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CounterPunch
March 13,
2003
Crunch Time for the Security
Council
by Col. DAN SMITH
In his March 6th prime time news conference, President
Bush made his case for why, with or without UN authorization
and support, the United States remains adamant that Saddam Hussein
and his regime will be removed from power. The reasons proffered
were not new: a threat to regional and world stability and peace;
disregard for the human rights of Iraqis; links to terrorist
organizations, including al Qaeda; and, failure to fully and
immediately comply with UN resolutions dating back to 1991.
The motive for the news conference seems
to have been twofold: reverse the steady slide in support for
war, especially a war without UN sanction; and a pre-emptive
strike to nullify the effect of an overall positive report to
the Security Council by Hans Blix, head of the UN Monitoring,
Verification, and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC), and Mohamed
El Baradei, International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) chief.
And this latter reason once again brought to center stage the
question of the real motive for war: disarmament, in which case
the president should have waited for the inspectors to report,
or regime change. Bush left no doubt about the real motive: "We
will be changing the regime of Iraq for the good of the Iraqi
people."
Commentary by news analysts seemed quite
guarded as to the probability that many minds had been changed
to support the White House. And Bush's ultimatum to the Security
Council that "It's time for people to show their cards,
let the world know where they stand when it comes to Saddam"
is sure to deepen the split among the permanent members over
the wisdom of going to war when the inspection regime is gathering
momentum.
Indeed, even before the presidential
news conference, China expressed its support of the French-German-Russian
declaration, and Chile, one of the rotating Council members,
said it would not support the U.S.-British draft resolution if
it came to a vote. Meanwhile, France was appealing to traditional
allies to support its no-war-now position. Last month, a summit
meeting of 52 African nations issued a statement supporting France's
stance on an Iraq war. Three of the countries signing the declaration--Guinea,
Cameroon, and Angola--are also current members of the Security
Council. Thus four of the six "swing votes" necessaryy
for passage of a resolution (nine are needed, with no veto from
any permanent member) are on record opposing the United States'
position.
Thus the March 7 reports by the chief
inspectors may be crucial for determining how quickly the Bush
administration can move. El Baradei has already reported categorically
that Iraq possesses no nuclear weapons, and that position did
not change--nor will it. Bush effectively challenged Hans Blix
by flatly declaring that "The world needs him to answer
a single questionn: has the Iraqi regime fully and unconditionally
disarmed, as required by Resolution 1441, or has it not?"
Blix of course could not affirm this,
nor was this his intent. Instead, even as he commended Baghdad
for improved cooperation on both process and substance, he provided
a "cluster list" of disarmament issues that remain
open because Iraq has failed to provide detailed documentation
about or to make available for interviews the scientists involved
in destruction of chemical and biological weapons and components.
Each cluster ends with recommendations for action by Iraq that
could be used as a yardstick of Baghdad's level of cooperation.
Blix also revisited the allegations that
Iraq uses mobile bioweapons trucks to evade inspectors and has
extensive underground facilities. His intent here was, like the
Bush news conference, double-barreled. He reaffirmed that inspections
of trucks (used for food testing) and of buildings and soil (using
ground penetrating radar) had found no proscribed activities.
But he also implicitly criticized Council members with advanced
intelligence capabilities for the scarcity of information being
provided for the inspectors to investigate. Information, Blix
said, would be more valuable than a doubling of the UNMOVIC staff.
The inspectors' reports were sufficiently
telegraphed ahead of time to induce hesitation among the pro-war
party, especially Britain, which proposed compromise language
modifying the original <U.S.-British> draft. That modification
will be discussed over the next few days, giving Iraq a further
small window of opportunity to improve measurably its cooperation
with the inspectors.
How much time? Blix reminded the Council
that although inspections can be carried out quickly, disarming
and monitoring Iraq cannot be accomplished overnight. Monitoring
is a long-term effort. Disarmament needs not years, not weeks,
but months. The British modification is unlikely to suggest even
that much time. Nor can the White House be expected to allow
it--unless unrelenting pressure to comply with the international
will and international law is brought to bear on both Baghdad
aand Washington.
Dan Smith
is a military affairs analyst for Foreign
Policy In Focus is a retired U.S. army colonel and Senior
Fellow on Military Affairs at the Friends Committee on National
Legislation. He can be reached at: dan@fcnl.org.
Yesterday's
Features
Bill and Kathleen Christison
On
the Road to Iraq: First Stop Amman
Uri Avnery
An Approaching Emergency
Ray Close
A CIA
Analyst on Forging Intelligence
Michael Neumann
An
Unfounded Rush to Cynicism: a Rebuttal of Perry Anderson
Gary Leupp
Bush's
"Press" Conference
Kurt Nimmo
Perle's Slurs: Smearing Sy Hersh
Terry Jones
Bush
Goes in for the Kill
CounterPunch Wire
Vietnam 2 Pre-Flight Check
Alexander Cockburn
What Will the US Find If It Invades Iraq?
Robert Fisk
Blix
Undermines Bush War Plan
Website of the Day
The
Blix Report
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