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Recent
Stories
July
16, 2003
Jeffrey
St. Clair
Back to the Future in Guatemala:
The Return of Gen. Ríos Montt
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15, 2003
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July
16, 2003
Back to the Future
in Guatemala
The
Return of General Ríos Montt
By JEFFREY ST. CLAIR
Efrain Ríos Montt, the genocidal general
known as the Pinochet of Guatemala, is suddenly back in business.
On July 14, the supreme court of Guatemalan overturned a 1985
constitutional ban and permitted the former military dictator
to run for president of the Latin American nation in elections
slated for November.
"Twenty years ago General Ríos
Montt ran a military regime that killed thousands of people,"
says Jose Miguel Vivanco, executive director of the Americas
Division of Human Rights Watch. "Today he should be on trial,
not running for president."
Ríos Montt, who now serves as
president of the Guatemalan National Congress, has run for president
three other times. In 1974, the general narrowly won the presidential
vote, but his election was never recognized. He tried again twice
in the 1990s, but both times was prohibited by a provision of
the Guatemalan constitutional banning people who had participated
in military coups from becoming president.
In March 1982, Ríos Montt seized
power in a bloody coup d'etat that was quietly backed by the
CIA and the Reagan White House. He and his fellow generals, Maldonando
Schadd and Luis Gordillo, deposed Gen. Romeo Lucas Garcia and
set up a military tribunal with Montt at its head. The junta
immediately suspended the constitution, set up secret tribunals
and began a brutal crackdown on political dissidents that featured
kidnapping, torture, and extra-judicial assassinations.
The generals also unleashed a scorched
earth attack on the nation's Mayan population that, according
to a UN commission, resulted in the annihilation of at nearly
600 villages. Within 18 months, more than 19,000 people had perished
at the hands of Ríos Montt 's death squads. The killings
continued even after Ríos Montt was eased from office
in 1983. By 1990, more than 200,000 people had died in Guatemalan's
bloody civil war, with more than 90 percent of the dead killed
by government forces. Of those, more than 83 percent were indigenous
Mayans.
Perhaps as many as one million more Guatemalans,
many of them Mayan peasants, were uprooted from their homes,
many of them forced to live in "re-education" camps
enclosed with barbed wire and armed guards. Many were later forced
to work in the fields of Guatemalan land barons.
"Not even the lives of the elderly,
pregnant women or innocent children were spared," declared
the Guatemalan Council of Catholic Bishops in 1982 about the
massacres under Ríos Montt. "We have never in our
history seen such serious extremes."
Ríos Montt shrugged off such talk
as leftwing propaganda. "We don't have a policy of scorched
earth," he sneered. "We have a policy of scorched Communists."
The Reagan administration saw the slaughter
the same self-sanitizing light. Even though the US ambassador
to Guatemala cabled Washington that Ríos Montt was behind
the wave of killings, Reagan continued to embrace the general
and his regime. Reagan paid a visit to Guatemala City in 1982
where he hailed Ríos Montt "a man of great personal
integrity and commitment" and assured the troubled nation
that the man who came to power in a military coup was "totally
dedicated to democracy."
The general's ties with the United States
military go all the way back to 1950 when he received training
by the Pentagon at the School of the Americas in Panama. In 1954,
the young officer aided the CIA in engineering the overthrow
of Jacobo Arbenz Guzman, whose nationalistic policies had irritated
United Fruit.
From then on, Ríos Montt's rise
was steady and almost unimpeded. In 1970, he became a general
and chief of staff for the Guatemalan army, which ruthlessly
suppressed peasant uprisings and served as armed guards for the
big land barons. His career suffered a minor setback in 1974,
when his apparent victory in the presidential elections was invalidated.
Ríos Montt apparently blamed his
defeat on the meddling of the country's Catholic priests, who
he saw as agents of the left. In 1978, he left the Catholic Church
in a huff and became a minister in the California-based evangelical
Church of the Word. He now counts among his closest prayer friends
Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson, the reverend who recently beseeched
the Almighty to smite three supreme court justices so that more
conservatives could ascend to the high bench.
When the born-again general took power
in 1982, his messianic fervor poured forth in bizarre torrents.
"God gives power to whomever he wants," Ríos
Montt raved. "And he gave it to me." Of course, Ríos
Montt had plenty of secular help in the form of the CIA and the
Pentagon, which sent advisors into his inner circle. Moreover,
six of Ríos Montt 's top nine generals were also educated
at the School of Americas in the arts of coup-making, political
repression, torture, assassination and fealty to Washington.
The level of violence these generals
perpetrated during their brief tenure was appalling and bloodthirsty.
Indeed, it amounted to a form of state-sanctioned sadism whose
purpose was not just to kill but to invoke terror and submission,
a strategy with clear echoes of the CIA's Phoenix Program in
Vietnam. A report on the slaughter by Amnesty International succinctly
describes the kinds of atrocities that became commonplace in
Ríos Montt 's Guatemala: "People of all ages were
not only shot, they were burned alive, hacked to death, disemboweled,
drowned, beheaded. Small children were smashed against rocks
or bayoneted to death."
Ríos Montt and his gang were eased
from power in 1983. But they never went away and the machinery
of death they installed kept on killing throughout the decade
and beyond.
Meanwhile, Ríos Montt formed his
own political party, the ultra-right National Republican Front,
appointed himself chairman for life and rules with an authoritarian
rigidity. He has regularly toured the country giving speeches
that blend neo-fascist politics with his feverish brand of evangelical
Christianity. His children have advanced along with him. His
son, Enrique Rios Sosa, is the head of finances for the Guatemalan
army, while his daughter Zury Rios serves as vice-president of
the National Congress.
Attempts to bring Ríos Montt to
justice have failed. Nobel laureate and Mayan human rights advocate
Rigobertu Menchu sought to have Spanish courts indict Ríos
Montt on charges of genocide in 1999, but in 2000 the Spanish
high court bowed to US pressure and ruled that it lacked jurisdiction
to prosecute him for crimes committed outside of Spain. Early
this year, however, the court reversed itself slightly, allowing
charges against Ríos Montt to proceed for crimes committed
against Spanish citizens.
In June 2001 Center for Legal Action
on Human Rights based in Guatemala City filed a complaint against
Ríos Montt on behalf of the residents of 12 Mayan villages
which were destroyed by Ríos Montt 's troops between March
and December of 1982. More than 1,200 people were murdered in
those raids on the remote mountain villages. Although Ríos
Montt maintains he has legislative immunity from prosecution,
the case continues to percolate through the courts, backed by
dozens of graphic and heart-wrenching depositions from Mayan
villagers.
Later that year, the general got in trouble
once again for his role in a more run-of-the-mill legislative
scandal. His party secretly re-wrote tax laws governing the sale
of alcohol and beer at the behest of the liquor industry. The
secret meetings were caught on tape. Charges of political corruption
were brought against Ríos Montt and 24 of his fellow FRG
party legislators. Then the legislature, under the control of
Ríos Montt, passed a measure giving the lawmakers immunity.
The immunity grant was initially struck down by the Guatemalan
Supreme Court. Two days later a fusillade of gunfire ripped through
the home of the chief justice of the court. The charges against
the general were dropped once again.
This is the same court that has now given
Ríos Montt the green light to run for the presidency.
But now the chief justice is Guillermo Ruiz Wong, a childhood
friend of the general, and Ríos Montt publicly bragged
about having four judges in his pocket. He was right and that's
all he needed.
So far the Bush administration has maintained
a coy distance about the prospects of Ríos Montt becoming
president of Guatemala. In June, the State Department publicly
announced that it would prefer to deal with a less tarnished
figure.
"We would hope to be able to work
with, and have a normal, friendly relationship with whoever is
the next president of Guatemala," said state department
spokesman Richard Boucher last month. "Realistically, in
light of Mr. Ríos Montt's background, it would be difficult
to have the kind of relationship that we would prefer."
This was hardly a stern condemnation
of the war criminal and Ríos Montt doesn't seem the least
worried about such low-grade sniping from Colin Powell's office.
The general understands how Washington works. After all, he has
old friends in the Bush inner circle, including UN ambassador
John Negroponte, John Poindexter, Eliot Abrams and the repellant
Otto Reich.
So could Ríos Montt, even with
his grim resume of torture and assassination, be elected president
of Guatemalan? The country is mired in poverty, its democratic
institutions are frail and the government is plagued by official
corruption. The current government, headed by Ríos Montt
protégé Alfonso Portillo, recently instituted an
unsavory program of "compensating" former members of
civil self-defense patrols the paramilitary forces responsible
for massive abuses during the Ríos Montt's infamous "Beans
and Bullets" counterinsurgency campaign. In Guatemala, many
observers see this as a smart way to buy votes in advance of
the election from the general's natural constituency.
And it's still not safe to publicly criticize
Ríos Montt and his allies for crimes committed 20 years
ago. In 1998, Bishop Juan Gerardi Conedera, the head of the Catholic
Church's human rights office, had his skull crushed with a concrete
block two days after he had submitted his report on the abuses
of the Guatemalan Army. He was succeeded by Bishop Mario Ríos
Montt-the general's brother. Big country, small world.
Still some people don't forget and can't
forgive. On a recent campaign swing through the Mayan highlands,
where so many perished at the hands of Ríos Montt's death
brigades, villagers pelted the general with stones.
Even so, it would be dangerously ill
advised to count the general out now that he has just gotten
back into the game.
"The last word on the general who's
maintained his presence in the country's political life for 20
years since the coup has yet to be said," warns Hector Rosada,
a political analyst from Guatemala City. "He has an incredible
ability to be born again, and he's very good at operating from
the trenches. He retreats, digs in, waits as long as it takes,
and then emerges once again."
Jeffrey St. Clair is author of Been
Brown So Long It Looked Like Green to Me: the Politics of Nature
(Common Courage Press) and coeditor, with Alexander Cockburn,
of The
Politics of Anti-Semitism (AK Press). Both books will be
published in October.
Weekend Edition Features for July 12/13, 2003
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Mitzman
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John Feffer
A Fearful Symmetry: Washington and Pyongyang
Ron
Jacobs
Shades of Gray in Iran
Elaine
Cassel
Judicial Terrorism Against the Bill of Rights
Tom
Stephens
Civil Liberties After 9/11
David Lindorff
New White House Slogan: "Case Closed. Just Move On"
Jason
Leopold
The Mini-War Against Iraq Prior to 9/11
Lee Sustar
What's Behind the Crisis in Liberia?
Mickey
Z.
AIDS Dissent and Africa
Sam Hamod
Semitic is a Language Group, Not a Race or Ethnic Group
Ramzy
Baroud
Awaiting Justice on an Old Blanket
Jeffrey
St. Clair
Savage Incongruities: the Photographic Life of Lee Miller
Adam
Engel
Parable of the Lobbyist
Robert
Sanders
A Review of Ralph Lopez's American Dream
Poets'
Basement
Albert, Witherup, Guthrie
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