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The New Print Edition of CounterPunch, Only for Our Newsletter Subscribers! Why Wall St is Betting Millions on Obama In part 2 of her investigation, market veteran Pam Martens traces the money big Wall Street players are sluicing into Obama's war chest and exactly why they are investing big-time in the "campaign for change". Plus more on the "No federal lobbyists on my team" fraud. You've heard about the plutonium-powered spy transmitters the CIA tasked climbers to haul up 25,000 feet to the high peaks of the Himalayas? What happened to the one they lost and to the men who carried them? Peter Lee gives CounterPunchers the full amazing story. Get your copy today by subscribing online or calling 1-800-840-3683 Contributions to CounterPunch are tax-deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now! CounterPunch books and gear make great holiday presents.
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Today's Stories March 5, 2008 Cockburn /
St. Clair March 4, 2008 Wajahat Ali William Blum Bill Quigley Ralph Nader Patrick Irelan James J. Brittain
/ Norman Solomon Jacob Hornberger Andy Worthington Mike Averko Website of the Day
March 3, 2008 Jennifer Loewenstein Alan Farago Richard Gott Wajahat Ali Paul Craig Roberts Robert Weissman Uri Avnery Martha Rosenberg Eva Liddell Michael Donnelly Website of the Day
March 1 / 2, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Paul Craig
Roberts Kathleen and Bill Christison Nelson P. Valdés Christopher Brauchli Ron Jacobs John Ross Robert Fantina Robert Weissman Mohammed Omer Remi Kanazi Bob Jackson Richard Rhames Franklin Lamb Rannie Amiri David Michael
Green Conn Hallinan Faheem Hussain Poets' Basement Website of
the Weekend
February 29, 2008 Matt Gonzalez Jonathan Cook Joshua Frank Anthony DiMaggio Linn Washington, Jr. Binoy Kampmark Robert Bryce Sonja Karkar Dave Lindorff Website of
the Day
February 28, 2008 Patrick Cockburn Fred Gardner Michael Levitin William S.
Lind David Macaray Stephen Fleischman George Wuerthner Laura Carlsen Carl Finamore Michael Dickinson Website of the Day
February 27, 2008 David Rosen Vijay Prashad Harvey Wasserman Andy Worthington Wajahat Ali Peter Morici Stephen Philion Michael Donnelly Erica Rosenberg / Website of
the Day
February 26, 2008 Debbie Nathan Alan Dershowitz
Harvey Wasserman Michael Colby Gary Leupp David Orchard Martha Rosenberg Fran Shor Serge Halimi Global Balkans Website of
the Day
February 25, 2008 Roger Morris Anthony DiMaggio Ralph Nader Patrick Cockburn Paul Craig Roberts Peter Morici Dave Lindorff Saul Landau
/ Heather Gray Robert Weitzel John Halle Website of the Day
Alexander Cockburn Paul Craig
Roberts Wajahat Ali Ralph Nader Jürgen
Vsych Fidel Castro Andy Worthington David Macaray Jeremy Scahill David Krieger Ron Jacobs Michael Garrity Brian McKenna Missy Beattie Fred Gardner Boris Kagarlitsky Mike Ferner Dan Bacher Christopher
Ketcham Poets' Basement Website of
the Weekend
February 22, 2008 Mike Whitney Jason Hribal Liaquat Ali Khan Joshua Frank Dave Lindorff Liliana Segura Robert Fantina Yifat Susskind Norm Kent Website of
the Day February 21, 2008 Saul Landau Elizabeth Schulte Helen Redmond Benjamin Dangl Michael Levitin Liam Leonard Patrick Irelan Linn Cohen-Cole Michael Simmons CounterPunch
News Service Website of the Day
February 20, 2008 Paul Craig
Roberts Paul Krassner Fawzia Afzal-Khan Farzana Versey Allan Nairn John V. Whitbeck Niranjan Ramakrishnan Steve Eckardt Lee Sustar Mike Ferner Website of the Day
February 19, 2008 Uri Avnery Paul Craig
Roberts Gary Leupp Fidel Castro David Macaray Reza Fiyouzat Valerie Morse Walter Brasch Website of the Day
February 18, 2008 Wajahat Ali Diana Johnstone Paul Craig Roberts Andy Worthington Debbie Nathan Anthony DiMaggio Bill Simpich Eva Liddell Christopher Brauchli Stephen Soldz Johann Rossouw Website of
the Day
February 16 / 17, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Ralph Nader David Macaray William J.
Peace Ron Jacobs Diane Christian Alan Maass Ramzy Baroud Michael Donnelly Cpt. Paul Watson James L. Secor Eve Bachrach Nikolas Kozloff Stephen Gowans Missy Beattie David Michael
Green Wajahat Ali Poets' Basement Website of the Day
February 15, 2008 George Szamuely Patrick Cockburn Wajahat Ali Mike Whitney Alan Farago Chris Genovali Jacob Hornberger Dave Lindorff Website of the Day
February 14, 2008 Kathleen and
Bill Christison Mike Whitney Clancy Sigal George Wuerthner Peter Morici John Ross Allan Nairn Rannie Amiri Niranjan Ramakrishnan Donna Volatile Seth Sandronsky Website of
the Day
February 13, 2008 Nikolas Kozloff Alan Farago Christina Kasica Vicente Navarro Hall Greenland Lee Sustar David Macaray Roderick Frazier
Nash Patrick Irelan Anthony Papa Carl Finamore Website of
the Day
February 12, 2008 Frank J. Menetrez Paul Craig
Roberts Dr. Trudy Bond Andy Worthington Col. Dan Smith Ronnie Cummins Ralph Nader John V. Walsh Dave Lindorff Michael Donnelly Ron Jacobs Ben Tripp Website of the Day
February 11, 2008 Cockburn /
St. Clair Wajahat Ali Ray McGovern Allan Nairn Uri Avnery Chris Floyd Martha Rosenberg Stephen Fleischman Marc Lamont Hill Liliana Segura Peter Morici Christopher
Brauchli Website of the Day
February 8 / 10, 2008 Paul Craig
Roberts Patrick Cockburn Mike Whitney Anthony DiMaggio Andy Worthington Linn Cohen-Cole Firmin DeBrabander Cpt. Paul Watson Kenneth S. Pope Jacob G. Hornberger Robert Bryce P. Sainath Allan Nairn Fred Gardner
/ Andrew Wimmer Robert Fantina David Michael Green Kevin Zeese Peter Morici Chris Driscoll Prairie Miller Poets Basement
February 7, 2008 Patrick Cockburn Bill Christison David Anderson Ron Jacobs Nikolas Kozloff Jane Rockefeller Andy Worthington Dave Zirin Saul Landau Susie Day Website of the Day
February 6, 2008 Cockburn /
St. Clair Ben Rosenfeld Vijay Prashad Joe Bageant Michael Donnelly Allan Nairn Kathryn Gray Ray McGovern Sheldon Richman Paul Cantor
/ Roger Sparks John Chuckman Website of
the Day February 5, 2008 Winslow T.
Wheeler Tariq Ali Stephen Soldz Chris Floyd William S. Lind Martha Rosenberg Heather Gray Ayesha Ijaz
Khan David Macaray Eliza Ernshire Brenda Norrell Website of
the Day
February 4, 2008 Marc Levy Patrick Cockburn Saree Makdisi Uri Avnery Alan Farago Ben Tripp Paul Wolf Paul Craig
Roberts Joshua Frank John Halle Website of the Day
February 2 / 3, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Pam Martens Ralph Nader John Ross Wajahat Ali Robert Fantina B. R. Gowani James L. Secor John V. Walsh Niranjan Ramakrishnan Dave Zirin Jeremy Scahill Fidel Castro Joe Allen Stephen Lendman Patrick Irelan Andrej Grubacic Josh Karpoff Ron Jacobs Paul Krassner Website of the Weekend
February 1, 2008 Ray McGovern Diane Farsetta Patrick Cockburn Tariq Ali Allan Nairn Rannie Amiri Ramzy Baroud Kenneth Couesbouc Peter Morici Mumia Abu-Jamal Rosemary Jackowski Scott Campbell Website of the Day
January 31, 2008 Saul Landau Andy Worthington Mike Whitney Jeff Ballinger Tiffany Ten
Eyck William Loren
Katz Alan Farago Col. Dan Smith China Hand Dave Lindorff Wadner Pierre Website of the Day
January 30, 2008 Cockburn /
St. Clair Christopher
Ketcham Robert Weissman Neve Gordon Paul Craig Roberts Joanne Mariner David Macaray Liaquat Ali
Khan Raymond J. Lawrence Dan Bacher Website of the Day
January 29, 2008 Franklin C.
Spinney Mike Whitney Alan Farago Patrick Cockburn Gary Leupp R. F. Blader Ahmad Faruqui Fran Shor Jeremy Scahill Allan Nairn Website of the Day
January 28, 2008 Patrick Cockburn Paul Craig
Roberts Allan Nairn Eyad al-Sarraj
/ Sara Roy Martha Rosenberg Corporate Crime
Reporter David Michael Green Jennifer Van
Bergen Nancy Oden Divya Karnad James L. Secor Website of
the Day
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March 5, 2008 The Real Movement will be Need After the ElectionObama and the Prospects for a Renewal of the LeftBy STEVEN SHERMAN If Barack Obama wins the Democratic nomination, and goes on to win the presidency, and the Democrats hold onto (and probably gain seats) in the House and Senate, it will be the first time in 16 years that the Democrats hold the White House and both houses of congress. To better understand what will be necessary to make 'change' a reality, it is worth briefly looking back to that earlier period. There are some striking parallels. Clinton came to power in good part because of a recession; now, as well, the economy appears to be in trouble. Then too, the US was locked into a war-like posture towards Iraq, after a 'mission accomplished' attack several years earlier. But the disparities are also striking. There is a widespread feeling that we may now be entering something that is not simply a standard recession. No longer implementing sanctions that could be ignored by the American public, the US is now in a quagmire of an occupation of Iraq. Clinton came to power by in part by appealing to racism, Obama has little choice but to appeal to the electorate's better instincts. And long term trends are also striking. Clinton entered office when the US was riding high on the a wave of popularity after the demise of the Soviet Union; if he wins, Obama will take power with the US at a low. Class inequality has widened in the US to such an extent that alarm and handwringing over this are common even in the mainstream media. And global neoliberalism, nearing its peak in 1992, is a spent force in 2008. In 1992 the labor movement was just starting to stir from its slumber, still led by conservatives. Without glorifying them too much, both John Sweeney and Andy Stern have come to power as a result of a deeply felt need in the labor movement for change.The antiwar movement (awake during the 80s when it was in solidarity with Central American revolutionaries) was moribund by the time Clinton entered office; although it is not in great shape today, it is recognizably livelier. Last, and certainly not least, while Clinton was the safe candidate of choice of the Democratic Leadership Council, the Obama campaign has turned into a movement. It has generated remarkable support among students in particular, bringing new people into politics. Clinton expended considerable political capital (already compromised by his support for NAFTA) on the unsuccessful health care battle; soon after the Republicans won the congress back and Clinton retreated to basically supporting a Republican agenda. Given all the differences noted above, there is some prospect for a different outcome this time. Many writing on the left have attempted to assess Obama in terms of his political record. This is not altogether without value, but I think it is more useful to consider who he is likely to bring into a coalition of support. Before this campaign started, it was fairly clear that he made his home among highly educated, relatively wealthy liberals for whom economic populist ideas don't typically resonate. This crowd is alarmed by George W. Bush's fiscal irresponsibility and his undermining of US status in the world through reckless interventions. On the latter issue they want more diplomacy but are by no means anti-imperialist, much like Obama himself (Hillary Clinton, on the other hand, represents a certain type of traditional establishment Democratic hawk, only belatedly discovering that the constituency for this position in the Democratic party is vanishing). Had he not won votes beyond this constituency, he would have faded like Gary Hart or Howard Dean. Instead, he won the overwhelming majority of African American votes in South Carolina (not something everyone took for granted before his campaign began), and has since made incursions into the white working class and Latinos. If he wins the nomination, these constituencies are likely to embrace his candidacy, and his movement will swell. In contrast to Dean, he is an inspirational politician--and by inspirational, we mean that he borrows phrases ('Yes, we can') and cadences from the civil rights movement and other struggles. This has made him a far more potent politican, with a larger coalition behind him, than Howard Dean or Gary Hart could ever imagine. The key issue is what kind of change Obama and his movement will try to make. Although the candidate has been vague, so far it appears that he is appealing to two rather implausible types of 'change'. Many of his working class supporters hope a reversal of NAFTA might bring their manufacturing jobs back. It is a little late to lock the barn door on that front. Simply writing in protection of labor rights into NAFTA or new trade agreements won't begin to create the kind of integrated production complex that has made China so competitive. On the other hand many of his middle class supporters hope a wiser and more fiscally prudent approach can restore US standing in the world, and the fresh start he represents might help spring the economy out of its doldrums and bring back the good old days when they could count on 10% annual returns on either their stocks or real estate. Until very recently, a sizable chunk of the population (perhaps 20%) was doing well with their investments (and much of the 'netroots' is drawn from this class). This helps explain why populism of the 'only 1% is doing well' sort has not found a national electoral constituency. But their well being depended on a steady inflow of foreign capital to the US, and the conditions for that are deteriorating. It isn't obvious what president Obama could do to change that. Obama will be faced with a working class and middle class with not particularly dishonorable ideals (securing a decent livelihood for themselves and their families) but unrealistic ideas about how to do so (the return of manufacturing jobs, the return of good investment returns). The most plausible way to achieve the goals would be to take steps that dramatically break with the policies of the last twenty five years--rather direct efforts to both unleash the wealth that has been clotted up at the top 1% for the general betterment of society (tax wealth, as well as income, for starters), and improvements of those at the lowest end through sharp increases in the minimum wage and public spending. A renewed discussion of the US role in the world, what size military we need, and how much of the economy we wish to pour into the military industrial complex will also be needed. This is far more than Obama anticipates doing, but events in the next four years may overtake the moderate, partial measures he has staked out. As noted above, 2008 is not 1992. A real movement would be needed to push him farther to the left in the course of such a crisis, and to push back the opposition that would undoubtedly be unleashed. To overcome that opposition, we would require a more organized and unified working class. The working class is presently deeply divided. One division is between organized and unorganized workers. The Democrats have promised to pass EFCA, which should help to expand union membership (it makes 'card check off' organizing campaigns possible), particularly if the unions come up with good reasons for people to join them. A second division is along racial lines within the working class. This is not simply because of prejudiced views, although there is plenty of that. It is also because working class blacks, latinos and whites are differentially integrated into labor markets and the political system. Blacks in inner cities are to a large extent excluded from the private labor market, and face prison in staggering numbers for minor offenses. Another large chunk of the working class consists of people who are not US citizens (mostly Latino), and have been increasingly criminalized, particularly since 1996. They work for extremely low wages and have consumption patterns that bear little resemblance to those of most Americans. Whites face an easier legal environment (although they work in fiercely anti-union conditions, and are among the most oversupervised workers in the world), and greater prospects of entering the middle class through marriage. Finally, even the most liberal sections of the predominantly white middle class (the people who turned out in large numbers for anti-war protests, for example) continue to be largely indifferent to the political and economic challenges faced by the working class, and uneasy about developing coalitions with Blacks and Latinos. If the left can shape a narrative in which the interests of these groups come to seem dependent on the advancement of one another, the prospects for progressive change over the next fifteen to twenty years will be immensely strengthened. One avenue to explore might be a more expansive sense of civil liberties than those which currently interest the white liberal/left--i.e. curtailment of the executive branch, alarm at the embrace of torture by the Bush administration, and fear of the growing incursions on civil liberties more generally among peaceful protesters. An expanded notion might include de-incarceration for non-violent offenses, decriminalization of immigration regulation (and an easy path to citizenship), and expanded union rights (including collective bargaining for public employees where that is not presently allowed, and the revocation of Taft Hartley). An economic plan involving remaking our urban spaces through public transport and public space, and technologically upgrading our rural areas (all funded through taxes on wealth and reductions in the military budget) might also be a start. The question is whether the left can transform itself from a grouping of ideas into a movement that can meaningfully intervene in the emergent political environment, likely to be one of heightened class struggle and nationalist frustration. Obama's candidacy has demonstrated that fairly well-to-do liberals can come together with African Americans around the mantra of 'change'. If he is elected, the challenge of the left will be to broaden that alliance, and deepen it so that change might become a reality. Steven Sherman can be reached at threehegemons at hotmail.com. He maintains the website lefteyeonbooks.org.
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