

Justin Felux
Haiti: the Attica of the Americas

Poets' Basement
Gelman, Albert, Ford and Hamod

 

 

August 27, 2004

Gary Leupp
Neocon Musings

Robin Cook
The Ghosts of Abu Ghraib

Diane Christian
Disarming

Michael Donnelly
Situational Democracy: the Show Me the Green Party?

Jack Random
4F and Other Heroes: an Army of War Resisters

Mike Ferner
"To the Swift Boats!"

Mazin Qumsiyeh
7000 Palestinian Political Prisoners

Veronza Bowers, Jr.
"You Won't Be Leaving Tomorrow"


 

August 26, 2004

M. Shahid Alam
The Clash Thesis: a Failing Ideology?

Diane Christian
War Rules: Bush is No Sun Tzu

Derek Seidman
"They're As Bad As Wal-Mart:" Starbucks Workers Get Organized

David Lindorff
Court to RNC Protesters: Drop the Rally

Christopher Brauchli
Signs of Dissent: the Bush in the Bubble

Stew Albert
Reporting Suspicious Activity

Mark Donham
Judgement in Athens: Give the Koreans Their Day in Court

Saul Landau
Pinochet: the Al Capone of the Southern Cone

Website of the Day
The Kerry 527 Ad You'll Never See

 

 

August 25, 2004

Amelia Peltz
Can I Have 9.8 Seconds of Your Time?

Noah Leavitt
Defining and Redefining Torture

Ron Jacobs
Takin' It to the Streets: It's Not About the Election, It's About Democracy

James Brooks
Coronado Crosses the Jordan

Akiva Eldar
How to Win the Jewish Vote: Turn Gaza into a "Mini-Afghanistan"

Gemma Araneta
Chavez's New Brand of Populism

Philip Cryan
Uribe's Boys: the Death Squads of Colombia

CounterPunch Wire
Cheney Opens the Closet Door

 

 

August 24, 2004

Jeremy Scahill
John Kerry: the Warchurian Candidate

Gary Leupp
"We Want Them to Go Away"

David Domke
God Willing: an Echoing Press and Political Fundamentalism

William Loren Katz
The Meaning of Hugo Chávez: Black and Indian Power in Venezuela

Jonah Gindin
With Chavez? Reading the International Private Media

Fran Schor
Denying Atrocities: From Vietnam to Fallujah

Joe Bageant
Driving on the Bones of God

Website of the Day
The Great America Lockdown: a Primer for the RNC


 

August 23, 2004

Winslow Wheeler
Don't Mind If I Do: Porkbarrel and the War on Terror

John Pilger
Bush May Be the Lesser Evil

Stan Goff
Swift Boat Dogfight

Bill and Kathleen Christison
Notes from the West Bank: Build, Demolish, Rebuild

Mike Whitney
The Unraveling of Afghanistan

William Blum
Brave New World of Iraqi Sovereignty

Ralph Nader
A Letter to the Washington Post: a Shameful and Unsavory Editorial

 

 

August 21 / 22, 2004

Cockburn / St. Clair
"They Want Blood:" The Bi-Partisan Origins of the Total War on Drugs

Landau / Hassen
Failing the Mission? Form a Commission

Brian Cloughley
The Bush Team in Iraq: Moral Cowardice, as Practiced by Experts

Josh Frank
Nader as David Duke? The ADL Wants You to Think So

Mike Whitney
Reincarnating Mengele: the Torture Doctors of Abu Ghraib

Ron Jacobs
Day Labor Blues

Mickey Z.
Shooting at Whales: 40 Years After Tonkin

Fred Gardner
Dr. Wolman Comes Out: The Cannabis Consultants

Dave Zirin
Uprising in Athens: Iraqi Soccer Team Gives Bush the Boot

Josh Saxe
Witnessing Police Brutality in LA

Yanar Mohammed
Letter from Baghdad: a Democracy of Killings and Bombings

Helen Williams
Ali's Story: a Taste of Reality from Baghdad

Michael Donnelly
Elemental and NaturalForests, Fire and Recovery

Elizabeth Schulte
The Crisis in Affordable Housing

Poets' Basement
Adler, Albert, Virgil, Ford and Krieger

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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September 22, 2004

High Plains Grifter

The Life and Crimes of George W. Bush

By JEFFREY ST. CLAIR

Coda: The House Rules

Even Laura couldn't stop him. By most inside accounts, the first lady opposed the war on Iraq. She told Bob Woodward on the eve of the war that she found the prospect of the invasion horrifying. Later she whispered to others of being repulsed by the killing of Iraqi children and American soldiers. Generally, Bush cleaves to Laura like a security blanket. Since 1988, he hasn't spent more than two consecutive nights away from her. Still, he denied her on Iraq, just as he has done on abortion, which Laura demurely supports.

His father also couldn't deter him. Poppy Bush opposed the invasion of Iraq, reportedly fretting that Junior was wrecking the global coalition that he'd built. The old man thought that the toppling of Saddam would destabilize the Middle East and the occupation would be a bloody quagmire that would end with many Americans dead and a fundamentalist regime in control of much of Iraq. He sent his warnings through emissaries, such as his old National Security Advisor Brent Scowcroft. Scowcroft wrote an op-ed in the Wall Street Journal opposing the war. The text of the piece had been floated by Bush, Sr., who gave it the thumbs up. It went to press on August 15, 2002 under the title "Don't Attack Saddam." Plank by plank, Scowcroft ripped apart the Bush brief for war, as if it were a dilapidated barn. He said that the sanctions and UN inspections were working. Saddam was essentially contained and didn't pose a threat to the US, Israel or other protectorates in the Middle East.

Scowcroft also blew up the notion that Saddam had cosseted Al Qaeda. "There is scant evidence to tie Saddam to terrorist organizations, and even less to the September 11 attacks. Indeed, Saddam's goals have little in common with the terrorists who threaten us, and there is little incentive for him to make common cause with them...There is virtual consensus in the world against an attack on Iraq at this time. So long as that sentiment persists, it would require the US to pursue a virtual go-it-alone strategy against Iraq, making military operations more difficult and more expensive." The occupation and reconstitution of Iraq, Scowcroft warned with vivid prescience, could be bloody, protracted and might ultimately result in a fundamentalist regime more hostile to US interests than Iraq was under Saddam.

The article was warmly received by Colin Powell and Richard Armitage at the State Department, who wanted some breathing room from their rivals in the Pentagon. Armitage in particular seemed to be looking for a way to stick it to Cheney and Rumsfeld. He advised Powell to use the Scowcroft column to tell Rumsfeld to "Fuck off." Typically, Powell, always reflexively subservient, declined to press the advantage opened by his former colleague.

Meanwhile Scowcroft's broadside enraged Cheney and Rumsfeld. Being experienced hands at this game, they didn't attack their old associate frontally. Instead, they sent Condoleezza Rice out to lambaste Scowcroft. She accused the apex insider of betraying the home team and demanded that he muzzle his objections to the war. Shamefully, Scowcroft backed down, sulking mutely in his holding pen at the Scowcroft Group, his international lobbying firm headquartered in DC, content to be Cassandra for a day.

The prickly George W. was peeved at his father for trying to pull the rug out from under his planned conquest of Baghdad. He sniped that he wasn't about to recapitulate the mistakes of his father in regard to Saddam or the tax code. He privately ridiculed his father's lack of bravado in failing to take out Saddam in 1991, which the president characterized as a lack of nerve typical of those inclined toward diplomacy. Then in an interview with Bob Woodward, Bush, Jr. twisted the knife one last, fatal time. Bush confessed that he never consulted his father on the Iraq war. "You know, he is the wrong father to appeal to for strength," Bush said. "There is a higher father that I appeal to." Notice the implication here: his own father was weak. W.'s war on Saddam was in many ways not to redeem his father or avenge him, but a way to outdo him. Bush goes from choir boy to frat boy in a nanosecond. On the eve of the war, he gloated to Italian prime minister Sylvio Berlusconi, "Just, watch us, we're going to kick Saddam's ass."

As Seymour Hersh discloses in Chain of Command, the decision to invade Iraq, high on the agenda of the neo-cons in Cheney's office and the Pentagon since the election, had been given the greenlight almost immediately after the planes hit the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. At 2.40 in the afternoon on September 11, Rumsfeld convened a meeting of his top staffers. According to notes taken by an aide, Rumsfeld declared that wanted to "hit" Iraq, even though he well knew that Iraq was not behind the attack. "Go massive," ordered Rumsfeld. "Sweep it all up. Things related and not."

For Rumsfeld and his gang, 9/11 was an opportunity more than a hardship. It augured a war without end, a war without rules, a war without fiscal constraints, a war where anything was permitted and few questions asked. Almost immediately the Secretary of Defense conjured up his own personal hit squad, Joint Task Force-121, which he endearingly refers to as his "manhunters." Though we wouldn't hear about it for months, this operation launched the kidnappings, wholesale round-ups, assassinations, and incidents of torture that are only now coming partially to light.

Of course, it can't all be pinned on Rumsfeld and his band of bureaucratic thugs. It goes right to the top. On February 7, 2002, Bush signed an executive order exempting captured members of al-Qaeda and the Taliban from the protections of the Geneva Conventions. With that stroke of the pen, Bush affixed his imprimatur to the prosecution of his wars unbound by the constraints of international law. That secret imperial decree set into motion the downward spiral of sadism-as-government-policy which led directly to the torture chambers of Camp Cropper and Abu Ghraib and obliterated the last molecule of moral authority from Bush's global war. Of course, such concerns are mere trifles to these cruise missile crusaders.

* * *

From the beginning, the problem was concocting a rationale for the Iraq war, as the hunt for al-Qaeda in Afghanistan turned into a futile game of bomb and chase and anthrax letters and terror alerts kept the American public pinioned on tenterhooks. Rumsfeld ordered his number 3, the arch-neocon Douglas Feith, to establish the Office of Special Plans to develop the case for war against Iraq, a case built on raw information supplied mainly by Iraqi defectors under the control of Ahmed Chalabi. Another crucial source was Israeli intelligence, which was pushing hard for the ouster of Saddam. A similar war council was set up in Cheney's office, under the control of his chief of staff Scooter Libby.

For its part, the CIA realized that its rivals in the Pentagon and the White House were attempting to wrest control of the brief for war. Cheney and Rumsfeld had long loathed Tenet for his timidity and distrusted many CIA analysts has being sympathetic to the Powell / Armitage axis of diplomacy at the State Department. Cheney in particular fumed that the CIA and the State Department were badmouthing his pal Chalabi and had conspired to freeze $92 million payments to the Iraqi National Congress. "Why are they denying Chalabi money, when he's providing unique intelligence on Iraq Weapons of Mass Destruction?" The spigot was soon turned back on.

And to stay in the game, the CIA began to play along. Over the course of the next year, the CIA briefings for Bush became more and more bellicose. But they contained all the empirical rigor of silly-putty. Agency analysts knew that Iraq's military was in a decrepit condition; its nuclear, chemical and biological weapons programs were primitive at best; and its links to al-Qaeda non-existent. Yet, as James Bamford reported, CIA analysts were to instructed to bend their reports to bolster Bush's martial ambitions. "If Bush wants to go to war, it's your job to give him a reason to do so," a top CIA manager told his staff. It wasn't long before George Tenet himself was calling the case for war "a slam dunk."

This wasn't exactly a covert operation. In fact, Paul Wolfowitz let the cat out of the bag before the bombs started falling on Baghdad. "For bureaucratic reasons, we settled on one issue, weapons of mass destruction because it was one reason everyone could agree on," Wolfowitz gloated.

Why WMDs? For starters, they knew they could hook the Democrats into biting on that issue. After all, back in 1992 Al Gore himself had led the charge against Bush I for failing to topple Saddam in 1991, invoking the very same threat. "Saddam Hussein's nature has been clear to us for some time," Gore wrote in a New York Times essay. "He is seeking to acquire ballistic missiles and nuclear weapons; it is only a matter of time...Saddam is not an acceptable part of the landscape. His Baathist regime must be dismantled as well...We should have bent every policy-and we should do it now-to overthrow that regime and make sure that Saddam is removed from power."

Wolfowitz understood the political lay of the land. The WMD threat paralyzed the Democrats into giving Bush carte blanche for war. Wolfowitz also knew he could count on the press playing along, fanning anxiety on the homefront about Saddam's murderous intentions. Shortly after 9/11, Rumsfeld and his gang set up a special propaganda office in the Pentagon,which admitted that it intended to plant false stories in the foreign press. Evidently, they didn't have to worry about a similar operation for the US press, which seemed eager to cultivate its own fantastical scenarios.

The brahmins at the New York Times gave reporter Jayson Blair a merciless public flogging for his harmless flights-of-fancy. The destruction of Blair was overtly racist, suggesting that the scandal illustrated the perils of a zealous pursuit of affirmative action. Contrast this with the Time's agonizing comedown on its mound of stories on Iraq's non-existent weapons of mass destruction that daintily elided all mention of the name Judith Miller. Yet, Miller's cynical and malign front-page fictions, cribbed from her intimate contacts with the crook Ahmed Chalabi and his frontman Richard Perle, functioned as official fatwas for Bush's jihad against Saddam. Thousands perished due in part to Miller's fantasies, but she writes on, immune to the carnage her lies sanitized.

The thinly sourced stories were patently bogus to the attuned eye, but that didn't stop the flock of other war-maddened reporters, such as the equally gullible Jeffrey Goldberg at The New Yorker, from peddling their alarmist fantasies. Take Dan Rather, lately stung by airing apparently forged documents regarding Bush's ghostly tenure in the Texas Air National Guard. These days the Rove machine targets Rather as the poster boy for liberal bias in the media . Yet not so long ago Rather, part owner along with Donald Rumsfeld of a sprawling high desert ranch in New Mexico, confessed that he was willing to give the Bush administration the benefit of the doubt when it came to war and measures like the Patriot Act.

"I want to fulfill my role as a decent human member of the community and a decent and patriot American," Rather told Howard Kurtz of The Washington Post. "And, therefore, I am willing to give the government, the president and the military the benefit of any doubt here at the beginning. I will give them the benefit of the doubt, whenever possible, in this kind of crisis, emergency situation."

Hold on, Mr. Rather. that's not a slippery slope; it's the sheer face of Half Dome.

So, with no resistance from the press or the so-called opposition party, Bush got his war.

Despite the fear mongering and threat inflation, Saddam's slave army of conscripts didn't fight back. Battered by a decade of sanctions and two week's worth of saturation bombing (including illegal cluster bombs), they didn't have the means, the will or the desire. Not until later, when the occupation, where the military essentially served as armed guards for what the neo-cons hoped would be the corporate plunder of Iraq, turned vile and bloody.

Anxious for a victory celebration, Bush, the cross-dressing in chief, put on his flight suit and was ferried onto the deck of the USS Abraham Lincoln, where, braying like Caligula on the shores of Britain, he pronounced the war over and hailed himself as victor. Up to that day, when Bush told the world that major combat operations had concluded, 141 American soldiers had been died in Iraq. Then the real killing begin.

Two or three a day. One day after another. Week after week. Month by month. Bring 'em on, he said, hiding out in his ranch. And so they did. A current blood swirled through the summer and autumn, Americans, Brits, and Italians. And Iraqis. By the thousands.

There wasn't a good photo-op to be found. Normally, war presidents find time to console the wounded and grieve with the families of the slain. But Bush didn't want any bloodstains on his flight suit, fearing political forensics teams would use the evidence against him in the 2004 election.

The longer the occupation went on, the worse it got. In July, Saddam's sons Uday and Qusay, the sadists of the Tigris, were killed in a villa in Mosul. Their corpses were displayed before the world press in a wind-buffeted tent like slabs of meat in a butcher shop. No one in Iraq cared about their fate. Until that barbarous moment. Then came the uprisings in Fallujah and Najaf, the rise of al-Sadr, and the exposure of the Sadean circus going on after dark at Abu Ghraib. By June of 2004, it was obvious to nearly everyone who was paying attention the US had lost Iraq.

Bush acted oblivious to the carnage. He sequestered himself from the press, refused to read the papers, got his news ladled to him in palatable bite-sized bits by Condi Rice. When he made the occasional public appearance, he delivered fidgety non-sequiturs, as divorced from reality as the vapid mutterings of Liza Minelli.

So what was it all about? It was about oil, of course. Oil and fealty to Israel. And blood vengeance. And politics. And multi-billion dollar no bid contracts for political cronies. And empire building. And even cowboy chutzpah. Most of all, it was about collusion. That's how republics are undermined and replaced by empires. Go read Tacitus or Twain.

Bush's path to war was cleared by the Democrats, who were passive at best and deeply complicit at worst. Take House Leader Dick Gephardt and Senator Joe Lieberman, who rushed to the White House to stand side-by-side with Bush in a Rose Garden war rally, where they pledged their support for the invasion of Iraq.

John Kerry, a man who gives gravitas a bad name, went along with the war and refused to retract his support even after it became obvious that the grounds for the invasion were bogus at best and fabricated. (Kerry has been wrongly diagnosed as a chronic flip-flopper. He's simply a flipper. The senator and war criminal does a lot of gymnastical contortions of his position, but he keeps landing in the same place time after time.) So did his faithful sidekick John Edwards. And the rest of the Democratic leadership.

Look across the political taiga of the Democratic Party; it is a landscape denuded of any fresh sprigs of resistance. Even the august Russ Feingold's regular objections seem like perfunctory exercises, mere footnotes for the record. Feingold is the bland moral accountant of the senate. Dry and austere. He is also ignored, by the press and the bosses of his own party, partly because he is so bland. But mostly because he is usually right.

But most don't even express regrets. Take Senate Minority Leader Tom Daschle. Nearly a year after the war was launched, after every pretext had dissolved away and the US military found itself mired in a bloody and hopeless occupation, Daschle pronounced himself satisfied with the progress of the war. On February 19, 2004, Daschle told the South Dakota Chamber of Commerce: "I give the effort overall real credit. It is a good thing Saddam Hussein is no longer in power. It is a good thing we are democratizing the country." He also assured the business leaders of the Great Plains that he was not the least upset the over the bogus pre-war intelligence on weapons of mass destruction. As the summer of 2004 turned to autumn, Daschle, locked in a tight reelection race with Jim Thune, launched TV ads touting his support of the war, highlighted by a photograph of the senator being hugged by Bush. There you have it. Harmony in government. It boils down to a shared faith in the imperial project, a raw certitude in the righteousness of their collective crusade.

The cardinal rule of a grifter's game is to control both sides of the action. Under those rules of engagement, the house (read: empire) always wins.

Part One: The Ties That Blind

Part Two: Mark His Words

Part Three: More Pricks Than Kicks

Part Four: Jesus Told Him Where to Bomb

Part Five: Bush's Mask of Anarchy

Coda: The House Rules

Jeffrey St. Clair is the author of Been Brown So Long It Looked Like Green to Me: the Politics of Nature and, with Alexander Cockburn, Dime's Worth of Difference: Beyond the Lesser of Two Evils.

 

 

Weekend Edition Features for August 7 / 8, 2004

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Breaking the Principled Voter

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The Battle of Najaf

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Spirits of The Dead: Why I Love My Petty Bourgeois Tendencies

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Kid Gavilan's Grave: Propaganda Scores a TKO

Poets' Basement
Adler, Ford and Albert

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WWW http://www.counterpunch.org

 

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