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50 Years After The Flight of the Dalai Lama, Where is Tibet Today?
Half a century ago this month the Dalai Lama fled Tibet as the People’s Liberation Army seized control of Lhasa. Today Beijing orders official rejoicing for the anniversary of “emancipation day for a million serfs”, even as Tibetans chafe under Beijing’s boot. In a brilliant report Chaohua Wang reports on the struggle for the future of Tibet. ALSO, Alexander Cockburn addresses the big question: How prepared is the left with ideas and programs in these days of crisis? It has the opportunity to change the face of America, down to the shopping malls. Is it ready? Get your new edition today by subscribing online or calling 1-800-840-3683 Contributions to CounterPunch are tax-deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now! CounterPunch books and gear make great presents.
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Today's Stories March 11 , 2009 Mike Roselle Paul Craig Roberts Henry A. Giroux March 10 , 2009 Franklin Spinney Vijay Prashad Stan Cox Zoltan Grossman Reuven Kaminer Jonathan Cook Dave Lindorff Brian McKenna Harvey Wasserman Corey Pein Website of the Day
March 9 , 2009 Pam Martens Ralph Nader Peter Lee Mike Whitney Peter Morici Dean Baker Steve Ault Stephen Lendman Farooq Sulehria Belén Fernández Website of the Day March 6-8 , 2009 Alexander Cockburn Chris Floyd Uri Avnery Dave Lindorff Mark Weisbrot David Ker Thomson Phil Aliff Rebekah Ward Tracey Briggs Dean Baker Daniel P. Wirt, M.D. Carl Finamore Wajahat Ali David Michael Green David Macaray Michael Dickinson Susie Day Bob Sommer Ben Sonnenberg David Yearsley DC Larson Lorenzo Wolff Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend March 5 , 2009 James G. Abourezk Kathleen and Bill Christison Robert Weissman Patrick Cockburn William Blum Robert Fantina Saul Landau Benjamin Dangl Christopher Brauchli Website of the Day March 4, 2009 Marjorie Cohn Mike Whitney Ron Jacobs Ashley Smith Joanne Mariner Dan Bacher Mark Engler Franklin Lamb Cal Winslow David Mandelzys Website of the Day March 3, 2009 Conn Hallinan Fawzia Afzal-Khan Brian M. Downing Robert Larson Daniel P. Wirt, MD Russell Mokhiber William Loren Katz Kathy Sanborn Pauline Imbach Christopher Ketcham Website of the Day March 2, 2009 Andrea Peacock Paul Craig Roberts Peter Lee John Blair Peter Morici Uri Avnery Michael Donnelly Fred Gardner Sonia Nettnin Andrew Lehman Website of the Day
Feb. 27 - March 1, 2009 Alexander Cockburn Harry Browne Anthony DiMaggio Sasan Fayazmanesh Mischa Gaus Felice Pace Mike Whitney Lee Sustar Peter Lee Nicole Colson Roger Burbach Rannie Amiri Missy Beattie Dave Lindorff Robert David Steele Vivas John Ross Ralph Nader Yves Engler Alan Farago Zulfikar Majid David Yearsley Charles R. Larson Kim Nicolini Lorenzo Wolff Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend February 26, 2009 Dave Lindorff Jonathan Cook Patrick Cockburn Mike Whitney Eamonn McCann Tim Wise Tom Barry Harvey Wasserman Adam Turl David Macaray James McEnteer Website of the Day
February 25, 2009 Chris Sands M. Shahid Alam Chris Floyd Dave Lindorff Norman Solomon Rachel Godfrey Wood Niranjan Ramakrishnan Ron Jacobs Nadia Hijab Dennis Loo Website of the Day February 24, 2009 Paul Craig Roberts Uri Avnery Peter Morici Jonathan Cook Paul Fitzgerald / Andy Worthington Brian Horejsi Julia Stein Norm Kent Rachel Smolker / Dennis Loo James McEnteer Website of the Day February 23, 2009 Michael Hudson Mike Roselle Patrick Cockburn Franklin Spinney Einar Már Guðmundsson Ralph Nader Jordan Flaherty Helen Redmond Dennis Loo Harvey Wasserman Terry Lodge Website of the Day February 20 / 22, 2009 Alexander Cockburn Michael Neumann / Ismael Hossein-zadeh Paul Craig Roberts Linn Washington Jr. Saul Landau Marjorie Cohn Binoy Kampmark Dave Lindorff David Yearsley David Macaray James McEnteer Rick Salutin Wayne Clark Richard Rhames Stephen Martin Mitu Sengupta Charles R. Larson Richard Morse Lorenzo Wolff Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend February 19, 2009 Norman Finkelstein Harry Browne Robert Bryce Brian M. Downing Fred Gardner Andy Worthington Wajahat Ali Laura Carlsen Deb Reich Christopher Ketcham Website of the Day February 18, 2009 Paul Craig Roberts Mike Whitney M. Shahid Alam Patrick Cockburn Conn Hallinan Dave Lindorff Rannie Amiri Gareth Porter Eric Hobsbawm Christopher Brauchli Martha Rosenberg Website of the Day February 17, 2009 Michael Hudson Mike Whitney Ralph Nader Joanne Mariner John Ross Belén Fernández Mats Svensson David Macaray Gregory Vickrey M. Junaid Levesque-Alam Michael Dickinson Website of the Day February 16, 2009 Patrick Cockburn Oscar Guardiola-Rivera Paul Craig Roberts Uri Avnery P. Sainath Dedrick Muhammad / Michael Brown Carla Blank Patrick Irelan Dan Bacher Fidel Castro Harvey Wasserman Website of the Day February 13 - 15, 2009 Alexander Cockburn Joshua Frank Mike Whitney George Ciccariello-Maher Nikolas Kozloff Brian M. Downing Paul Craig Roberts Christopher Ketcham Ron Jacobs Dave Lindorff Alan Maass Chuck Spinney Phil Gasper Stephen Lendman Charles Thomson Kathy Sanborn Saul Landau Len Wengraf Harvey Wasserman David Macaray Tom Stephens Seth Sandronsky David Yearsley Lorenzo Wolff Kim Nicolini Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend
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March 11 , 2009 Different Image, Same Tune?Reforming the World BankBy MITU SENGUPTA The World Bank’s Governors has approved the first of a series of reforms aimed at amplifying the voice and influence of developing countries inside the World Bank Group. The centrepiece of these much-awaited reforms, announced in mid-February, is an additional seat for Sub-Saharan Africa on the Bank’s Board of Executive Directors, a change that will allow developing countries a majority on the Executive Board. The reforms, which also seek to bring the share of developing countries in Bank voting power up to 44 percent, now sit with the Bank’s 185 member countries for final approval. Well-meaning people from across the world have fought long and hard to improve the representation of developing countries on the Bank’s board. They have rightly pointed out that while the Bank’s decisions have a profound impact on the world’s poor – most of who live in developing countries – its board has always been dominated by the richest and most powerful states, which do not, in fact, borrow from the Bank. Its top five shareholders, France, Germany, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States, are the key players, and have one seat each on its 24-member board (the remaining 19 are divided among clusters of countries organized along regional lines). The “big five” command about 40 percent of the Bank’s votes, and together with other industrialized countries, about 60 percent. Owing to a postwar bargain struck between the US and the major European powers, furthermore, the Bank’s president is always an American citizen nominated by the US government. For an organization committed to “working for a world free of poverty,” this makes for an embarrassingly colonial image, and one that many insiders, who have backed the reforms, would rather see corrected. First, the Bank’s Executive Board is not, in fact, the organization’s primary decision-making body. The Bank is often described as a staff-driven organization, which is another way of saying that it is the Bank’s staff and senior management who have the power that counts. It is they, not the Executive Directors (EDs), who have permanent careers in the organization (some vice presidents have served the Bank for more than thirty years). EDs are in for shorter, 4-5 year terms, and can expect to be recalled if there’s a change in government in their home country. It is the staff, furthermore, that negotiates directly with borrowing governments and hammers out the resultant agreements. EDs typically nod through already-polished proposals that arrive before them, and are not privy to the debates over alternatives that may arise among staff. Of course, neither is the public. Indeed, no amount of publishing board decisions, minutes, and voting records in the name of “transparency” can compensate for the fact that the Bank’s most important work is done behind closed doors, through informal and fluid processes that are never captured by its official documents. Apart from not having much power, the Bank’s EDs have little incentive to function as genuine representatives of the countries that have sent them to Washington. It is the Bank that pays for their ample salaries, pension plans and boundless first-class travel. Not surprisingly, some EDs choose to stay on with the Bank when their terms end, and move into senior management positions – a more attractive option, no doubt, than returning to a “transitional” country as yet another poorly paid public servant. It also doesn’t help that the Bank’s EDs are almost always elite economic policy officials – former or recently serving finance ministers and central bank heads – rather than representatives of sectors such as health, education or agriculture, which are usually the most adversely affected by the Bank’s programs. Many are ardent neoliberals who are more likely to advocate on behalf of the Bank than to entertain the complaints of those that oppose it. In fact, some, who do return home, use their connections in Washington to strengthen their position against domestic opponents, especially those on the Left. It’s the ideology that counts… The selection of staff and senior management at the Bank has never been “transparent.” What is well-known, however, is that ideological positioning is more important in their appointment and promotion than are academic credentials or, for that matter, even skin colour. The Bank, like the IMF, its neighbour across Washington’s 19th street, employs mainly economists, or more accurately, neoclassical economists, most of who are cherry picked from elite universities in the West, and many of who are developing country nationals. In fact, the Bank’s always inducted plenty of developing country nationals into senior posts – even in the 1980s, the heyday of “structural adjustment” – so long as they’ve carried the requisite degrees from a Harvard or a Cambridge, and demonstrated a preference for Friedman over Marx. If anything, the colour scheme at the top has become even more varied in recent years. Today, nearly two-thirds of the Bank’s staff and nearly 42 percent of its managers are from developing countries. Seven of the current president Robert E. Zoellick’s nine senior appointments are from developing countries (Zoellick assumed office in July 2007). But even though the Bank’s cafeteria probably serves more curry and couscous than it’s done before, there’s been no perceptible shift in the institution’s orientation. The Bank still promotes growth as the highest good of economic policy, and continues to take a dim view of labour unions and government spending, other than on a few “targeted” poverty reduction programs. This suggests, once again, that a stock commitment to “representation” will not translate automatically into the Bank’s acting or thinking differently. Nor will it be any less swayed by the demands of its largest shareholder, the United States. Indeed, when the Bush administration appointed neoconservative icon Paul Wolfowitz as the Bank’s president in 2005 – ignoring a wild public outcry as well as grumbling among insiders (who felt the ham-handed turn would damage the institution’s still-fragile reformist image) – it drove home the true nature of the institution’s relationship with the US government. Bush made it plain, as only he could, that the country that pays the proverbial piper also expects to play his tune (fortunately, for the Bank’s image-keepers, Wolfowitz became embroiled in various scandals and resigned his post in 2007). The impression of improved “governance” may be used to justify a further expansion of the Bank’s already far-reaching and extraordinarily intrusive mandate. The conditions it attaches to its loans can affect basic decisions about the budget in borrowing countries, along with other issues that normally lie within the sole jurisdiction of national governments, such as judicial and civil service reform. As explained by Ngaire Woods, a reputed scholar in the field, no matter how thoroughly international institutions are reformed, they cannot be made as democratic as national governments. One should be wary, therefore, of shifting decision-making from potentially more accountable governments to the “necessarily democratically stunted international organizations.” Another equally worrying implication is that these reforms will help the Bank further depoliticize its image, and promote itself as a value-neutral organization, stacked with “experts,” that is committed to rational problem-solving on behalf of the world’s poor. Nothing could be farther from the truth. The Bank always was, and still remains, a keen ideological warrior with mammoth resources. The Bank’s incursion into the policy terrain of national governments has tended to pull it into combat with opponents in both civil society and the state. Resistance has been especially fierce in countries such as Argentina, Mexico and India, which have a strong Left and nationalist commitments to state interventionism. The Bank’s strategy, in these cases, is not one of winning over hearts and minds, as the pretty platitude of “ownership by the societies affected” might suggest. Rather, the Bank has functioned as a formidable political strategist, by creating its own allies within the state – in core economic ministries such as Finance – and equipping them with the necessary wherewithal to marginalize domestic opponents. Rewards for allies have included vigorous lobbying on their behalf, privileged access to the Bank’s incomparably well-funded research, and, most importantly, the promise of jobs at headquarters in Washington, especially if the political heat at home gets too hot to bear (this, ironically, has helped the Bank improve its record of “representation”). Mitu Sengupta, Ph.D. is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Politics & Public Administration at Ryerson University in Toronto.
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Now Available from CounterPunch Books! Spell Albuquerque: Waiting for
Lightning
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