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Today's
Stories
August 12,
2004
Jeffrey St.
Clair
How
Bush Got (and Lost) His Wings
August 11,
2004
Ceylon Mooney
Who
Woke Up Sen. Joe?: Watchers of the NJ Turnpike
Voices in the
Wilderness
Hands
Off Najaf
Ray McGovern
Porter
Goss as CIA Director?
Robert Jensen
US
Supports Anti-Democratic Forces in Venezuelan Recall
Annie Higgins
In Memory of Nick Pretzlik: As Good as It Gets
Alexander Cockburn
Bush
v. Kerry: Not Even a Dime's Worth of Difference
Website of the Day
Nick Pretzlik
August 10,
2004
William A.
Cook
Silencing
the Voice of the People
Todd Chretien
California Greens at the Crossroads: Will It Be Nader or Cobb?
Dave Lindorff
Chicago on the Hudson?
Richard Gott
Loathed
by the Rich: Why Chavez is Headed for a Big Win
Toni Solo
Bluebeard's
Castle: Disappearing the Right to Development
Dave Zirin
Carl Eller's Plea
Rep. Ron Paul
Police State, USA
Patrick Cockburn
If the Chalabis Were Corrupt, They Weren't Alone
Website of
the Day
The Surveillance-Industrial Complex
Sex,
Drugs & the Blues!
Serpents in the Garden

CounterPunch's
Sizzling New Book on Culture and Sex is Now Available
Click here to purchase
August 9, 2004
Tito Tricot
Pinochet
Must Still be Tried: a Murderer and a Thief on the Loose
Ron Jacobs
In
Memory of Deep Throat: the Day Nixon Was Gone
Norm Dixon
Crisis in Sudan: Oil Profits Behind West's Tears for Darfur
Kurt Nimmo
The Politics of Entrapment
Elaine Cassel
Welcome to Bush's America
Gary Leupp
Why
Iraqi Christians are Moving to Syria

August 7 /
8, 2004
James Petras
The
Anatomy of "Terror Experts": Meet the Mandarins of
Abu Ghraib
Fred Gardner
Run
Ricky Run: Football, Pot and Pain
Justin Delacour
Anti-Chavez Pollsters Panic: Fix Numbers; Reinvent Venezuela
Brian Cloughley
Persecuted by All; Supported by None: Who Would Be A Kurd?
Joshua Frank
The
Outsider: a Talk with Ralph Nader
Iain A. Boal
On "Shame": Warmed-Over Orientalism and Racist Projection
Chris Floyd
All About Eve: Open Season on Women in DC and Rome
Andrew Fenton
Fighting for Democracy and Justice in Haiti
Aseem Shrivastava
Saga of an Anguished Afghan
Neil Corbett
See Cuba: Sometimes a Cigar is Just a Cigar, Mr. Bush
Carol Miller
/ Forrest Hill
Rigged Convention; Divided Party: How David Cobb Won with Only
12% of the Vote
Tarek Milleron
Breaking the Principled Voter
Donald Macintyre
The
Battle of Najaf
Ron Jacobs
Spirits of The Dead: Why I Love My Petty Bourgeois Tendencies
Mickey Z.
Kid
Gavilan's Grave: Propaganda Scores a TKO
Poets' Basement
Adler, Ford and Albert

August 6, 2004
Joshua Frank
David
Cobb's Soft Charade: the Greens and the Politics of Mendacity
Derek Seidman
An
Interview with Stan Goff
Mike Whitney
The
Arbitrary Imprisonment of Jose Padilla
William S. Lind
Corruption in the Marine Corps
David Price
In
the Shadow of Hiroshima and Nagasaki
August 5, 2004
Mike Ferner
The Kerry Show: When Peace is Off
Message
Bruce Anderson
Two
Rejections
Robert Fisk
The Tale of Saddam's Cameraman
Todd Chretien
Florida
Comes to California: the Democrats' Plot Against Nader
Peter Linebaugh
Doing Time for Political Crime:
Paul and Silas, Bound in Jail
August 4, 2004
Mickey Z.
Two
Traditions: WMD and Disinformation
Justin Huggler
The Hunt for Bin Laden
John Ross
Mexico's
Dirty War Never Ended: Inside Puente Grande Prison
August 3, 2004
Uri Avnery
The
Oligarchs
Ray McGovern
The 9/11 Commission Chimera
Jack McCarthy
Sexual Politics in Jeb's Florida
Eric Ruder
Meet Barak Obama: the Democrats' New Liberal Star
John L. Hess
Crying Wolf: Orange Alert!
Elaine Cassel
Civil Liberties Elections: 1800 v. 2004
Jules Rabin
The Man Who Didn't Walk By
Website of the Day
No Wall

August 2, 2004
Robert Jensen
Kerry's
Hypocrisy on the Vietnam War
Joshua Frank
Greens, Kerry and the Politics of Mendacity
Mike Whitney
The 9/11 Commission and Civil Liberties: "We Need an American
Police State"
Gary Leupp
Beyond
Good and Evil: Some Thoughts on Invasions
July 31 / Aug.
1, 2004
Alexander Cockburn
Kerry:
He's the (Any) One
Merlin Chowkwanyun
Five Questions with Noam Chomsky: "The Savage Extreme of
a Narrow Policy Spectrum"
David Lindorff
The Shame of the DNC
John Chuckman
The
Disturbing Words of John Edwards
Brian Cloughley
All Slam and No Dunk; All Blame and No Responsibility
Christopher Brauchli
"Being Poor is a State of Mind": the Frowning Face
of Compassionate Conservatism
Fred Gardner
A World of Pain
Michael Donnelly
How Big Pharma Bilks the Elderly
David Nally
Genocide in Darfur?
Joshua Frank
Forest Battles Escalate in Oregon
Sam Bahour
Colin Powell and My Grandmother
Diane Farsetta
The IMF and the Indonesian Elections: The Invisible Hand in the
Voting Booth
Harold Gould
Was Iraq a Mutual Charade?
Van Bergen / Stephens
Election 9/11: Surreal Political Theater
Lee Sustar
A New Model for the Labor Movement?
Ron Jacobs
The Lost Art of Hitchhiking
M. Junaid Alam
An Interview with Palestinian-American Rapper, The Iron Sheik
Poets Basement
Albert, Ford, Krieger, St. Clair
Website of
the Weekend
Cross Cultural Poetics
July 30, 2004
Kolhatkar /
Ingalls
Shattering
Illusions: Kerry's Speech Tells Anti-War Activists They're Not
Wanted
Dave Lindorff
Murder
Not So Foul?
Bruce Jackson
Walt Whitman on the Sound of Wolf Blitzer's Voice
Fidel Castro
The
Pathology of George W. Bush
Maximilien Robespierre
Memo to Kerry and Bush: Why They Resist
Saul Landau
Bush
Charges Castro with Sex Tourism; JFK Rolls Over in His Grave
July 29, 2004
Cockburn /
St. Clair
Hail,
the Conquering War Criminal: What Kerry Really Did in Vietnam
Frank Bardacke
What
Michael Moore Left Out of F9/11
Tom Barry
Shallow and Formulaic: Kerry's Latin America Plan
Ron Jacobs
Kerry
and Lennon: Hawking the CounterCulture
Robert Fisk
The Unreported War
Lichtman /
Kellis-Borok
What Kerry Must Do to Win (But Probably Won't)
William S. Lind
The 9/11 Commission Report: Cashing in on Failure
CounterPunch
Wire
Doonesbury Onto John Kerry in 1971!
Website of
the Day
Jabbing JibJab: Copyright Madness
July 28, 2004
Robert Fisk
The
Occupation at 114 Degrees: Baghdad is Swamped in the Smell of
the Dead
Kevin Mink
Kerry's Misperception of Palestine
Ray McGovern
Israel and the Iraq War: How the 9/11 Report Soft-Pedals Root
Causes
United for
Peace & Justice
An
Open Letter to John Kerry: Winter Soldiers and Summer Patriots
Mike Ferner
Vets Demand End to Occupation: "Pull the Troops or Face
Impeachment Mvt."
Imraan Siddiqi
Turning Tricks with Ann Coulter
Alexander Cockburn
Candidate
Kerry
Website of
the Day
Iraq Vets Against the War
July 27, 2004
Alexander Cockburn
Why
the Democrats Deserve Nader
Dave Lindorff
Back to the 19th Century: Globalization's Coming!
Mike Whitney
Control Room: Inside Al Jazeera
Ali, Anderson, Bello, et al.
If We Were Venezuelan, We'd Vote for Chavez
Stefan Wray
Texas Plan to Grab Los Alamos Takes Hold, as DOE Shuts Down Labs
Louis Proyect
Reflections on Nicaragua: First Came the Contra Butchers, Then
the Sweatshops
Rick Giombetti
Faith in Freedom: the Challenge of Thomas Szasz
Bill and Kathleen
Christison
The
9/11 Report and Its Weak-Kneed Consensus: Dogding Israel/Palestine;
Blinkered on Causes of Terrorism
July 26, 2004
Todd Chretien
Green
Resistance: a Reply to Normon Solomon & Medea Benjamin
Robert Fisk
Terror
by Video
Richard Forno
Security
Theater in Boston: Security Expert Harrassed by DHS for Exposing
Flaws at the Fleet Center
Mitchel Cohen
Report from a Boston Demo: Arresting the Curious
Richard Moreno
Rockers
for Justice: an Interview with Tom Morello and Serj Tankian
Alexander Cockburn
Boston
Awaits a Dead Party
July
24 / 25, 2004
Alexander
Cockburn
The Democrats and Their Conventions:
Part One
Dennis
Hans
Those 16 Words Still Smell, Mr. Bush
Patrick
Cockburn
The Struggle for Iraq is Only Beginning
Josh
Frank
The War Path of Unity: Dems Reject
the Peace Movement
Justin
E.H. Smith
Christianity and the Left: the Latin
American Experience
Tariq
Ali
What's at Stake in Venezuela
Fred
Gardner
The Politics of Pot: Year of the
Antagonist
Mark
Scaramella
There's Dope and There's Dope
Ron
Jacobs
The Weather Underground's Prairie
Fire Statement...35 Years On
July
23, 2004
Lee
Sustar
Revolution in Nicaragua: 25 Years
On
Dave
Lindorff
Battle for NYC: Bush 1, Protesters
0
Saul
Landau
Zaniest President in US History: Bush
Beats Reagan
Mike
Whitney
The 9/11 Whitewash: Blaming No
One
Mickey
Z
Get On the Bus: 150 Years After Elizabeth
Jennings
Gary
Leupp
The 9/11 Commission and the Looming
War on Iran
July
22, 2004
M.
Junaid Alam
Ten Ways to Build a Better Democrat
Brian
McKinlay
Rusted On Down Under: Howard, Bush and Sharon
Jason
Leopold
Cheney Lobbied for Easing of Sanctions on Terrorist Regimes While
CEO of Halliburton
Chris
Floyd
Mob Rule: Ripping the Lid Off of America's Pious Myths
Uri
Avnery
Chirac v. Sharon
July
21, 2004
Paula
J. Caplan
The Emotional Casualities of War:
Psychologists Can't Heal All the Damage
Joshua
Frank
Nader Sleeping with the Enemy? Let's
be Fair
Ron
Jacobs
American Exceptionalism
Reza
Ghorashi
The Elections, Iran and al-Qaeda
Amy
Martin
Will Congress Rearm the Guatemalan Generals?
John
Ross
Bush May Lose, But His Wars Will Go
On and On
July
20, 2004
Stan
Cox
The Bush / Kerry War Ticket
Chris
Randolph
An Open Letter to Dr. Ehrenreich: It's Over, Barb!
Forrest
Hylton
The Ghosts of Gonismo: "Popular
Patricipation" and Bolivia's Gas Referendum
Mark
Scaramella
It's Official! Mendocino County is Crazier and Fatter Than the
Rest of California
Sam
Bahour
The World is Knocking on Israel's Door
George
Reiter
A Defense of David Cobb
John
Ross
Burying Iraq, Burying Bush
John
L. Hess
Girlie Stuff: Media Tolerance of Arnold & Co.
Website
of the Day
This Land is Your Land
July
19, 2004
Uri
Avnery
Marie and the Ghosts: the Hoax of
Paris
Col.
Dan Smith
What Has Been Accomplished?
Mike
Whitney
Allawi: Our Puppet with a Pistol
Karyn
Strickler
Just Marriage, Not Gay Marriage
Robert
Fisk
The Crisis of Information in Baghdad
David
Swanson
Media Blackout of US Labor Opposition
to Iraq War
Jennifer
van Bergen
The Death of the Great Writ of Liberty
July
17 / 18, 2004
Gary
Leupp
Apocalypse Now: Why the Book of Revelations
is Must Reading
Ghada
Karmi
Vanishing the Palestinians
Lenni
Brenner
When Cattle Unite, Lions Go Hungry: Notes for Ralph Nader
Ben
Tripp
Man on a Bridge: a Ghost Story
Brandy
Baker
What Would Elizabeth Cady Stanton Make of John Kerry?
M.
Shahid Alam
Israel Builds Another Wall
Sasan
Fayazmanesh
Nuclear Hypocrisy: Israel, Iran and the IAEA
Patrick
Bond
The George Bush of Africa
Fred
Gardner
Politics of Marijuana: Cannabiniod Therapuetics
William
Blum
Bush and Thucydides
Ben
Terrall
Carter and the Indonesia Elections: "I Don't See Anything
Wrong with a General Running the Country"
Tom
Barry
John Lehman on the War Path
David
Vest
Dylan Without the Music
Phyllis
Pollack
Return to Sin City: Keith Richards Does Gram Parsons
Ron
Jacobs
Smearing Muhammad Ali: Bob Feller Strikes Out
Joshua
Frank
Kerry to Edwards: "Let's Lose!"
David
Nally
A Call for Sudan: Our Georgraphical Blindspot
Toni
Solo
Bolivia's Gas Referendum
Landau,
Hassan, Prashad & Lindorff
Three Reviews of Moore's F911
Poets's
Basement
Ford, Smith and Albert
July
16, 2004
Dave
Zirin
Adonal Foyle: Master of the Lefty Lay-Up
Shervan
Sardar
Dershowitz, the ICJ and Jim Crow Laws
Ron
Jacobs
The Lil' Engine That Couldn't: Kucinich Surrenders on Anti-War
Plank
Robert
Fisk
Iraq, According to Edgar Allen Poe:
Coffin Bombs in Baghdad
Greg
Moses
The Forts of Iraq
Mickey
Z.
Ad Infinitum?: Presidential Campaigns in the Age of TV
Dan
Bacher
A Landmark Win for Salmon and the Tribes
Dave
Lindorff
The Mumia Case: Support from NAACP,
But a Movement in Shambles
Paul
McGeough
Did Allawi Shoot Inmates in Cold Blood?
Website
of the Day
10 Reasons to Fire Bush (and 9 Reasons Kerry Won't Be Any Better)
July
15, 2004
Heather
Williams
McMissing
the Point: Supersize Me Crashes on Its Message
Werther
Iraq: Follow the Money
Tom
Crumpacker
The Birds of Guantanamo
Brian
Cloughley
What Does the Bush Regime Object To?
Bill
Christison
Reorganize the CIA? Of Course,
But...
July
14, 2004
Jeffrey
St. Clair
Chronicle of a Nomination Foretold:
the Green Deceivers
Neve
Gordon
Of Socrates and the Apartheid Wall
Diane
Christian
The Priesthood of Death
Stefan
Wray
Who Benefits from Missing Data at Los Alamos Nuclear Lab?
Josh
Frank
The Nader / Dean Debate
Conn
Hallinan
Divide and Conquer as Imperial Rules
Elizabeth
Weill-Greenberg
Bring My Brother Home!: Class, War
and Education
Website
of the Day
Hijacking Catastrophe: 9/11, Fear and the Selling of US Empire
July
13, 2004
Ray
McGovern
The CIA and Iraq: an Intelligence
Debacle...and Worse
Mark
Donham
The Sierra Club's Inexplicable Treatment of Cynthia McKinney
Ben
Tripp
Politus Interruptis: With Friends Like
These, Who Needs Electorates?
Mark
Gaffney
Slipping Towards Armageddon: Israel
in Iraq
Dave
Lindorff
Osama Wins! Election Postponed!
Chris
White
Double Think: the Bedrock of Marine
Indoctrination
July
10 / 12, 2004
Kathleen
Christison
The Problem with Neutrality Between
Palestinians and Israel
Janine
Pommy Vega
Trail of the Comet: a Gathering of the World's Poets Against
War
Sherry
Wolf
From Maverick to Party Attack Dog: Howard Dean Gay-Bashes Nader
Saul
Landau and Farrah Hassen
A Transfer of Power, Sort Of
Michael
Donnelly
How to Steal an Election: the Green Version, 2004
Stanton
/ Madsen
Iraq Survey Group: Rumsfeld's al-Qaeda?
Richard
Lichtman
The End of Innocence: Reflections on American Pathology
Gila
Svirsky
Thank You, Your Honors: a Legal Blow to the Wall
Kurt
Nimmo
Clinton's Life
Toni
Solo
Empire-Speak: What Roger Noriega Really Means
Ron
Jacobs
The Black Panthers and the Rest
Camelo
Ruiz Marrero
Gene Warfare in Oaxaca: Genetic Mutation of Mexican Maize
Omar
Barghouti
Wither the Empire: Rise of a Global Resistance
Poets'
Basement
Curtis and Albert

July
9, 2004
Dave
Zirin
Carlos Delgado on Deck: Blue Jays Slugger
Stands Up Against War
Justin
Delacour
Wishing Kerry Would Shut Up About
Latin America
Robert
Fisk
Iraq in Reverse: Martial Laws Fuel Insurgency
Boris
Kagarlitsky
Two Congresses and a Funeral
William
S. Lind
The October Surprises
Sibel
Edmonds
Our Broken System: John Ashcroft's War on Truth
Ron
Jacobs
Reading Tea Leaves: What Vietnam Tells Us About Iraq's Future
Gary
Leupp
The Lie That Will Not Die: Cheney and
the Iraq/al-Qaeda Link

July
8, 2004
Niranjan
Ramakrishnan
The Inexplicable John McCain
Toufic
Haddad
Protesting Israel's Apartheid Wall:
a Letter from the Hunger Strikers' Tent
Dave
Lindorff
Liberation as Martial Law
Joshua
Frank
The Fall: How Beltway Dems Sank Howard
Dean
Christopher
Brauchli
Bush & Cheney Play the Hitler Card
James
Petras
The Truth About Jimmy Carter

July
7, 2004
John
Chuckman
Kerry's BBQ: a Deafening Silence
of Meaning
Virginia
Tilley
A Line in the Sand: Azmi Bishara's
Hunger Strike
Susan
Martinez
A Letter to Bill Cosby
Mickey
Z
Elie Wiesel's Strange Parade
Michael
Donnelly
Our Own Private Wilderness: Trusting the Land in the Inland Empire
Sean
Donahue
Boston Social Forum: the Dems aren't the Only Show in Beantown
Diane
Christian
Sovereignty and Freedom in Iraq
July
6, 2004
Lisa
Viscidi
Fleeing Guatemala: Central Americans
Risk Lives to Reach El Norte
Marc
Norton
The Felonious Five Ride Again: the
Supreme Court and Enemy Combatants
James
Brooks
Chemical Warfare on the West Bank?
Ray
McGovern
Porter Goss as CIA Director?
William
Cook
Legacy of Deceit: If Dante Knew of Bush and the Neo-Cons...
July
5, 2004
Forrest
Hylton
US Imperialism in Latin America: Sept.
11, July 4 and Systematic Torture
Chris
White
A Former Marine Sgt. on the Meaning
of Independence Day
Joe
Bageant
Cranky Reflections on the 4th of July
Robert
Jensen
Stupid White Movie: What Michael Moore
Misses About the Empire
Kathy
Kelly
"Two Days an' a Wake-Up"
July
3 / 4, 2004
Elaine
Cassel
Bush's Police State and Independence
Day
Stan
Goff
ABC of Opportunism: "Progressive"
Latin American Leaders Support the Coup in Haiti
Snehal
Shingavi
"We Want Real Justice for Bhopal": Two Survivors Speak
Out
Bruce
Anderson
The Cheney-Leahy Metaphor and the Greens
Sharon
Smith
Twilight of the Greens: the Chokehold of "Anybody But Bush"
Josh
Frank
Ralph Nader's Revolt: an Interview with Greg Bates
Robert
Fisk
Pentagon Tried to Censor Saddam's Hearing
Joe
Bageant
Sons of a Laboring God: Leftnecks Unite!
Brian
Cloughley
Fortress Bush and the One Law Doctrine
Justin
Delacour
The Anti-Chavez Echo Chamber: Venezuela's Media Tycoons
William
S. Lind
Saudi Spillover
Linda
S. Heard
A Joke Called "Justice"
Greg
Moses
"It's Illegal, But It's Our Right": Korean Labor Won't
Back Down
Ron
Jacobs
"Ain't You Proud to be White on Independence Day?"
Toni
Solo
Weary of Indigenous Resistances? Just Pretend They're Not There
Dan
Nagengast
Chicken Manure as Cattle Food: Safe, But Do We Want to Eat It?
Stew
Albert
Brando, a Personal Recollection
Dave
Zirin
From the Black Panthers to Sacheen Littlefeather: a Eulogy for
Our Brando
Patrick
W. Gavin
The Progressive Case for Dodgeball
Steven
Rosenthal / Junaid Ahmad
The Problem is Bigger Than the Bushes: a Review of F911
Poets'
Basement
Kearney, Ford and Davies
Website
of the Day
Global Peace Solution
July
2, 2004
Jeffrey
St. Clair
Suicide Right on the Stage: the Demise
of the Green Party
Douglas
Valentine
Fahrenheit 911: Mocking the Moral Crisis of Capitalism
Gary
Leupp
"Just Because I Could": On Obscenities and Opportunities
Lee
Ballinger
Illegal People: Kerry Opposes Immigrant Rights
Robert
Fisk
Saddam in the Dock: Confused? Hardly
CounterPunch
Wire
"What Law Formed This Court?": a Transcript of Saddam's
Arraignment
Christopher
Brauchli
Bush's Drug Card Lottery: the Price Ain't Right
Saul
Landau
Buzz Words and Venezuela
July 1, 2004
Katherine
van Wormer
Bush's Damaged Mind: the Madness in
His Method
Joe
Bageant
Is Our President a Whackjob? Does It Matter?
William
James Martin
The Dogma of Richard Perle
Dave
Lindorff
Bush's Evacuation Moment
Robert
Fisk
Bread and Circus Trials in Iraq
Alan
Maass
Green Party in Reverse
Website
of the Day
Michael Moore and Israel: Blind or a Coward?
June
30, 2004
Kurt Nimmo
Nicholson
Baker's Checkpoint: a New Kind of Anger About Bush
Tariq
Ali
Getting Away with Murder in Iraq
Jennifer
Van Bergen
Bush and the Detainees
Douglas
Valentine
Apotheosis of the Psychopaths: Instead of Fahrenheit 9/11, Rescreen
The Quiet American
David
Price
Fahrenheit 9/11 Through the McCain-Feingold Looking Glass
Roger
Normand
America's Criminal Occupation of Iraq
Stan
Cox
Sanitized for Your Protection: Ashcroft's
War on Art
Henry
David Thoreau
On the Futility of Bush v. Kerry: All Voting is a Kind of Gaming
Ben
Tripp
Who Dast Call Him Liar: a Rebuttal to Nicholas Kristof





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|
August
12, 2004
How
Bush Got (and Lost) His Wings
Tracking
the National Guard Career of the Fatuous Flyboy from New Haven
By
JEFFREY ST. CLAIR
He mumbles a prayer and it
ends with a smile
The order is given
They move down the line
But he'll stay behind and he'll meditate
But it won't stop the bleeding or ease the hate
Sky pilot, Sky pilot
How high can you fly?
You'll never, never, never reach the sky.
Eric Burden and the Animals
If a bullfrog had wings, it
wouldn't bump its ass.
Merle Haggard
The early winter of 1968 was a season
of acute anxiety for the young George W. Bush. As his academic
career at Yale sputtered to an inglorious denouement, the war
in Vietnam was hurtling forward at full-bore with the onset of
the Tet Offensive. In those perilous months, there were 350,000
US troops in Vietnam, dying at a rate of more than 350 a week.
From Bush's perch in New Haven, elite hamlet of his birth, the
draft loomed, casting a chill shadow over his future.
Bush faced limited options.
Unlike his warden-to-be Dick Cheney, this randy bon vivant
wasn't prepared to anchor himself down in early wedlock, which
would have entitled him to a marriage deferment. There were too
many oats yet to be sown. How many seeds in how many fields?
Tough to say precisely, but in the ripe phrase of one of Bush's
drinking buddies from the 1970s: "he bedded nearly every
bimbo in West Texas, married or not."
Alas, the remedial scholar's
grades at Yale, already puffed-up beyond all merit courtesy of
his legacy admission, proved to be so paltry that the escape
hatch of graduate school was out of the question, too.
Only one sure sanctuary remained:
the National Guard.
In January of 1968, Bush sent
enquiries to the National Guard. It seems Bush had had an epiphany:
he wante to be a pilot, just like his dad. Well, not exactly
like Pappy, who was shot down flying a fighter in World War II.
Yes, Lil' Bush wanted to fly fighter jets, but not in dicey combat
situations. That, naturally, would defeat the entire purpose
of joining the Guard.
In 1989, Bush explained the
coarse calculus behind his decision to a reporter from the Lubbock
Avalanche-Journal, "I'm saying to myself, 'What do
I want to do?' I think, I don't want to be an infantry guy as
a pilot in Vietnam. What I do decide to want to do [sic] is learn
to fly."
The National Guard commanders
responded warmly to Bush's initial probings, but noted, somewhat
ominously for the fratboy flier, that before his application
could be accepted he had to submit to a battery of physical and
mental tests. Damn, Bush must have shivered, more exams and no
helpful tutors from the egghead division of Skull and Bones to
guide him through the intellectual shoals!
At the time Bush applied to
the National Guard, there were 100,000 other young men in line
before him, stalled on a crowded waiting list hoping their number
would be called before they were sucked up by the draft and dropped
onto the killing fields of the Mekong Delta. In Texas alone,
there were 500 applicants frantically vying for only four open
slots for fighter pilot-training in the Air National Guard.
At first blush, Bush didn't
seem to have much of a shot at landing one of those choice positions.
First, he flunked his medical test. Then he flunked his dental
exam. And finally, as Ian Williams reveals in Deserter,
his merciless indictment of Bush's disappearing act in the National
Guard, he scores a rock-bottom 25 percent on his pilot aptitude
examination. That's one out of four correct answers, a ratio
that is not even a credible mark in cluster-bombing class. To
put this achievement in perspective, the average score of applicants
taking the pilot aptitude test was 77 percent, a whopping fifty-two
percentage points higher than the proud product of the Yale ancestral
admissions program. More than 95 percent of the testers scored
higher than Bush, the Ivy Leaguer.
Aptitude for piloting a fighter
jet notwithstanding, on May 27, 1968, just nervy twelve days
before the expiration of his student deferment, Bush the Younger
was accepted into the Texas Air National Guard. On his application
form under the heading "Background
Qualifications," Bush declares in a refreshing spurt of
honesty "None."
Today the pipsqueak commander-in-chief
has exploited the Guard and Army Reserve as a form of covert
conscription to beef up troop numbers in Iraq and Afghanistan.
But in those days National Guard squadrons were generally not
being sent off to the frontlines in Vietnam. But just to be sure,
Bush checked the box on his enlistment form saying he was unwilling
to do time overseas. That box was a comfy failsafe that is no
longer available to young people seduced into signing up as weekend
warriors in Bush's National Guard.
Flush with excitement at his
triumphal entry into the Air National Guard, Bush averred to
one-and-all that he had caught the flight bug. He duly submitted
to the Guard brass a "Statement of Intent," pledging
that he had "applied for pilot training with the goal of
making flying a lifetime pursuit and I believe that I can best
accomplish this to my own satisfaction as a member of the Air
National Guard as long as possible."
This seems like boilerplate
stuff. But it is a crucial document in at least one respect.
Getting the dunderheaded Bush air-ready was going to take a lot
of training and the Guard wanted to get a guarantee that it would
get a minimal return on its investment-if not a special line-item
in the appropriations bill, at least commitment from Bush that
he would stick around as a pilot for the duration of his commitment,
if not beyond. Ian Williams estimates that the Guard spent more
than a million dollars training Bush how to fly. Bush was warned
that any prolonged absence from the Guard would result in him
being ordered to "active duty" for a period of two
years.
What the commanders of the
Guard may not have known at the time was that in Bush's mind
it was either the Guard or Canada. In 1994, the gunshy Bush,
who tortured animals as teen-ager, fessed up to the Houston
Chronicle that being sent to Vietnam was simply not an option
for him: "I was not prepared to shoot my eardrum out with
a shotgun in order to get a deferment. Nor was I willing to go
to Canada. So I choose to better myself by learning how to fly
airplanesI don't want to play like I was somebody out there marching
when I wasn't. It was either Canada or the service. Somebody
said the Guard was looking for pilots. All I know is, there weren't
that many people trying to be pilots."
As we now know, there were
more than 500 people looking to be pilots in Texas alone, nearly
all of them more qualified for the slots than Bush.
So how did this miraculous
induction come about? Bush has long denied he got any favored
treatment, which would seem unmanly. But there's now little doubt
that the draft evader benefited from at least three pairs of
helping hands: Sid Adger, a Texas oilman and Bush family crony,
Ben Barnes, then Speaker of the House in Texas, and Gen. James
Rose, former commander of the Texas Air National Guard.
The truth began to trickle
out in 1999, when Barnes, then a top lobbyist and political fixer
in Austin, became a witness in a lawsuit by Laurence Littwin.
Littwin was suing the State of Texas for firing him as lottery
directory, which he claimed was politically motivated. The Littwin
lawsuit is a complex and confusing affair that provides a glimpse
at the baseline of corruption pullulating through the Texas political
system.
In sum, Littwin claimed that
he was forced to hire a company called GTech to run the Texas
lottery in order to suppress the real story of how Bush won entry
into the Guard-namely that Ben Barnes had pulled strings with
Gen. Rose. In the 1990s, Barnes worked a lobbyist for GTech.
Indeed, GTech had paid Barnes $23 million for his expert services.
In his deposition, Barnes denied
blackmailing Littwin into giving GTech the lucrative contract.
But he confessed, with the haughty sense of accomplishment that
only an apex politico can impart, that he had indeed opened the
backdoor for Bush into the Air National Guard. Barnes said that
he responded to a distress beacon from Bush intimate Sid Adger,
a now dead Texas oil tycoon, and prevailed on Gen. Rose to adopt
the young Bush as a member of the Guard's flying elite, which
then included the war aversive sons of Gov. John Connelly and
Sen. Lloyd Bentsen. It helped that Barnes's chief of staff, Nick
Kralj, also served as a top aide-de-camp to the general. Mission
accomplished.
But the handouts didn't stop
there. Bush didn't want to remain a lowly private or corporal
in those drab uniforms. He saw himself as officer material. Yet,
he had no desire to subject himself to the mental and physical
rigors of Officer Candidate School. In his mind, he was a birthright
officer. And so it came to be. After a mere six weeks of training,
Bush was promoted to the rank 2nd Lieutenant. He didn't even
have his pilot's license.
In the wake of this astounding
achievement, Bush felt it was time for a breather. He abandoned
his training with the Guard for two months, hightailing it to
the beaches and bars of Florida, where he claimed to have occasionally
lent the services of his agile political mind to the senatorial
campaign of rightwing, neo-segregationist congressman Ed Gurney,
a favorite of Richard Nixon. Gurney won, but his victory was
short lived. Gurney was later indicted by a federal grand jury
on charges of political corruption, bribery and perjury. He walked
away a free man courtesy of a hung jury.
*
* *
After the election, Bush headed
for Moody Air Base in Georgia to complete his pilot training
with the 3559th Student Squadron. Around Thanksgiving, Bush was
once again whisked away from the monotony of life as a fighter-pilot-in-training,
this time courtesy of Richard Nixon. The president sent a plane
to Moody Air Base to pick up the young Bush so that the newly
brevetted lieutenant could escort Nixon's fabulously neurotic
(and what progeny of Nixon's wouldn't at least be neurotic?)
daughter Tricia out on a date. Sparks didn't fly. The young officer
made clumsy advances, which Tricia deftly deflected. She later
described Bush as "testy."
And so the days and weeks of
Bush's service to the country, as commander-in-chief likes to
put it, during the war in Vietnam rolled on. His instructors
at the Moody Air Base assigned Bush the task of learning how
to fly the F-102, an obsolete fighter soon destined for the scrap
heap.
Finally, on June 23, 1971 Bush
graduated from combat flight training school. Now he was ready
to defend the airspace of Texas from hostile incursions from
Mexico, Belize or the Virgin Islands.
Except that George the Younger
apparently had formed other plans. Without informing the Guard
commanders who had saved him going to Vietnam, Bush quietly applied
for admission to study law at the University of Texas. For one
of the few times in his life, Bush didn't get immediate gratification.
The flying fratboy's application
to the University of Texas law school was ungraciously declined,
despite the pleas of his father, who had just lost a fierce senatorial
campaign against Lloyd Bentsen. Whatever its faults, apparently
the University of Texas isn't prone to handing out legacy admissions
to New Haven-born whelps of the political elite. Even in Texas,
you have to draw the line somewhere.
Sulking at this unfamiliar
rebuke, Bush slunk off to Ellington Air Base near Houston to
join the 111th Fighter Squadron. By most accounts, his drinking,
already problematic, began to intensify. By other accounts, it
was during this time in Ellington that Bush began to refamiliarize
himself with his narcotic of choice
at Yale...cocaine. In his college days, Bush not only snorted,
he dealt. Among the haut monde at Yale, he was known as
one of the top purveyors of primo Colombian powder in New Haven,
dispensing the crystal snow from ounce bags.
Now we come to the crucial
lost years of 1971 and 1973. Shortly after Bush arrived at Ellington,
his political ambitions begin to percolate to the surface. He
tells the Houston Post that he is considering a run for
the Texas state senate. His testing of the waters doesn't excite
much interest and nothing comes of it.
So he continues flying, mainly
on weekends, over the course of the next year. And he continues
getting inebriated. On a trip back to Washington, DC at Christmastime,
Bush treats his younger brother to a night cruising the bars
of Georgetown. In the early hours of the morning, a shit-faced
Bush crashes his car into a row of garbage cans in front of the
family house. Roused from his slumbers by the racket outside,
his father confronts him in the driveway about driving around
drunk. Bush the Younger threatens to pummel his father with his
fists, but Marvin, also drunk, intervenes and Bush is sent packing
back to Texas.
In April of 1972, two important
events coincide. The Air Force mandates drug testing for all
pilots during medical exams and Bush takes what will turn out
to be his last flight as a pilot for the Air National Guard.
Less than a month later, Bush
flees his Texas Guard base for Alabama, where he signs up to
work on the congressional campaign of Winton "Red"
Blount, a friend of Bush's father and Nixon's postmaster general.
He didn't inform his superiors at Ellington that he had left
Texas until two weeks later, when he requested a transfer to
the 9921st Air Reserve Squadron, a postal unit with no fighter
jets. Initially, the transfer is granted.
No one recalls seeing Bush
report for duty and there is no documentary record supporting
his service there, which, in any event, was to consist primarily
of reading flight manuals--an uninviting assignment for the quasi-literate
airman. On July 6, Bush is scheduled to take his required flight
physical, which will for the first time include a drug test.
He fails to show up. Failure to take a flight physical is grounds
for immediate suspension of his pilot's license.
These days Bush claims that
he simply blew off the physical because the Guard was phasing
out the F-102 and he didn't expect to be piloting any more flights.
This excuse is circumspect for two reasons. First, although the
F-102 was on its way out, the jet had not yet been mothballed
and Bush still had the opportunity to learn to fly the new generation
of fighter jets. Indeed, there was a fleet of them just down
the highway at Dannelly Air Base in Alabama. Moreover, the flight
physical was a mandatory requirement of service. This was not
a matter of getting a permission slip to play intramural polo
at Yale. For most Guardsmen, failure to abide by such orders
resulted severe consequences, like being compelled to spend two-years
in active duty, perhaps in Vietnam.
On July 31, Bush's transfer
to the Montgomery postal unit was overturned by the DC office,
which deemed him "ineligible for reassignment to the Air
Reserve Squadron. He is ordered to return to Ellington. But Bush
doesn't pay any attention. Instead, he retreated to Miami with
his father for the 1972 Republican National Convention, the last
hurrah of Nixon.
Two weeks later Bush returns
to Alabama, where he files a new transfer request, this time
to the 187th TAC Recon Group in Mobile. The transfer is approved
on September 5, 1972. The following day the Air Force officially
revokes his flight privileges for "failure to accomplish
annual medical examination."
Bush wasn't alone in losing
his wings. The other pilot suspended alongside Bush was none
other than his close friend, James M. Bath. Yes, that
James Bath, who would in just a few short years become the financial
factotum for the Bin Laden family in Texas. In the 1980s, it
was Bath, backed by the Bin Laden fortune, who bailed Bush out
of the financial ruin he had made of Arbusto Drilling and Harken
Energy. Old friends down there are not forgotten.
The de-winged pilot was ordered
to report for duty to Lt. Col. William Turnipseed, commander
of the 187th Recon Group. The Colonel says he never meet Bush
and there is no record that junior ever showed up at the base.
"Had he reported in, I would have had some recall, and I
do not," said Col. Turnipseed. "I had been in Texas,
done my flight training there. If we had had a first lieutenant
from Texas, I would have remembered."
On September 29, Bush was sent
a letter commanding him to appear before the Flying Evaluation
Board to explain why he had refused to take the medical exam.
Bush never responded. At this point, Bush was not only AWOL,
but in breach of two direct orders.
Meanwhile, back in Montgomery,
Bush had apparently gone AWOL from the Blount campaign as well.
He spent his nights carousing in the bars of Montgomery. He would
arrive hung-over at the campaign office in the afternoon, prop
his cowboy-booted feet on the desk and recount his night of debauchery.
The women workers at the campaign headquarters called Bush the
"Texas soufflé." Full of himself and stuffed
with hot air, the blue-haired ladies for Blount snickered.
Blount lost the election, but
remained tight with the Bush clan. His company, Blount International,
continues to benefit from it close association with the Bushes
and their wars. In 1991, Blount International got a multimillion-dollar
contract to reconstruct bombed out Kuwait City. Later, it won
one of the largest private contracts ever awarded by the Saudi
Royal family. Now, Blount's firm is working as a subcontractor
for Halliburton in Iraq.
In the fall of 1972, things
began to look grim for the fatuous flyboy from New Haven. The
National Guard was on his tail, demanding an explanation for
why he had jilted them after they had saved him from Vietnam
and had invested a million dollars in teaching him how to fly
fighters.
Thanks to the investigations
of the intrepid Larry Flynt, we now know that it was in this
window of months that Bush apparently got a Houston woman pregnant
and gallantly paid for her to have an abortion. It was also in
this period
that Bush, according to his biographer J.H. Hatfield, was arrested
for possession of cocaine. Instead of landing in prison, the
judge presiding over the case bent to the pleadings of Bush's
father, then US ambassador to the UN, and ordered the young derelict
to perform six month's worth of community service at PULL, a
center for black youths in urban Houston.
Williams' book Deserter
lends circumstantial credence to Hatfield's account and raises
even new questions. According to Bush's autobiography (ghostwritten
by his political au pair, Karen Hughes), A Charge to
Keep, he met former Houston Oiler tight end John White in
December of 1972. White, Bush claims, asked him to come work
full-time at his Houston youth center, called Project-PULL. Bush,
who until this charmed moment had never exhibited the slightest
charitable instinct, agreed. He started work at PULL in January
of 1973.
Now keep in mind that Bush
supposedly already had a job, working for the National Guard.
Yet over the next six months there's not one confirmed Bush sighting
by his Guard commanders. In the ornithology of the Air National
Guard, Bush is the rarest and stealthiest of birds, passing through
Guard air space like a ghostly passenger pigeon. Indeed, when
his superiors tried to fill out an annual evaluation of Bush's
service they are unable to complete the form, writing on May
2, 1973: "Lt. Bush has not been observed at this unit during
the period of the report."
A month later, National Guard
HQ in Washington sent Texas Guard commanders an official query
about Bush. The DC brass instructed the Texas crew to prepare
a Form 77a on Bush "so this officer can be rated in the
position he held." The Texas Guard, then run by Bush family
cronies who now saw themselves implicated in the transgressions
of the absconder fratboy, balks at the order. Indeed, they delay
filing a response until November 12, 1973, by which time Bush
has been honorably discharged from the Guard. Even then the response
from the Texas HQ is coy, though ripe with nefarious possibilities:
"Not rated for the period 1 May 1972 through 30 April 73.
Report for this period unavailable for administrative reasons."
So it seemed that the bureaucratic
vise beginning to squeeze young George. Then mysteriously Bush
is recorded as having performed 36 days of duty between May and
July of 1973. Bush doesn't recall precisely what he did. There
are no pay records to confirm his service. No one in the Guard
witnessed him on the base. Indeed, Bush couldn't have done the
Guard service because by his own admission he was working full-time
for John White at PULL-if he'd gone AWOL from that job he might
have very well landed in jail. It now seems likely that the entry
of those 36 days of service was post-dated by someone in the
Texas office not only to protect Bush, but also to shield his
retinue of enablers in the high command of the Texas Air National
Guard.
In September Bush completed
his tour of duty at PULL, applied to grad school, and despite
being AWOL from the National Guard from May of 1972 through October
of 1973, is granted an honorable discharge.
That fall Bush evacuated to
Cambridge, making a soft landing at Harvard Business School,
another reliable safehouse for the brattish scions of the ruling
class. Fellow students at Harvard remember Bush prancing into
lecture halls wearing his uniform. Even then, he had a taste
for military cross-dressing, though no one in the Massachusetts
National Guard ever recalls the tyro-in-a-jumpsuit showing up
for duty at the base--although he did drop by once to have his
choppers cleaned gratis by the Guard's dentist.
Whenever Bush plays dress-up,
as he does at nearly every photo-op on a military site from the
USS Lincoln to torture seminar rooms at Ft. Bragg, he comes off
as the missing member of the Village People, which mayy explains
his enduring appeal to the latent types manning the controls
of the Christian right these days.
In the mid-1990s, as Bush began
to plot his run for the White House, the governor and his handlers
(Dan Bartlett, Karen Hughes and Karl Rove) realized that Bush's
missing years in the Guard might prove problematic. After all,
during the 1992 presidential campaign, Bush's father assaulted
Clinton for his deft manipulation of Col. Eugene Holmes, the
commander of Arkansas's ROTC, to sidestep the draft.
Bush's dilemma was trickier
and more unseemly than Clinton's. In order to escape service
in Vietnam, he had exploited his family's political connections
to secure a choice spot in the Texas Air National Guard, despite
failing his pilot aptitude test. Though a blatant act of patronage,
Bush was promoted to officer status before he earned his pilot's
license and without going to officer training school. He refused
to take his mandatory flight physical and also refused to show
up for a mandatory evaluation. He went AWOL for a year and a
half and then requested and received an early discharge. All
this after promising to "serve as long as possible"
and to devote himself to a lifetime of high flying...flying planes,
that is.
In the offices of the Texas
Air Guard there were records documenting Bush's dubious career
and exposing the holes in his extravagent version of his military
service to the country. The most potentially damning of those
documents (Bush's pay records) are now missing. Where did they
go?
One intriguing explanation
comes from Lt. Col. Bill Burkett, a top aide to Maj. Gen. Daniel
James, III, then commander of the Texas Air National Guard. In
1997, Burkett claims he was just outside the open door of Maj.
Gen. James's office when the general received a conference call
from Joe Allbaugh, Bush's chief of staff, and Dan Bartlett, Bush's
communications director. The conversation played out over James's
speakerphone, where Burkett claims he overheard Bush's men order
James to cleanse Bush's military files. Burkett said he recalled
Allbaugh's saying: "We certainly don't want anything that
is embarrassing in there."
A few days later, Burkett says
that he saw Brig. Gen. John Scribner dispose of Bush's pay and
performance records in a 15-gallon metal waste can inside the
Texas Air National Guard Musuem. "The files had been gone
through over the years," Scribner quipped to Burkett, pointing
to the garbage can. "Not as much in here as I thought."
Apparently, this was a mop-up operation to make sure that nothing
had been missed in previous search-and-destroy raids on Bush's
files.
Burkett went public with his
recollections in the spring of 2004 during the mini-tempest in
the corporate press over Bush's military record sparked by Michael
Moore's assertion that the president was a "deserter."
The president's praetorian guard went into action, smearing Burkett
as a disgruntled malcontent with an ax to grind against Maj.
Gen. James, who Bush had elevated to the head of the Air National
Guard for the entire country. Although the Burkett story quickly
faded, phone records and other documents back up the circumstances
of his claims. And Burkett himself hasn't backed down despite
the assaults on his character from Bush's political mercenaries.
"If President Bush is going to be the first president in
over one hundred years that puts himself in a uniform and uses
taxpayer's money for a photo opportunity to land on a flight
deck and say hooray," Burkett told reporters. "He's
put it on the table and we deserve to know." But the press
bus had long since pulled away, never to return to the scene
of the crime.
Given this vaporous record
of service during Vietnam, it takes a perverse kind of hubris
for Bush to assail the military careers of a POW (John McCain),
a bona fide killing machine (John Kerry) and a triple amputee
(Max Cleland). It's the trademark of a pampered bully.
*
* *
The moment George Bush refused
to go spill blood in Vietnam may have been the moral Everest
of his life. But he has long since buried that singular act of
conscience beneath a stench-heap of warped psychological projection
and ethical hypocrisy. The president remains a stunted brat and
a coward at the core, dodging rules he forces others to abide
by with unforgiving strictness. Festooned in a flight jacket
he never deserved, Bush has ordered National Guard troops into
a bloody desert war he and his chickenhawk cronies launched under
fabricated pretexts. Then in order to hand out tax breaks to
the super-rich and billion-dollar contracts to favored arms makers,
Bush scrimped on the funding of his precious war itself: too
few troops, under-armed, over-worked, operating with no occupation
plan and no exit strategy.
In their quest to transfer
every possible federal dollar to their fatcat base, the Bush
regime even went so far as to try to slash combat pay and separation
allowances and increase co-payments for the treatment of those
maimed in battle. Although he opted out of the Guard early, Bush
has now implemented (perhaps illegally) "stop-losses"
orders, a kind press-ganging by Oval Office fiat that keeps National
Guard and Reserve troops in Iraq far beyond their contracted
tour of duty. In essence, they are war slaves.
When the Iraqi resistance surfaced
with a vengeance after Bush made his premature declaration of
victory, the faux-warrior taunted them by sneering, "Bring
it on." They did. And more than 700 American soldiers have
perished since the delivery of that infamous sideline chant,
tossed off as if the president were still a flighty cheerleader
at Andover. To top it off, while Bush still refuses to attend
funeral ceremonies for slain soldiers, he wasted no time in trying
to slash death benefits for military families. And on and on
it goes.
Explain his actions? Not then,
not now, not ever.
Just as he stiffed the Flight
Evaluation Board in 1972, Bush now refuses to offer an explanation
for his illegal and unjust war that has killed and maimed tens
of thousands. "I'm the commander--see, I don't need to explain,"
Bush brayed in his best Mafia capo syntax to Bob Woodward. "I
do not need to explain why I say things. That's the interesting
thing about being the president. Maybe somebody needs to explain
to me why they say something, but I don't feel I owe anybody
an explanation." That's the distilled essence of George
W. Bush from his very own mouth: a bellicose and imperious buffoon
who has never once been held to account for the mayhem he leaves
in his wake.
So yet again Bush has succeeded
in doing the impossible: he has sullied the once heroic term
"draft evader."
Jeffrey St. Clair is the author of Been
Brown So Long It Looked Like Green to Me: the Politics of Nature,
as well as Imperial
Crusades: Iraq, Afghanistan and Yugoslavia and Dime's
Worth of Difference: Beyond the Lesser of Two Evils, both
with Alexander Cockburn.
Click
Here for Cockburn and St. Clair's exposé of Kerry's war
record in Vietnam.
Weekend
Edition Features for August 7 / 8, 2004
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Justin Delacour
Anti-Chavez Pollsters Panic: Fix Numbers; Reinvent Venezuela
Brian Cloughley
Persecuted by All; Supported by None: Who Would Be A Kurd?
Joshua Frank
The
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Iain A. Boal
On "Shame": Warmed-Over Orientalism and Racist Projection
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All About Eve: Open Season on Women in DC and Rome
Andrew Fenton
Fighting for Democracy and Justice in Haiti
Aseem Shrivastava
Saga of an Anguished Afghan
Neil Corbett
See Cuba: Sometimes a Cigar is Just a Cigar, Mr. Bush
Carol Miller
/ Forrest Hill
Rigged Convention; Divided Party: How David Cobb Won with Only
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Tarek Milleron
Breaking the Principled Voter
Donald Macintyre
The
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Ron Jacobs
Spirits of The Dead: Why I Love My Petty Bourgeois Tendencies
Mickey Z.
Kid
Gavilan's Grave: Propaganda Scores a TKO
Poets' Basement
Adler, Ford and Albert
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