How
the Press &
the CIA Killed Gary Webb's Career
Today's
Stories
December 27,
2004
Saul Landau
James
Cason's Cuban Delusions
December 25
/ 26, 2004
Alexander Cockburn
Yup,
It's Moral Outrage Time
Diane Christian
The Christmas Christ
Dr. Susan Block
Faith-Based Sex
Gary Leupp
Rumsfeld, His Critics and the Draft
Ron Jacobs
Music in Wartime
Elaine Cassel
Articles I Didn't Write
Jim Minick
Beyond Organic
Poets Basement
Louise, Landau, Orloski, Albert
and Collins
December 24,
2004
Diane Christian
Winning:
Rummy and John Milton
Chad Nagle
Ukraine's
Real Underdog
Saul Landau
My Friend Richard Barnet
Greg Moses
Ramsey Muniz Speaks
Joe DeRaymond
The Endless War in Colombia: a View From Within
Borzou Daragahi
Iraq's Christians: Tolerated by Saddam; Targets Under Occupation
Mike Whitney
Rummy's Quagmire of Lies
Francis A. Boyle
O Little Town of Bethlehem: Another Christmas Under Occupation
William Loren
Katz
Florida 1837: Christmas Eve Resistance to the First US Occupation

December 23,
2004
Chad Nagle
Report
from Kiev: Yushchenko's Not Quite Ready for Sainthood
David Smith-Ferri
The
Real UN Disgrace in Iraq
Bill Quigley
Death
Watch for Human Rights in Haiti
Mickey Z.
Crumbs
from Our Table
Christopher Brauchli
Merck's Merry X-mas
Greg Moses
When
No Law Means No Law
Alan Singer
An
Encounter with Sen. Schumer: a Very Dangerous Democrat
David Price
Social
Security Pump and Dump
Website of the Day
Gabbo Gets Laid

December 22,
2004
James Petras
An
Open Letter to Saramago: Nobel Laureate Suffers from a Bizarre
Historical Amnesia
Omar Barghouti
The Case for Boycotting Israel
Patrick Cockburn / Jeremy Redmond
They Were Waiting on Chicken Tenders When the Rounds Hit
Harry Browne
Northern Ireland: No Postcards from the Edge
Richard Oxman
On the Seventh Column
Kathleen Christison
Imagining
Palestine
Website of the Day
FBI Torture Memos
December 21,
2004
Greg Moses
The
New Zeus on the Block: Unplugging Al-Manar TV
Dave Lindorff
Losing
It in America: Bunker of the Skittish
Chad Nagle
The View from Donetsk
Dragon Pierces
Truth*
Concrete
Colossus vs. the River Dragon: Dislocation and Three Gorges Dam
Patrick Cockburn
"Things Always Get Worse"
Seth DeLong
Aiding Oppression in Haiti
Ahmad Faruqui
Pakistan and the 9/11 Commission's Report
Paul Craig
Roberts
America
Locked Up: a System of Injustice

December 20,
2004
Gary Leupp
Japan
in Iraq
Robert Fisk
An
Army Without Compassion
Uri Avnery
The Mountain and the Mouse
Francisco Letelier
My Case Against Pinochet
Patrick Cockburn
The Polls of Fear
Bill Conroy
Charles Bowden on the Legacy of Gary Webb: "He Drew Blood"
Yoshie Furuhashi
Chokeholds of a Giant: Attacking Wal-Mart's Supply Chain
David Swanson
Media Blackout of Bush's War on Labor
Chad Nagle
Did Yushchenko Poison Himself?
December 18
/ 19, 2004
Alexander Cockburn
Why
They Hated Gary Webb
Saul Landau
Gen.
Pinochet Should Also Face Charges in DC
Patrick Cockburn
Losing
Mosul: Once They Called It a Model for the Occupation
Douglas Valentine
Wolves
and Revolution in Venezuela: a Caracas Romance
Ray McGovern
Laughing Dragon, Dancing Bear: the New China / Russia Alliance
Fred Gardner
DEA Upholds Grower's Marijuana Monopoly
Jean-Guy Allard
Locked Up Naked in a Hole Within a Hole: Have the Cuban 5 Been
Tortured in US Prisons?
Ron Jacobs
Drifters Escape, Again: Encounters with Berkeley's Police
Raymond G.
Helmick, S.J.
The Law and Peace in the Middle East
Sean Sellers
Values Voters, Desperate Housewives and Sweatshop Tacos
Lee Sustar
Christmas
on the Picket Line at CNH: "They Want to Break Our Unions"
Richard Thieme
Webb's Wife: "Gary Was Never the Same After They Attacked
Him"
Sam Bahour
WANTED:
Middle East Negotiator
Joshua Frank
The
Spin Doctor: an Interview with Mickey Z.
Dave Lindorff
A Man Who Confers with God Should Have Good Hearing
Stan Cox
What Kids Cost: Dallas v. Delhi
Chris Frasier
Farming By Numbers: More Poets, Fewer MBAs
Poets' Basement
Katz, Melek, Harley, Albert and Ford
December
17, 2004
Cockburn /
St. Clair
CounterAttack:
How the Press and the CIA Killed Gary Webb's Career
Dave Lindorff
Racism:
Philly Style
Dan Bacher
Bush Abandons Salmon Restoration
Marisa Jacott
NAFTA and the Environment: Trade Still Runs Roughshod
Francis Thicke
How Now, Industrial Cow?
Rupert Cornwell
The Inuit Strike Back
Website of the Day
Franz Boas Unrolls Over in His Grave
December
16, 2004
Michael
Neumann
How We Became Barbarians
Merlin
Chowkwanyun
An Interview with Ralph Nader
Gabriel
Espinoza Gonzales
The Dubious Career of John Bolton
Christopher
Brauchli
Louis Freeh's New Gig: Usurer
Patrick
Cockburn
Allawi's Pre-Election Ploy: Putting "Chemical Ali"
on Trial
Mike
Whitney
Gearing Up for a Draft?
Walter
Brasch
Hillbilly Humvees and Rumsfeld's New Physics
Bill
Conroy
How Gary Webb Saved My Ass from the FBI
Website
of the Day
Saturday Memorial for Gary Webb
December
15, 2004
Robert
Fisk
Who Killed Baha Mousa?
Jennifer
Van Bergen
The Monster Under the Bed
Heather
Gray
Will the Real Christians Please Stand?: a Personal Testimony
Dave
Lindorff
The DNC, Albright and the Iraq Elections
Luis
Hernandez Navarro
To Die a Little: Migration and Coffee
in Mexico and Central America
Joshua
Frank
The Ohio Recount: an Exercise in "Dumbocracy"
Greg
Moses
Eighty-Sixing Civil Rights in Ohio?
George
Caffentzis
The Petroleum Commons
December
14, 2004
Dave
Lindorff
DNC Meddling in the Ukraine Elections
Larry
Birns / Seth DeLong
Haiti is Unraveling and No One is Saying
Anything
Richard
Thieme
My Last Talk with Gary Webb: "I Knew It Was the Truth and
That's What Kept Me Going"
Patrick
Cockburn
A Year After Saddam's Capture, Iraq
is Getting Worse
Chris
Floyd
Client State: Moral Values and Voluntary Servitude in Bush's
America
Akiva
Eldar
A One-time Hanukkah Miracle
Burbach
/ Cantor
The Legacy of Pinochet: Kissinger
and the Teflon Tyrant

December
13, 2004
Cockburn
/ St. Clair
Gary Webb: a Great Reporter, Trashed
by the CIA's Claque
David
Phinney
"Contract Meal Disaster" for Iraqi Prisoners: Rancid
Food Sparked Abu Ghraib Riots
Paul
Craig Roberts
A Dose of Non-Delusional Reality
for Douglas Feith
M.
Junaid Alam
The War is the War Crime
Robert
Jensen
The US Has Lost the Iraq War...and That's a Good Thing
Richard
Oxman
Kafkaesque Lessons for the Left
Greg
Moses
Send No Messengers of Defeat
Douglas
Lummis
The Pentagon's Neurosis: Fallujah
Gulag
December
11 / 12, 2004
Alexander
Cockburn
Running an Empire on the Cheap
Ron
Jacobs
The Drugs of War: Getting High in the Green Zone?
Saul
Landau
Listening and Talking to God About
Invading Other Countries
Gary
Leupp
Bush's Capital
Sharon
Smith
The Horrible Toll on US Troops
Dave
Lindorff
Deja Vu All Over Again: 5,000 Desertions and Counting
Uri
Avnery
The Boss Has Gone Crazy
Jude
Wanniski
The Neo-Con Smear on Kofi Annan: What Food-for-Oil Scandal?
Heather
Gray
How the South Became Republican: an Interview with John Egerton
Patrick
Cockburn / Ken Sengupta
Fallujah: the Homecoming and the Homeless
John
Pilger
Return to Kosovo: Calling the Humanitarian Bombers to Account
Joshua
Frank
All the Rage: Mr. Solomon, Say You're Sorry
Ben
Tripp
O Canada!: the Truth About the Election of 2004
John
Stanton
God Speaks!
Laura
Nathan
Porn Stars are People, Too: a Talk with Christi Lake
Poets'
Basement
Capaccio, Davies, Louise, Ford and Albert
Website
of the Day
Fallujah Photos: Killed in Their Beds
December
10, 2004
Ralph
Nader
President Bush, Stop Destroying the
Mosques of Iraq
Greg
Moses
Whitewashing Voter Fraud
Nicole
Colson
Rebellion in the Ranks: Grunts Are Resisting Stop-Loss Orders
Frederick
B. Hudson
"They Still Got Those Dogs": A New Book Probes Old
Civil Rights Lessons
Patrick
Cockburn
Iraq's Insurgents Oppose the Occupation, Not the Elections
Kathy
Kelly
From Haiti to Iraq: Burying Water

December
9, 2004
Greg
Moses
Ask Not Who Bankrolled Fallujah
Joshua
Frank
Cobb and the Ohio Recount: Vote Fraud as Fundraiser!
Ralph
Nader
An Open Letter to Bush: It's Time to
Disclose the Real Casualty Figures
Lee
Sustar
Bhopal: the Making of a Disaster
Tom
Barry
Restrictionist Resurgence
Mickey
Z.
Sander Hicks and the 9/11 Truth Movement
Christopher
Brauchli
Bush in the Bubble
Mark
Donham
Why are House Democrats Trying to
Deny Cynthia McKinney Seniority?
Gary
Corseri
On the Anniversary of John Lennon's Death, 2012
Paul
de Rooij
The Voices of Sharon's Little Helpers

December
8, 2004
Ralph
Nader
Will the Real Michael Moore Ever Re-Emerge?
Ann
Harrison
The Ohio Recount: Reluctant Officials
and Few Rules
Paul
Craig Roberts
War Crime
Dave
Lindorff
They've Got a Secret: Inside the $40 Billion Black Budget for
Spying
Patrick
Cockburn / Andrew Buncombe
CIA Warning on Iraq: Fallujah Did Not Break the Back of the Insurgency
Col.
Dan Smith
Rules of Engagement in Iraq
Emily
Alves / Michael Johnson
Paradise Lost: Corruption and Clientelism in Costa Rica
Richard
Oxman
The Dylan Bob Wouldn't Mention: Up With Dylan Thomas
Ron
Jacobs
In Fallujah, Freedom Isn't Free

December
7, 2004
Patrick
Cockburn
Running Battles in Baghdad
Behrooz
Ghamari
Lost Muslim Voices of Dissent
Dave
Lindorff
American Fantasies: Psst! Hey Buddy,
Did You Hear How Well the War's Going?
Joshua
Frank
Dean at the DNC?
Richard
Oxman
Down with Dylan: the Insufferable Interview
Ray
McGovern
All Mosquitoes, No Swamp
John
Chuckman
The Invasion of Hallifax: The Imperial Wizard Visits Canada
James
Petras
Latin America: the Empire Changes Gears
Website
of the Day
ToxMap: Who's Poisoning You

December
6, 2004
Paul
Craig Roberts
Paranoia and Pre-emption: Is the
Bush Administration Certifiable?
December
4 / 6, 2004
Alexander
Cockburn
Politicize the CIA? You've Got to
be Kidding
Joe
Bageant
Dining with the Rhinos
Alan
Maass
Reporting from the Ground in Iraq: an Interview with Patrick
Cockburn
Brian
Cloughley
Democracy, Bush-style, in the Gulf
Laura
Carlsen
Latin America Shifts Left
Lenni
Brenner
Jefferson, Madison, Bush and Religion
Anna
Ioakimedes
Brazil's Haitian Mission: Doing God's Work or Washington's?
Uri
Avnery
Widow of Opportunity?
Fred
Gardner
Supreme Court Hears Medical Pot Case
Dave
Zirin
Steroids to Heaven
Jackie
Corr
Mining Camp Blues: the Red State Variation
Don
Fitz
Will Greens Abandon IRV?
Lucy
Herschel
"Art can be a Weapon of the Oppressed": an Interview
with Artist Anthony Papa
Richard
Oxman
No Angels in America: Bashing the Gay Play
Ron
Jacobs
Holiday Greeting Card
Poets'
Basement
Collins, Albert, LaMorticella

December
3, 2004
Dave
Lindorff
Lie Then Escalate
Ben
Tripp
Fun With Boycotts: How to Shop in a
Time of Crisis
Joe
Allen
Murder in El Salvador: the Assassination of Teamster Organizer
Gilberto Soto
Matthew
B. Riley
Human Rights Court Fails Lori Berenson
Meir
Shalev
In the End, It is the Violin that Wins
Bob
Wing
The White Elephant in the Room: Race and Election 2004
Christopher
Brauchli
When McCain Bit His Tongue
Sasan
Fayazmanesh
The EU, the US, Israel and Iran
December
2, 2004
Tito
Tricot
No Justice in Chile: I'm a Torture
Survivor in a Country Where Torturers Still Run Free
Behzad
Yaghmaian
The Murder of Theo Van Gogh and Muslim Migration
Dr.
Susan Block
Lana and Me: Meetings with Remarkable Apes
Frank
/ Chowkwanyun
Liberalism and Its Bounds
Lee
Sustar
Standoff in Ukraine: the Bad v. the Corrupt
Patrick
Cockburn
Another Grim Record in Iraq
Mark
Engler
Seattle at Five
Michael
Donnelly
Something Stinks in South Bend: the Firing of Tyrone Willingham
Nate
Collins
The Bay Area Mall on an Ohlone Burial Grounds
Saul
Landau
The Assassination of Danilo Anderson
December
1, 2004
Phillip
Cryan
Associated with Whom? Rightist Bias
in Wire Coverage of Colombia
Dave
Zirin
What's the Matter with "Leon"?:
Budweiser's Racist Commercial
Ghali
Hassan
Iraq's Health Care Under the Occupation:
200 Children Die Every Day
Donna
J. Volatile
Beware Western Nations Threatening "Democracy"
Patrick
Cockburn
How Saddam Tried to Arm the Insurgency
Nick
Meo
Chemical War Over Afghanistan
Mike
Ferner
The Battle of Toledo
Mokhiber
/ Weissman
Shame and Determination on Global AIDS Day: 40 Million and Rising
Kathy
Kelly
Looking the Other Way: the Real Crimes
of the UN in Iraq
November
30, 2004
Jennifer
Van Bergen
The Veil of Secrecy
Toni
Nelson Herrera
Meeting Kurtz: When Art is a Crime
Paul
Craig Roberts
The Bush Delusions: Successful at Incompetence
Patrick
Cockburn
The Insurgency Strikes Back: There Are No Safe Havens in Iraq
Chuck
Munson
WTO Protests Five Years Later: Seattle Weekly Trashes Anti-Globalization
Movement
Adam
Williams
Citizenship Sold: Back to Business in Indiana
Gregory
Elich
A Dangerous Turn in the US Plans for
North Korea
Website
of the Day
Read Lynne Cheney's Lesbian Novel Online!
November
29, 2004
Dave
Lindorff
Blowback in Ukraine: The Hand of
the CIA?
Omar
Barghouti
"The Pianist" of Palestine:
Roadblock Concerto at Gunpoint
Mike
Whitney
The US Media and Fallujah: How to
Market a Siege
Uri
Avnery
The Abu Mazen Style: "Give Me
Some Credit!"
Matt
Vidal
Globalization and Economic Inequality: a Look at the Numbers
Patrick
Cockburn
An Interview with Iraq's Foreign
Minister
Alan
Farago
Sex Change and Salvation: God, Girly Men and Endocrine Disrupters
Justin
Huggler
Bhopal 20 Years Later
Antony
Loewenstein
How Australia Reported Arafat's Death and Legacy
Gary
Leupp
Ukraine: Poll Results Aren't the Real
Issue
Website
of the Day
Mosul: Images from a Kill Zone
November
27 / 28, 2004
Peter
Linebaugh
Torture & Neo-Liberalism with
Sycorax in Iraq
Alexander
Cockburn
What Happened to O'Reilly's Loofa?
Fred
Gardner
Ashcroft v. Raich: Medical Marijuana and the Supreme Court
Kathy
Kelly
What We Can Control
Diane
Christian
The Other Cheek: "Empire Doesn't Analyze, It Acts"
Gary
Leupp
One More Neocon Target: South (Yes, South) Korea
Lenni
Brenner
Equality and Rights of Return: Jefferson Instructs the New York
Times
Ron
Jacobs
Death Squads and Iraq's Elections: the Mysterious Murders of
the AMS Clerics
Joshua
Frank
An Interview with Kevin Zeese on Nader, Kerry and the ABB Crowd
Toni
Solo
The Murder of Danilo Anderson
Saul
Landau
Fallujah, the 21st Century Guernica
JoAnn
Wypijewski
Matthew Shepard Case 6 Years Later: Why Hate Crimes Laws are
No Cure for Homophobia
Justin
Taylor
Empire's Lawless Opportunities
Amos
Harel
The Case of Captain R.
Walter
A. Davis
Tabloid Justice
Stephen
Hendricks
God's Kind of Men
Poets'
Basement
Albert, LaMorticella and Ford
November
26, 2004
Peter
Feng
Gavin Newsom: Man or Machine?
Greg
Moses
It's the White Vote, Stupid
Liaquat
Ali Khan
The Devil's Work: Bush's Minority Appointments
Michael
Mandel / Gail Davidson
Why Bush Should Be Banned from Canada: a Memo to the Ministry
of Immigration
Dave
Lindorff
Nation of Sheep, Turkey of an Election: Urkrainians Show the
Way
Gary
Corseri
When Black Friday Comes...
Paul
Craig Roberts
Whatever Happened to Conservatives?
Website
of the Day
Iraq Pipeline Watch
November
25, 2004
Willliam
Loren Katz
Giving Thanks to Whom?: "Thanks
to God We Sent 600 Heathen Souls to Hell Today"
Mitchel
Cohen
Why I Hate Thanksgiving
Mike
Ferner
An Uncommon Mom
November
24, 2004
Gila
Svirsky
License to Kill: the Example of Violence
is Set by the State
Winslow
T. Wheeler
The
Other Mess in Congress
Christopher
Brauchli
The Company He Keeps: the Syndicate of Tom Delay
Dave
Lindorff
Double Standards on Exit Polls: Hypocrisy Sans Irony
Ron
Jacobs
The Occupation of Iraq is the Root of t he Problem
Ken
Sengupta
Witnesses: War Crimes in Fallujah
Diana
Barahona
The Final Holocaust or Why I Voted for Ralph Nader
John
L. Hess
Safire the Shameless
Jason
Leopold
Did Harvard Hire (Another) War Criminal?
Jeffrey
St. Clair
The Mark of McCain: the Senator Most Likely to Start a Nuclear
War
Map
of the Day
Now and Then: 2004 v. 1860
November
23, 2004
Forrest
Hylton
Bush and Uribe at the Beach
November
22, 2004
Dave
Zirin
Fight Night in the NBA: Selective Outrage
in Detroit
Paul
Craig Roberts
On to Iran: We Won't Get Fooled Again?
Michael
Mandel / Gail Davidson
Why Bush Should be Banned from Canada
Kathie
Helmkamp
Our Son: a Marine Who Won't Kill
Ken
Sengupta
The Triangle of Death: "This is Now the Most Dangerous Place
in Iraq"
Mike
Whitney
Greenspan's Hammer
Roger
Burbach
Why They Hate Bush in Chile
Website
of the Day
Fed Up with Government Lies and Corporate Spin?
November
20 / 21, 2004
Alexander
Cockburn
The Poisoned Chalice
Todd
May
Religion, the Election and the Politics of Fear
Abbas
Ahmed Ibrahim
The Horrors of Fallujah: a First-Hand Account
Kevin
Zeese
Mishandling Nader
Landau
/ Hassen
After Arafat
Tom
Barry
The Vulcans Consolidate Power: The Rise of Stephen Hadley
Fred
Gardner
Pot Shots: Ask Dr. Todd
Justin
E.H. Smith
Triumph of the Will: the Sequel
Carl
Estabrook
Where We Are Now
Gary
Leupp
Imperial History-Making vs. Reality-Based Thought: a Dialogue
Dave
Lindorff
Apocalypse Soon
Jenna
Michelle Liut
Plans Colombia and Patriota: Wanton Wastes of Money, Manpower
and Lives
Mickey
Z.
The Granma Moses of Radical Writing: an Interview with William
Blum
Greg
Moses
The Same Old Struggle Against Imperial America
Sharon
Smith
Abortion Rights and the Election: What Now?
Ron
Jacobs
Sandwiches and Car Bombs
Ben
Tripp
Raising d'Etre: Finding Money in Hollywood These Days
Richard
Oxman
Basketbrawl Two Pointer: Iraq Rules!
Gilad
Atzmon
Politics and Jazz
Poets'
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LaMorticella, Albert, Ford, & Anon.
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|
December 27, 2004
"Zionism Has Exhausted Itself"
An
Interview with Amos Elon
By
ARI SHAVIT
Ha'aretz
The young people at the news desk weren't
quite sure who he was. The name sounded familiar but they weren't
sure from where. A few had heard about one of his books. A few
had once used another book as a textbook. But many people don't
really know who Amos Elon is. The man who was once the preeminent
journalist in Israel has been totally erased from the memory.
The man who was the chief chronicler of the Israeli story has
ceased to register in the Israeli consciousness. He is much better
known to readers of the New York Review of Books than to readers
of Ha'aretz.
He was born in 1925, in Vienna,
and immigrated to Mandatory Palestine with his family in 1933.
In the 1940s, he was one of Tel Aviv's prominent young intellectuals
- and was close to Uri Avnery and influenced by him. He wrote
a patriotic book about the War of Independence which he'd rather
forget.
In the early 1950s, Amos Elon quickly became a star. For Haaretz,
he wrote several outstanding series of articles on subjects such
as the rift among the kibbutzim, the life of immigrants and the
"second Israel" (the underprivileged sectors of Israeli
society). Elon became the protege of Haaretz publisher and editor-in-chief
Gershom Schocken, was sent to Europe and later spent six years
as Ha'aretz's Washington correspondent. In 1970, he published
his book, "The Israelis," which was an immediate international
success (it was published in English in 1971 as "The
Israelis: Founders and Sons"), and subsequently left
the paper. In 1978, in wake of the peace process with Egypt,
he returned to Ha'aretz and remained with the paper until 1986.
In the small Italian village
where he lives, Elon wrote his books about Herzl, the Rothschild
family and the history of German Jewry. The current publication
of the Hebrew version of "The
Pity of it All: A Portrait of the German-Jewish Epoch, 1743-1933"
(which was published in English in 2002) is coinciding with a
significant biographical moment: Last month, Elon packed up the
apartment that he still kept in Jerusalem. Our conversation took
place among the piles of objects slated to be given away and
the piles of books due to be sent home, to Tuscany.
He looks much younger than
his 79 years. He once wrote that Israeli faces tend to wrinkle
as if from a lot of gazing straight at the sun. His face, however,
is almost smooth.
If Elon has feelings, he keeps
them hidden deep inside. At least outwardly, he is serious, German,
stern. A devotee of human rights but not overflowing with brotherly
love. Seemingly devoid of warmth and empathy, he is a man of
high standards. A man of high-level journalism and high culture.
His erudition is enviable.
A few of Elon's friends say
something about him that he himself isn't ready to admit: His
decision to leave Israel essentially derives from deep despair.
From a sense that Israel doesn't have a chance. But it's also
the man's personality structure that has made him not want to
belong. Not to participate. To be an observer from a distance.
Maybe the young people at the
news desk are right: Amos Elon doesn't interest anyone here anymore.
He's no longer relevant. But maybe they're wrong. And not only
because Elon is a supremely gifted journalist. Not only because
the international intelligentsia still perceives him as a thoughtful
Israeli voice. And not only because he is an inseparable part
of the history of this newspaper. But because Amos Elon epitomized
an attitude that characterizes a large part of the Israeli elite.
In his words and his life, Amos Elon expresses the deep aversion
to the new Israel. The nationalistic, religious, un-European
Israel. This is apparently the reason why Amos Elon is leaving
us. He is turning back the clock, going back to being a European
Jew.
Amos Elon, looking over
the list of books you've written in the past decades - "The
Israelis," "Herzl," "The
Rothschilds," "The Pity of It All" on German-Jewish
history - it's like the Zionist movie is being rewound; the whole
trajectory is from Israel backward.
Elon: "From Israel outward.
And the reason is very simple. It's also related to my leaving
Haaretz. Nothing has changed here in the last 40 years. The problems
are exactly the same as they always were. The solutions were
already known back then. But no one paid attention to them. And
I found myself repeating them. I found myself saying the same
thing all the time. And I started to bore myself. The dialogue
wasn't fruitful. It was a useless dialogue. I was a lone voice
in the wilderness."
Did you leave Haaretz and
move to Tuscany to write historical books because you were opposed
to the occupation or because the whole Israeli experience became
unbearable to you?
"This place continues
to be interesting and fascinating. It's in my blood to this day.
I get up in the morning in my home in Tuscany and listen to Israel
Radio and then I read Haaretz. But my feeling was that I couldn't
say anything here. Everything had already been said. And there's
no true dialogue. There's no suitable political development.
But of course it's true that it's impossible to live here without
feeling some unease. And this unease grows the worse the situation
gets. And it has truly been getting worse all these years."
Have you developed a feeling
of alienation toward Israel?
"Not alienation. Disappointment.
I have no common language with the people who are at the top
in politics. I think they're wrong. Their style repulses me.
And maybe there is alienation because I don't know them anymore.
I'm not involved with them. I used to know everyone. I used to
be intimately acquainted with them. And today it's a group that
I don't know. And maybe there is alienation because of the sharp
rightward shift in Israel. Toward the right and toward religion."
Do you find Israel to be
barbaric, unenlightened, nationalistic?
"In Israel there's the
`Gush Dan' state and the political state. The `Gush Dan' state
is a state of live-and-let-live. Of tolerance. Of the desire
for peace and a good life. But the political state, well, you
know what it looks like."
What does it look like?
"It's partly quasi-fascist
and partly religious with narrow horizons."
Quasi-fascist?
"Quasi-fascist in the
sense that abstract principles of religion are dictating our
fate without any democratic process. There are religious people
here who believe they've put their finger on the very essence
of being. They know everything. They're in direct contact with
God."
You have some profound anti-
religious sentiment.
"I'm not being original
when I say that religion that enters politics is dangerous. Such
religious people would be better off behind bars and not in politics.
Certainly."
The critical mistake of
`67 opened the door to dark forces that overwhelmed the Israel
to which you belonged, to which you felt a genuine closeness?
"There were two sources
of the perversion: the mixture of religion with political policy
and the secular right's military adventurism. Force. The worship
of force. By the way, it hasn't only come from the Likud. It
also came from Ahdut Ha'avoda (the United Workers Party, a precursor
of the Labor Party), from people like Allon and Galili. Ahdut
Ha'avoda always seemed to me to be a party of farmers fighting
over each piece of land with pitchforks."
And the result is that this
place has corrupted itself?
"The occupation certainly
corrupted Israeli society. There is no dispute about that."
Has Israel slid into a situation
that places it in a category other than the democratic Western
nations?
"Without a doubt. And
I'm still wracking my brain wondering what those people were
thinking after the Six-Day War. How did they think they could
keep it? What did Dayan think? Did he really think that if we
just treat them nicely, everything will be fine? What provinciality
it was. What historic ignorance. Had this ever happened anywhere
else in the world? From this perspective, the Israeli occupation
is perhaps the least successful attempt at colonialism that I
can think of. This is the crappiest colonial regime that I can
think of in the modern age."
How is it worse than French
or British colonialism?
"In the French and British
colonies, there were mixed marriages. In India, for instance.
But especially with the French. They're freer than the British
are in bed, that's well-known. But both the French and the British
tried to co-opt the elites. As a rule, whenever a European nation
took over territory in the Third World, it tried to embrace the
elite. Here there was no such attempt. There were no mixed marriages,
there was no significant commercial cooperation. The only human
partnership was in the lowest dimension of all: crime."
What you're really saying
is that there was Israeli political primitiveness. That we didn't
even have a colonialist civilization worthy of the name.
"Correct. There was provinciality
here. There was this upstart's arrogance. I'm not surprised when
you look at the population. We know where it comes from. Either
from the Arab countries or from Eastern Europe. But on the political
level, this arrogance was manifested in a total forsaking of
an embracing of the elites. They didn't know it was even possible.
"I'm not saying that everything
would have been solved if they'd done this co-opting and married
Palestinians. The intifada would have broken out in any case.
But maybe, if Israel had behaved differently, the Palestinian
war of independence would have been less bloody. Maybe it wouldn't
have generated this horrific death cult."
Won't the disengagement
solve this? Won't it remove the curse of the Six-Day War from
us?
"I think that Sharon and
Peres are perhaps the last statesmen here, and they're both Mapainiks
[Mapai was another precursor to the Labor party]. Mapainiks are
practical people who recognize that politics is the art of the
possible and recognize the limits of force. I think that both
of them, very belatedly, are demonstrating a degree of statesmanship
that they didn't have before. But Israel is leaving the Gaza
Strip now not because they recognize that it belongs to someone
else, but because the occupation has become too messy. Because
it's impossible to maintain this way. It's not worth it. It's
a cost-benefit calculation. And I'm horrified by the fact that
there are now 1.3 million hopeless refugees in Gaza. Which is
a powder keg that will explode. And Israel is basically trying
to get out of there now because it doesn't want to be responsible
for this explosion. But it will be responsible anyway."
What you're saying is that
it's an illusion to think that the disengagement will solve the
problem.
"Of course it's an illusion.
Gaza will explode. I think there will be a terrible explosion
there. That's why I still say today that the victory in the Six-Day
War was worse than a defeat."
You were the preeminent
Israeli journalist. Respected, admired, well-connected. In 1986,
you left it all behind. When you look back, do you feel any regret?
Does it pain you that young Israelis don't even know your name?
"I miss the contact. It
was good to be in contact. But on the other hand, I haven't made
a bad career. I'm a research fellow in New York. I appear all
over the world. And I live most of the year in Italy in my wife's
house, which is paradise. So even if someone were to offer me
the job of Haaretz editor now, I'd turn it down. I also wouldn't
come back here to write."
So Israel and journalism
are both beneath you now?
"I've gotten away from
it. An American friend of mine says that journalism is only for
the young. My wife Beth, who didn't want me to leave Israel,
said it's true that journalism is for the young, but it also
keeps you young. No, I wouldn't go back to it now. I adore my
rest, and the tranquility I live in now. My nerves may be here,
but I'm tired. And not so healthy. It's hard to believe, but
next year I'll be 80. I've had two heart surgeries and my memory
isn't what it used to be. Nor are my powers of concentration.
So I prefer to be a pensioner sitting on a mountain and gazing
at the gorgeous view."
Basically, you've chosen
to live in exile.
"To a certain extent,
it's exile. For sure. I'm not Italian. Italian politics doesn't
interest me. I also miss my friends in Israel very much. I have
some very dear friends here. There, I don't have any friends
like the ones I have here. And I don't have an intensive intellectual
contact there. But I'm an old pensioner who's nearing 80. Now
I want my peace and quiet."
Is Amos Elon a Zionist, a post-Zionist or an anti-Zionist?
"I definitely agree with the idea that there was a need
to establish a state-of-the-Jews in Israel for those Jews who
want to live here. I also recognize the right of Jews who don't
want to live here not to do so. They're doing okay. And in their
daily life, they're refuting the Zionists' claim that they were
doomed to extinction.
"I think that Zionism
has exhausted itself. Precisely because it accomplished its aims.
If the Zionism of today isn't a success story, it's the fault
of the Zionists. It's because of the religio-zation and Likudization
of Zionism and because what was supposed to be a state-of-the-Jews
has become a Jewish state."
Or maybe you just can't
identify with a state that isn't secular-European. I want to
remind you that in your classic book, "The Israelis,"
there are no Sephardim or religious people or traditional people.
The Israel you loved was the secular-European Israel. Its others
didn't really interest you.
"That argument is correct.
But when I wrote `The Israelis,' it wasn't my ambition to write
a history of Israel. It wasn't my ambition to describe all of
Israeli society. I wrote about those that interested me."
That's exactly the point.
The non-Europeans and non-secular don't interest you. You wrote
a book about the Israelis that excludes half the Israelis.
"You could make the same
argument against the new book, `The Pity of It All.' There are
no poor Jews and hardly any religious Jews in it, either. The
people I write about are the secular, intelligent, successful,
wealthy, brilliant ones, the Nobel Prize winners. They're the
ones who interest me. Other people have written books about the
rest."
Why don't you admit it:
You're a European Jew who shows an interest only in European
Jews just like yourself. Your heart goes out solely to them.
"I don't have any self-consciousness
as a European Jew. This description is barely apt. I hardly think
of myself as a Jew. As I see it, I'm an Israeli. An Israeli of
Jewish origin."
That's the definition? An
Israeli of Jewish origin?
"I think so. But I have
many other loyalties. I'm at home in American culture. I write
in Hebrew and English. I've also written a book in German. I
have a real kinship with German culture, absolutely."
Your book on German Jewry
is written with caution and restraint and historical matter-of-factness.
But between the lines, you can sense a certain yearning.
"I like these people.
I see myself as one of them. Therefore, I identify with these
people and with their struggle. I also identify with their terrible
tragedy, with the pain of how it all ended, how it ended in such
a horrible way."
But you insist that this
end wasn't necessary. That, as you see it, the Holocaust was
not an inevitable event.
"I don't believe in deterministic
processes. Aside from the Zionists, no one believes in that anymore.
Only the Zionists believe that the hatred of the Jewish people
throughout the ages will also continue in the future. But I'm
saying that it's not inevitable. That it could be different.
There was nothing fundamental in the relationship between German
culture and German Jewry that absolutely dictated this appalling
end."
If that's so, then basically
you believe that this thing could have continued to survive.
The option of the Jewish diaspora in Germany was the most promising
cultural option for Europe, in your opinion.
"Certainly. German Jewry
was the secular elite of Europe. They were the essence of modernism
- leaders who made their livelihood from brainpower and not from
brawn, mediators and not workers of the land. Journalists, writers,
scientists. If it all hadn't ended so horribly, today we'd be
singing the praises of Weimar culture. We'd be comparing it to
the Italian Renaissance. What happened there in the fields of
literature, psychology, painting and architecture didn't happen
anywhere else. There hadn't been anything like it since the Renaissance."
You refuse to see the fact
that there was a basic failure in this enterprise of secular
European Jewry. You refuse to see that it couldn't last.
"I sincerely dispute that.
I don't think there was something deep or fundamental or unavoidable
here. It was chance. If the First World War hadn't destroyed
Germany's liberal middle class, a very progressive nation would
have developed there. Even after the war, Hitler wasn't the only
alternative."
You're really insistent
on that. It's important to you to cling to the lost option of
the yekkes. The book you wrote is essentially a nostalgic ode
to the refined lost paradise of that Jewish Germany. In a certain
sense, it is your true homeland.
"No. I grew up here, not
there. I grew up in Tel Aviv in a middle-class family that lost
its assets as a result of its emigration to Israel. My parents
arrived from Vienna in 1933. My father wanted to go to France
but my mother said it had to be Eretz Israel. And so we ended
up in Eretz Israel. That's why I am not an ideological Israeli.
I did not grow up here out of choice. But I did grow up here.
Here is where I kissed a girl for the first time. And what is
a homeland if not the place where you kiss a girl for the first
time?
"Yes, my parents' friends
were all immigrants from Germany and Austria. The big library
at home was all German. And being a yekke [a Jew of German origin]
was difficult then. It was a derogatory word. So it was important
to me to write about the yekkes. Because in the past they didn't
get such good press here. But they were really the first free
Jews. And the first Europeans. And they built a civil society
and believed obsessively in Bildung, which is self-improvement
through the fostering of social concerns. They were constantly
working on self- improvement. On self-refinement."
And on assimilation. Your
book is a paean to the assimilationists.
"Yes, certainly."
Assimilation is a legitimate
personal option. Perhaps it's even a fruitful one, as your book
describes, for a generation or two. But it's not a sustainable
option. In the third or fourth generation, the possibility of
being an assimilated Jew dissipates. The Jewish element of the
identity disappears.
"So it dissipates. That
doesn't concern me."
It doesn't concern you whether
there will be some kind of future for the Jewish people?
"The whole matter of Judaism
as a nation is quite problematic. Apart from the Zionists, no
one argues that the Jews are a nation."
In your view, the Jews are
not a nation?
"I don't think that they
are one nation. I don't think so. It's a religion."
If so, then the problem
is even worse. A Jew who isn't religious is basically lacking
an identity.
"Why must a person constantly
define himself? Only doctrinaires demand that you present your
identity card all the time. I don't want Judaism to be a tattoo
on my forehead. And I can't say that I'm a Jew because I am a
totally secular person."
Let's leave the matter of
identity aside. The possibility that in the future there may
not be a Jewish people or a Jewish civilization doesn't bother
you?
"If people want to assimilate
to the point that they disappear within the general society without
a trace - that's their right. I don't think it's a tragedy. It's
not the end of the world."
I want to go back to the
journalist in you. Israel is a pretty major story. You were the
chief chronicler of this story. And now you've given it up.
"Yes, but I'm leaving
behind an opus that's worth something. And I'm fortunate enough
to live in Tuscany on a hill that looks out on what may be the
most beautiful landscape in the world. Nothing has changed there
in thousands of years. And it's so beautiful that it melts your
heart. So in the few years I have left, I want to look at this
view most of the days of the year. On other days, I'll come to
Israel and get mad."
You don't get mad in Italy?
"No. In Italy, I laugh."
You were a practitioner
of serious, high-minded journalism. Do you think this type of
journalism is in danger of extinction today?
"Definitely. There's no
doubt. What I did wasn't part of the entertainment industry.
Just the opposite. I spoiled people's moods. Nowadays, journalism
all over the world is becoming part of the entertainment industry.
It's becoming a circus. And in doing so it is forfeiting the
constitutional role it had in a free society. This role was to
educate, not to entertain."
Does this process worry
you?
"I lament it. Years ago,
The Times of London was one of the most civilized newspapers
you could think of. You opened it in the morning and you felt
like some nice, intelligent uncle had sat down next to your bed
to explain the world to you. Today it's a tabloid. Sex, crime,
gossip. And it's the same with The Guardian and The Telegraph.
Even The New York Times has become part of the entertainment
industry. Apart from the quality financial newspapers, the Neue
Zuercher Zeitung and the Frankfurter Allegemeine are practically
the only newspapers that haven't been overwhelmed by this process."
And in Israel?
"The evening papers are
just headlines and pictures. They're tabloids. To me, they're
not newspapers. But Haaretz is a much better newspaper than it
was in my time. Much better. I think that Hanoch Marmari did
wonders for the paper. He managed to do at Haaretz exactly the
opposite of what's happening at other prestigious newspapers
in the world. He made it bigger, more interesting, cosmopolitan.
Today it's one of the best papers in the world, in my opinion.
One of the few good papers to have survived. But I'm afraid that
this miracle won't last. If they really get in trouble, they'll
also be pushed toward entertainment. I'm very worried about it.
Very worried. Aren't you?"
Ari Shavit writes for Ha'aretz, where
this interview originally appeared.
Weekend Edition
Features for November
27 / 28, 2004
Peter
Linebaugh
Torture & Neo-Liberalism with
Sycorax in Iraq
Alexander
Cockburn
What Happened to O'Reilly's Loofa?
Fred
Gardner
Ashcroft v. Raich: Medical Marijuana and the Supreme Court
Kathy
Kelly
What We Can Control
Diane
Christian
The Other Cheek: "Empire Doesn't Analyze, It Acts"
Gary
Leupp
One More Neocon Target: South (Yes, South) Korea
Lenni
Brenner
Equality and Rights of Return: Jefferson Instructs the New York
Times
Ron
Jacobs
Death Squads and Iraq's Elections: the Mysterious Murders of
the AMS Clerics
Joshua
Frank
An Interview with Kevin Zeese on Nader, Kerry and the ABB Crowd
Toni
Solo
The Murder of Danilo Anderson
Saul
Landau
Fallujah, the 21st Century Guernica
JoAnn
Wypijewski
Matthew Shepard Case 6 Years Later: Why Hate Crimes Laws are
No Cure for Homophobia
Justin
Taylor
Empire's Lawless Opportunities
Amos
Harel
The Case of Captain R.
Walter
A. Davis
Tabloid Justice
Stephen
Hendricks
God's Kind of Men
Poets'
Basement
Albert, LaMorticella and Ford
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