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Today's
Stories
June
5, 2004
Dave
Lindorff
John Walker Lindh, Revisited
June
4, 2004
Chris
Floyd
Masked and Anonymous: Inside America's
Animal House
Cornwell
/ Penketh
Exit Tenet: the Fall of a Fall Guy
Wayne
Madsen
Apprehension & Frustation: Neo-Cons on the Brink
Greg
Moses
Agitating for Workers' Rights in Iraq
Yitzak
Laor
Before Rafah
Ghali
Hassan
Ambassador to Death Squads: Who is Negroponte?
Jane
Stillwater
God, the Rapture and Vera Casey
CounterPunch
Wire
D-Day Reconsidered: Was It Really Worth the Carnage?
John
Borowski
Woo-Wooism v. Meteorites: Why the Dems Are No Match for Bush
Mike
Griffin
Caterpillar's Assault on the UAW
Alexander Cockburn
Has Bush Gone Over the Edge?
Website
of the Day
Aquae Urbis Romae:
Water and Empire
June
3, 2004
Ron
Jacobs
Iran's Nuclear Dilemma
Dr.
Susan Block
America in tha Hood
Michael
Donnelly
The Bully and the Brahmin
John
Chuckman
Insanity in America: US Ranks Number
One in the Deranged
Christopher
Brauchli
The Return of Cardinal Law: Rome
on $12,000 a Month
Samia
Nassar Melki
Caravaggio in Iraq
Mike
Whitney
Subverting Justice: Pre-Trial Ruminations in the Padilla Case
Diane
Rejman
Memorial Day Isn't Just About the Dead
Scott
Morris
"WMDs" in Cuba
Paul
de Rooij
Palestinian Misery in Perspective
June
2, 2004
Brian
Cloughley
The Liars are Winning
Ray
McGovern
How Far Would They Go? Beware "Credible
Intelligence"
Josh
Frank
The Anybody But Bush Offensive
Mike
Whitney
The Afghanistan Failure: Bush's Warlord Patriots
Jackie
Corr
Iraq and Ireland: Three Tales from Butte, Montana
Robert
Jensen
The US Lost the Iraq War...and It's a Good Thing, Too
Alexander
Cockburn
"Bye, Bye Boonville!"
June
1, 2004
Gary
Leupp
Instant Karma: Bush's Sins Catch Up
with Him
William
A. Cook
Manufacturers of Fear and Loathing in
Rafah
Dave
Lindorff
Will the Times Clean House?
Kevin
Zeese
Inside the Kerry / Nader Meeting: Did
the Kerry Campaign Lie About What Was Discussed?
Jacob
Levich
Coming Soon: Return of the Draft,
a Bipartisan Production
Kathy
Kelly
Voices in the Wilderness v. the US
Government
Website
of the Day
Remind Us
May
29 / 31, 2004
Lee
Ballinger / Dave Marsh
The Origins of Memorial Day
Janine
Pommy Vega
Memo for Memorial Day
Mike
Ferner
On Their Way to Abu Ghraib
Alfred
W. McCoy
The Cruel Shadow: the Long History of CIA Torture Research
Douglas
Valentine
An Open Letter to the NYT: Questions, Questions, Questions
Chris
White
First to Fight Culture: a Former Marine on the Marine Motto
Bruce
Anderson
The Awful Injustice to Tai Abreu
David
Vest
Get Ready for Kerry's War: the 100 Year Quagmire
Saul
Landau
Torture: the Logical Outcome of Bush's War for Democracy?
Kurt
Nimmo
Abu Hamza al-Mazri, Made in the USA
Elaine
Cassel
The Secrets of Surveillance: Ashcroft, Snoops, and Gag Orders
Will
Potter
The New War on "Terror": Protest the Torture of Chimps;
Get Arrested as a "Terrorist"
Ben
Tripp
They Fiddled While Nero Got the Matches
Dr.
Susan Block
Save Abu Ghraib!
Kia
Kojouri
Nukes, the US, Israel and Iran: an
Interview with Sasan Fayazmanesh
Mickey
Z
D-Day: 60 Years is Enough!
Jon
Brown
Correcting the Correction at the Times
Patrick
B. Barr
Pre-emptive War Insurance
Stephen
Gowans
Bad Apples in a Bad Barrel
Tom
Gorman
Gore on Bush in Iraq: the Approach May be Exotic, But It's Hardly
New
Dave
Zirin
Fighting for Boxers' Rights: an Interview with Eddie Mustafa
Muhammad
Gregory
Weiher
Bush to Arabs: "Go Get Yourself Some Democracy"
Erik
Cummings
Jung Meets Bush
Poets'
Basement
Davies, Ford, Kearney, McLellan and Albert
May
28, 2004
Rafael
Rodriguez Cruz
Curtain of Silence on the Cuban 5
Greg
Moses
Bush's Misleading Speech on Abu Ghraib
Dave
Lindorff
Dissing Independent Contractors:
Those Who Do the Dirty Work
Norman
Solomon
Leaping for Lies at the Times
Rep.
Bill Delahunt
Bush's Cruel New Rules on Cuba
Paul
McGeough
Chalabi Baba and the 40 Thieves
Niranjan
Ramakrishnan
India and Nehru: 40 Years After
Alexander
Cockburn
NYTs: "Maybe We Did Screw Up...a
Little"
May
27, 2004
Amy
Goodman / David Goodman
Fatal Errors: the Lies of Our Times
Douglas
Valentine
Ragging the Dogs of War at the
NYTs
John
L. Hess
The Times Confesses...Kind Of
Stew
Albert
Dellinger, the Wrestling Pacifist
Dave
Dellinger
a 1993 Interview
Christopher
Brauchli
Tax Breaks for Scions...to Hell with Poor Kids
Rampton
/ Stauber
Banana Republicans: Pumping Irony
May
26, 2004
Ron
Jacobs
Goodbye, David Dellinger: He Was a
Friend of Ours
Robert
Fisk
The Things Bush Didn't Say in His Speech
Zeynep
Toufe
New Draft UN Resolution Permits Perpetual Occupation
Conn
Hallinan
Bush and Sharon: the Oil Connection
Tom
Stephens
2 + 2 is On My Mind: More Morons
and War Crimes
Derek
Medley
Protesting Gov. Bigot
CounterPunch
Wire
FBI Abducts Artist; Seizes Art
Andrew
Cockburn
The Trail to Tehran
May
25, 2004
Joe
Bageant
The Covert Kingdom: On Earth as It
is in Texas
Col.
Dan Smith
A Question of Human Dignity
Gary
Handschumacher
Visiting Lori Berenson: Time to Bring Her Home
Toni
Solo
A Developing War in the Andes
Marc
Estrin
September Song: Disturbing Questions
About 9/11
Stephen
Banko, III
A Vietnam Vet on "Supporting the
Troops"
Website
of the Day
The Wizard of Whimsy
May
24, 2004
Ron
Jacobs
Dan Senor is Safe!
Kurt
Nimmo
Dirty Tricks & TortureGate: the
Missing Taguba Pages
Sam
Hamod
Gen. Zinni: "Wrong War, Wrong
Place, Wrong Time"
Mike
Whitney
The Wedding was a Bomb
Stan
Goff
Open Season on MAMs
Image
of the Day
A Photo from Abu Ghraib We Didn't See on the Front Page of the
NYTs
May
22 / 23, 2004
Paul
de Rooij
Colin Powell, a Political Obituary
Jeffrey
St. Clair
When War is Swell: Bush and the Carlyle Group
Elizabeth
Weill-Greenberg
Her Son Was Told He Wouldn't See Combat; Now He's Dead: an Interview
with Sue Niederer
Brian
Cloughley
America is Committing War Crimes in Iraq
Saul
Landau
Democracy in Latin America: Great for Investors; Not So Good
for People
Brandy
Baker
Feminists Stand By Their Man: Abortion, Judges and Kerry
Randall
Robinson
Bushwhacked in the Caribbean
Uri
Avnery
The Rape of Rafah
Ben
Tripp
Assume the Worst
Bruce
Anderson
News from Ecotopia: the Truth About the Wine Business
Josh
Ruebner
Why I Burned My Israeli Military Papers
Peter
Wolson, Ph. D.
Exhibitionistic Revenge at Abu Ghraib
Chloe
Cockburn
In Defense of "Troy": What Hector Could Teach Rummy
Linda
Burnham
Sexual Domination in Uniform: an American Value
Adrien
Rain Burke
War of the Necrophiliacs: Spc. Sabrina Harman and Her Corpse
David
Krieger
Charting a New Course for US Nuclear Policy
Ron
Jacobs
Turnaround
Poets'
Basement
Ford, Albert & LaMorticella
May 21, 2004
Ray
Close
The Canards of the Apologists
Christopher
Brauchli
"The Object of Torture is Torture"
Amira
Hass
Darkness at Noon
Jack
McCarthy
Camilo Mejia: Can the Son of a Sandinista Get a Fair Trial from
the US Army?
Bill
Kauffman
Nader v. Bush
Omar
Barghouti
No More Tears for America
Ghali
Hassan
Moral Failure of the "Free World" in Gaza
Christopher
Reed
How the CIA Taught the Portuguese to
Torture
Website
of the Day
Eric Idle on the Bush Administration: Fuck You, So Very Much
May
20, 2004
Andrew
Cockburn
The Truth About Chalabi
Kathy
Kelly
A Visit from the FBI
Niranjan
Ramakrishnan
Brown and Bored of Education in India
Tom
Stephens & John Philo
The War Crimes of Bush, Cheney & Co.
Sam
Bahour / Michael Dahan
Genocide by Public Policy
Robert
Ovetz
Ending the Race for the Last Turtle
Billy
Wilson
The Most Important Thing I Learned at School This Year
Website
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Rafah Today
Hot Stories
Alexander Cockburn
Behold,
the Head of a Neo-Con!
Subcomandante
Marcos
The
Death Train of the WTO
Norman Finkelstein
Hitchens
as Model Apostate
Steve Niva
Israel's
Assassination Policy: the Trigger for Suicide Bombings?
Dardagan,
Slobodo and Williams
CounterPunch Exclusive:
20,000 Wounded Iraqi Civilians
Steve
J.B.
Prison Bitch
Sheldon
Rampton and John Stauber
True Lies: the Use of Propaganda
in the Iraq War
Wendell
Berry
Small Destructions Add Up
CounterPunch
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WMD: Who Said What When
Cindy
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A Mother's Day Talk: the Daughter
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Gore Vidal
The
Erosion of the American Dream
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Impeach
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Weekend
Edition
June 5 / 6, 2004
On
the Ruins of Yugoslavia
The
Militarism of German Foreign Policy and the Dismantling of a
State
By
CATHRIN SCHÜTZ
In the shadow of new wars, the memory
of the aggression against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
is more and more fading into oblivion. Those who hoped for an
inquiry about this first war in which the Federal Republic of
Germany militarily participated are faced with silence. In Germany
as in other countries, the US-American filmmaker and author Michael
Moore, who takes a stand against Bush's belligerent policy in
Iraq and who supported General Wesley Clark in his Presidential
pre-election campaign, is highly celebrated. Clark, who in his
function as NATO's Supreme Commander in Europe led the bombing
of Yugoslavia, was the "anti-War Candidate", as Moore
told his leftist audience.
"Collateral damage,"
including the bombing of civilians in Varvarin, bodies mutilated
by cluster bombs in Nis, employees killed in the bombing of the
RTS television station and the Chinese embassy, as well as the
"humanitarian" military intervention as such, faced
little opposition in the NATO countries -- with the exception
of Greece. Even the "left" walked into the human-rights
trap and supported -- although not unanimously -- the attack
on the "Belgrade regime".
This first direct participation
of Germany in an illegal war of aggression after World War II
fundamentally changed German foreign policy: since then (and
not since 9/11), wars are seen as a legitimate means of politics.
Chancellor Gerhard Schröder himself admitted to being surprised
by "how little it has been recognized that the decision
for war meant a fundamental change in Germany's foreign and security
policy."
The German Army, the Bundeswehr,
has been transformed into a global intervention force in order
to defend Germany even at the Hindukush, as Minister of Defence
Peter Struck outlined in his Defence Policy Rules. "This
is not about unduly giving room to military logic, but not to
put this aspect of foreign politics under a taboo, as it was
done for so long", Schröder said in late 2001.
The first steps in this direction
were already undertaken by the then-governing Christian Democrats,
CDU/CSU, in their 1992 Defense Rules. In the period prior to
the "humanitarian" war against Yugoslavia they had
yet to acquaint the public with what those really meant.
"I just think it is wrong
to connect the moral too quickly with questions of war and peace
without taking the aspect of national interest into considertaion.
() For the future I predict a considerable danger that the government,
the ruling parties and the Joint Chiefs of Staff will search
for or create causes to eliminate the barriers which are still
in the way of a reunified German foreign policy. Humanitarian
issues serve as a vehicle."(1) "(German) military operations
must not take place where German troops carried out their devastating
actions in World War II. I would be glad, if those who advocate
it would not always hide behind human rights to enforce this
position", stated Joseph Fischer -- in 1994.(2)
Since the NATO war of 1999
for him these principles belong to the past. He clarified that
he is not carrying out "Green" foreign policy but "German".(3)
The war against Yugoslavia opened the door for following and
future wars. The bombs were still falling on Yugoslavia when
NATO passed its new strategic concept, which proclaimed its right
to engage in offensive "out-of-area" operations. While
breaches of international law were part of a public debate during
the aggression on Yugoslavia and had to be hidden under a humanitarian
carpet, legal aspects seem to count less and less in the continuing
"War on Terror".
Germany
didn't "slip into" the war
To understand developments
in German foreign policy, one should not confine the view to
the military peak of the aggression against Yugoslavia in 1999,
in which Germany - according to General ret. Heinz Loquai - by
no means "slipped into" the role of an allied power,
but appeared to be the first country focusing on a military solution
as early as spring of 1998.(4)
Yugoslavia was essential for
the emancipation of German foreign policy and that change dates
back to 1991.
The recognition of Slovenia
and Croatia in December 1991 was the first massive appearance
of the Federal Republic of Germany on the international stage.
Despite all warnings the government of Kohl/Genscher stood forth
and thwarted any negotiated solutions that could have prevented
the bloody civil wars in which Yugoslavia fell apart. "Regardless
of all celebrated declarations to stand for peace and to refrain
from striving for power", given by Germany just one year
before in the so-called "Two-Plus-Four"-treaty, "the
Federal Republic of Germany interfered massively in the internal
affairs of one of the states of the Anti-Hitler-Coalition. Germany,
reunified and strong, stepped on the international stage and
for the first time since World War II openly pursued great power
politics -- in the Balkans, where it had already wreaked great
mischief twice in this century.(5)
There was an "Independent
State of Croatia" once before, in 1941 as a creation of
Hitler and Mussolini, supported by the Roman Catholic Church
and led by the fascist Ustasha. Half a century later, an independent
Croatia was again established through the influence of Germany
and the Vatican. Croatia was governed by Franjo Tudjman's party,
which openly revived the politics of the Ustasha who had committed
some of the most horrible acts of genocide in the 20th Century
under their fascist leader Ante Pavelic, murdering hundreds of
thousands of Serbs.(6) To this day, the crimes of the Ustasha
are among the least recognized crimes of World War II. Were Serbian
survivors and their descendants not the only ones to remember
this part of history, the German policy of recognition as well
as the presentation of the Croatian conflict in the media could
not have happened nor gone unchallenged as it did.
Kurt Köpruner, a businessman
who travelled to Yugoslavia many times in the 1990's and was
thus an eye-witness to that tragedy, concluded from heated debates
on the impending disintegration of the country end-1990 in Croatia:
"If it really comes to the dissolution of Yugoslavia, this
cannot possibly happen without horrible bloodshed and hundreds
of thousands of deaths".(7) He began to realise why this
was the common view when he read about the course of World War
II in the Balkans. For the first time, he learned about mass
slaughters by the Ustasha, Muslim and Albanian SS divisions.
Tudjman, who became President
in the first Croatian multi-party-election in 1990 and who led
the country into independence with the help of Germany in 1991,
had in 1989 already played down the Holocaust in general and
the Ustasha crimes against Serbs at the death camp of Jasenovac
in particular. Under Tudjman's rule a revival of Ustasha symbols
and ideals took place. A new constitution did not contain a single
word regarding the rights of Serbs living in Croatia. Terror
against Serbs started, "systematically and controlled from
the top". In masses, they were dismissed from work, and
"messages urging them to leave the country were stuck on
the doors of Serb houses."(8) In a referendum -- declared
as illegal by Tudjman -- the Croatian Serbs voted to remain in
Yugoslavia.
Months before German recognition
and the outbreak of the war, on May 2nd, 1991, the "Dalmatian
Kristallnacht" took place.(9) Supported by the local police,
2,000 Croats destroyed 116 Serbian shops and houses in Zadar
in an action lasting several hours. On October 16th, 1991 the
"Night of the Long Knifes" followed, with more than
hundred Serb civilians tortured and executed.(10) The Western
media remained silent. Only the New York Times reported
in December 1993: "The government of Croatia has forced
thousands of its opponents from their homes and from the country,
according to the new Zagreb office of Human Rigths. The actions
have been directed mostly against Serbs, but also against Croats
opposing the politics of President Tudjman. Since 1991, the Croatian
authorities have blown up or razed tens of thousands of mostly
Serb houses, but also houses of Croats. ... Whole families were
killed. All in all, about 280,000 Croatian Serbs have fled the
country." According to Susan Woodward, the Croatian government
had already expelled all Serbs that were under their control
by 1993.(11) One should wonder whether this was the "democracy,
that the Serbs, as indigenous people, living in one-third of
communist Tito-created Croatia, had to accept", asked the
New York Times and added in April 1997: "Did the
West become so sick as to allow Croatian fascism to live its
afterlife?"
How much the Croatian people
really supported Tudjman's policy, forseeing the bloodshed, remains
unclear. At least the referendum on independence should not be
used to measure the support since it was quite the opposite of
the "clear and overwhelming will of the Croatian people",
as Westerners celebrated it. The voters were considerably pressed
to make the right choice in the ballot.(12)
The distorted
image of Serb expansion
Germany's recognition of Croatia
should be questioned not only in the light of the political powers
it brought to the fore, but also from a legal point of view.
While the majority of international law experts agree that Slovenia's
secession was an execution of the peoples' right to self-determination,
it is considered illegal in Croatia and Bosnia, where a main
part of the Serbs outside Serbia have been living for centuries
in coherent areas.(13)
Slobodan Milosevic repeatedly
pointed out this problem. He did not oppose the right to self-determination,
but he demanded this right for all peoples. "He pointed
out that there are more than six hundred thousand Serbs living
in Croatia, who represent the clear majority of the population
in some areas of Krajina and Slavonia. The right to self-determination
would have to be acknowledged to them as well. The existing borders
between the Yugoslav republics were mere administrative borders."(14)
Serbia showed a willingness
to negotiate new borders and warned all parties not to confront
others with a fait accompli -- as happened short thereafter due
to German recognition -- which would lead to an out of control
escalation. To give up their historical ground was an impossible
demand for the Serbs. They "said good-bye to Slovenia. They
would also have let Croatia go without the Krajina. Since it
was the will of the Krajina Serbs, Belgrade intended to tie the
Krajina to the motherland. But Croatia and later Bosnia wanted
to take historical Serbian areas into independence."(15)
Charles Boyd, former Deputy
Commander in Chief of the US European Command, in 1995 opposed
"the popular image of this war (as) one of unrelenting Serb
expansion" in Foreign Affairs: "Much of what
Zagreb calls the occupied territories is in fact land held by
Serbs for more than three centuries The same is true of most
Serb land in Bosnia, what the Western media frequently refers
to as the 70 percent of was Bosnia seized by rebel Serbs In
short, the Serbs are not trying to conquer new territory, but
merely to hold on to what was already theirs."
The Milosevic administration
demanded the right of self-determination for the Serbs as well
and warned of a repetition of the crimes of World War II. "When
the Croats declared independence, they did not give the Serbs
in their own country -- and there are 600,000 of them -- any
guarantees whatsoever. It was therefore understandable that for
this reason the Serbs were very worried. First of all, if we
bear in mind the villainy of the Ustashas during World War II",
Lord Carrington stated. But when a settlement for the Krajina
and Slavonia question was just about to be achieved, "the
European Community decided end-1991 to recognize Slovenia and
Croatia. Croatia received what it wanted, Slovenia as well, and
they had no longer a desire to go on with the peace conference.
Hans Dietrich Genscher wanted international recognition for
Slovenia and Croatia. Practically all the others opposed it."(16)
But the fears that arose in
the minds of the Serbs were ignored and depicted as an aggressive
plan for "Greater Serbia".(17)
Soon, foreign states started
to interfere in the conflict. German military instructors were
serving in Croatia, and the Bundeswehr participated in air control
missions and the Rapid Reaction Force in Bosnia. Illegal arms
deliveries to Slovenia and Croatia followed, partly carried out
through the German secret service.(18) The US opposed the Serbs
and supported the Croats and Bosnian Muslims. "Finally,
the NATO powers supported Croatian nationalism, and in 1995 Tudjman's
army, trained by US commanders and illegally equipped by the
'International Community', was in a position to complete the
ethnic cleansing of the Krajina Serbs which had begun with the
help of the Nazis in 1941."(19) According to the distinguished
military journal "Jane's Defence Weekly", the so-called
"Operation Storm", the most brutal campaign of ethnic
cleansing in the time of Yugoslavia's destruction, had been planned
and executed not only by the Croat Ante Gotovina but also by
the Kosovo Albanian Agim Ceku who later became head of the KLA.
In the case of Bosnia, it was
the US that pressed for diplomatic recognition. Again, the conflict
was depicted as the result of Serb aggression. But former US
Secretary of State Henry Kissinger defined the conflict as a
three-sided civil war and not an invasion being waged against
a souvereign state. "Croatia and Serbia support their compatriots
in Bosnia. The most irresponsible mistake in the current Bosnian
tragedy was the international recognition of the Bosnian state
under the authority of the Muslims. Blindly following the precedent
of Germany's premature recognition of Slovenia and Croatia, the
international community created all the former Yugoslav republics
as independent states."(20)
The NATO operation in Macedonia,
where Albanian rebels operating out of Kosovo intensified their
fighting in 2001, was highly disputed in Germany. A "decision
against the deployment of the Bundeswehr would have been an important
and valuable step towards a change in German politics and would
not have lacked its meaning for future European politics and
even the position of the US", Knut Mertens of the Green
Party said.(21) But on August 30th, 2001 the German Parliament
approved the operation called "Essential Harvest",
which was not a peaceful arms collecting mission, but clearly
meant as military intervention by NATO and the Bundeswehr respectively.(22)
Although the Social Democrat
Gernot Erler promoted the deployment of German soldiers by affirming
that it would only be temporary, the paraliament eventually approved
the following operation "Amber Fox" on September 27th,
2001. Almost invisible to the German public, Germany took over
the lead of the NATO mandate in Macedonia in the shadow of 9/11.
Who is responsible
for the Kosovo violence?
Following the NATO aggression
of 1999 German troops were deployed in Kosovo under the auspice
of KFOR. As NATO and the UN stand by, it is not only organized
crime that is flourishing. In a continuous and planned campaign
and its massive recent escalation, Kosovo is being ethnically
cleansed of all non-Albanians.
Despite official anouncements
to disarm the KLA and restore a multi-ethnic society in Kosovo,
it is mainly the US and Germany that have financed the ongoing
terror in Kosovo after the NATO aggression by supporting the
Kosovo Protection Corps. All other countries had withdrawn their
support for the Corps which is manned by former KLA fighters
after evidence had emerged that they were responsible for murders
and violent attacks.(23) Following a 1999 Executive Order by
the US President, the KLA was trained in terrorist tactics, obviously
inspired by the idea to instigate a new crisis in case President
Milosevic would win the elections.(24)
Whether foreign powers directly
backed the recent coordinated acts of violence and expulsion
or just stood by, in any case they share responsibility. In the
same way already predominant in 1998 both sides are held accountable
for the terrorist violence of the Albanian fighters who have
always stood for an "ethnically pure Kosova". In an
absurd distortion of the facts, the UN Security Council "called
on all communities in Kosovo to stop all acts of violence"
as seen in 1998.
Anyway the restoration of a
multi-ethnic Kosovo ever since has been one of the fairy-tales
only believed by those who thought that NATO had intervened for
"humanitarian reasons" in 1999.
Cathrin Schütz, born 1971, studied political science
at J.W.-Goethe Universtity in Frankfurt/Main. She is a contributing
writer for the German daily junge Welt. She is author
of the book "Die NATO-Intervention in Jugoslawien. Hintergründe,
Nebenwirkungen und Folgen", published in 2003 with a preface
of Member of German Parliament Willy Wimmer by Wilhelm Braumüller
Verlag, Vienna.
The article was published
in a slightly shortened version on March 26th 2004 in the German
daily Neues Deutschland
Footnotes
1. "Die Woche", 12-30-1994
2. Fischer as quoted in: Horst-Eberhard Richter, "IPPNW
zum Jugoslawienkrieg", www.nato-tribunal.de
3. Cf. "Stern", 03-24-1999
4. Cf. Heinz Loquai, "Weichenstellungen für einen Krieg",
Nomos, Baden-Baden 2003, pp44-45
5. Ralph Hartmann, "Die ehrlichen Makler", Dietz, Berlin
1999, p13
6. After World War II Pavelic fled to Argentinia via Rome and
died in a German hospital in Madrid in 1954, having been personally
blessed by Pope Pius XII. Until today the genocide of the Serbs
commited by Croats has been neither condemned adequately nor
seriously studied. At the opening celebration of the Holocaust
Museum in Washington, history was perverted: not the Serbs, but
the Croats were invited. That and further information are following
the work of Diana Johnstone, "Fool's Crusade, Yugoslavia,
NATO and Western Delusions", Monthly Review Press, New York
2002
7. Kurt Köpruner, "Reisen in das Land der Kriege",
Espresso, Berlin 2001, p27
8. Malte Olschewski, "Von den Karawanken bis zum Kosovo.
Die geheime Geschichte der Kriege in Jugoslawien", Braumüller,
Vienna 2000, p34
9. Köpruner, pp44, Olschewski, p34
10. Cf. Olschewski, p38
11. The other part, living in Krajina and other parts of Croatia
that were not controlled by Tudjman, was expelled in Operation
Storm in 1995 with the support of the US government.
12. Cf. Köpruner, pp51-53
13. Cf. Olschewski, p14
14. Köpruner, p31
15. Olschewski, p14
16. "Profil", 12-01-1993
17. To this day there has been no proof for the allegation that
Slobodan Milosevic planned to create a Greater Serbia. Ralph
Hartmann shows that Milosevic's Kosovo Polje Speech could only
be used as evidence for his "aggressive" and "nationalistic"
line by quoting out of context to change the meaning
18. Cf. Olschewski, p78,80
19. The US involvement in Operation Storm was openly mentioned
in a hearing of the US Congress on 02-28-2002. Cf. "The
U. N. Criminal Tribunals for Yugoslavia and Rwanda: International
Justice of Show of Justice?", Hearing before the Committee
on International Relations, House of Representatives, 107th Congress
20. Washington Post, 05-17-1993
21. Knut Mertens, "Neues NATO-Protektorat oder ehrliche
Friedenspolitik?", "Zeit-Fragen", 08-20-2001,
p1
22. Cf. Tobias Pflüger, "Krieg, und zwar richtig",
"junge Welt", 08-23-2001
23. Cf. Interview with Member of Congress Dennis Kucinich by
Cathrin Schütz, "Wird Sanktionspolitik bald beendet?
", "junge Welt", 10-07-2000.
24. Cf. Dennis Kucinich, "What I learnt from the War",
The Progressive, August 1999
The article was translated
from German by Sebastian Bahlo and Gregory Elich. Quotations
originally appearing in English were re-translated from German.
The author would like to
thank Diana Johnstone for providing urgently needed material
and Sebastian Bahlo and Gregory Elich for translation.
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