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Bronner
The
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The
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20 / 22, 2003
Uri Avnery
The
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Alexander
Cockburn
Lighten
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Peter Linebaugh
On the Bicentennial of the Execution of Robert Emmet
Anne Brodsky
Return
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Saul Landau
Guillermo and Me
Phan Nguyen
Mother Jones Smears Rachel Corrie
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An Interview with Danny Scechter, the News Dissector
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Contracts and Politics in Iraq
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Masked and Anonymous: Dylan's Elegy for a Lost America
Ron Jacobs
Politics of the Hip-Hop Pimps
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Basement
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General Hysteria: the Clark Bandwagon
Robert Fisk
New Guard is Saddam's Old
Jeff Halper
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Power to the Purse
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Hitchens
Smears Edward Said
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Wesley
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de Villepin
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Brazilian Land Reform Offers Hope
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St. Clair
Leavitt
for EPA Head? He's Much Worse Than You Thought
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the Head of a Neo-Con!
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September
26, 2003
International Direct
Action
The
Spanish Revolution to the Palestinian Intifada
By MARK SCHNEIDER
[This is an excerpt from the new book,
Live
From Palestine: International and Palestinian Direct Action Against
the Israeli Occupation Published by South End Press,
September, 2003.]
Direct action is a tactic implying physical
action to immediately end or curtail some function of an oppressive
force, for instance, blocking a bulldozer that's trying to demolish
homes. This is distinct from educational tactics or lobbying
for government policy change. Here, Mark Schneider argues that
direct action has more than tactical results: it empowers communities
and builds autonomy. He places the International Solidarity Movement's
practice of nonviolence in a broader context and locates the
roots of today's internationalism and use of direct action in
the freedom and solidarity struggles of previous generations.
"Join the struggle for freedom in
Palestine," the call from the International Solidarity Movement
read. "The presence of internationals will give heart and
support to the very important nonviolent resistance to the illegal
occupation of Palestine."1
Having watched the United States invade
and brutally bomb Afghanistan while Israel renamed its 50-year-old
war on Palestinians a "war on terrorism," I was tired
of the peace movement's feeble response: ineffectual by-the-numbers
newsletters, vigils, and protest
marches. Along with four comrades who shared my rage and disillusionment,
I quickly decided to use my privilege as a US citizen and heed
the call from Palestine.
Nearly 70 years ago, common people from
around the world were inspired by a similar passionate plea,
"No Pasaran!" [They shall not pass!]. Tens of thousands
went in solidarity to Spain to defend the workers' revolution
from attack by the fascist-aided insurgency. Of the over 50,000
internationals who arrived in Spain, more than 2,800 came from
the United States. Together they helped to create the infamous
International Brigades.
Albert Weisbord, a lifelong US radical
organizer, wrote from Spain in 1936 that
The Spanish Civil War is like a huge
flaming candle attracting many moths who soon enough singe their
wings and fall into the blaze. German emigres torn from their
native land by the purge of Hitler, Italian outcasts, now long
enduring the misery of exile in France and unable to pass the
bans of Mussolini, French partisans of the class war who believe
events in France are going too slow and want to speed them up
by the acceleration of Spanish strife, British and even American
youths ready to take sides, these are the people who rush enthusiastically
to the borders of France, burning to give their lives and to
fall on the blood soaked fields of Spain.2
Spain in 1936 and Palestine in 2003 are
both examples of indigenous people valiantly contesting oppression
by asserting their self-determination and liberation. Soliciting
help from international peoples, both Spain then and Palestine
now have gained solidarity in the form of direct action.
Direct action is a rejection of the idea
that common people are powerless and must follow orders. Direct
action seeks to empower by forming mutual, autonomous communities
and breaking dependency on others to run the world. In the historical
struggles of Spain, Palestine, and elsewhere, the pattern is
one of people managing their own struggles, building their own
accountable institutions, and understanding the need to link
up with like-minded others.
Native American indigenous and mixed-indigenous
resistance against European colonizers is full of examples. For
more than 500 years, mutual cooperation among indigenous tribes
allowed them to resist invasion and genocide from the Spanish,
French, British, and US empires. In the 1840s, when the United
States invaded Mexico and sovereign indigenous lands, brigades
from nations including Seminoles, Apaches, and the infamous St.
Patrick Battalion, fresh from British-plundered Ireland, created
common cause with a militarily inferior Mexico.
Recognizing the moral right of these
indigenous freedom struggles, today's internationals also view
these battles as confronting their own countries' imperial practices,
which are responsible for destroying the sources of liberation.
And in the wake of the horrible tragedy of September 11, 2001,
my comrades and I were eager to expose the root cause of such
devastation: the systematic trail of destruction that is US imperialism.
The imperial connection between the United
States and Israel is strikingly clear. The US government annually
spends billions of dollars in economic aid to prop up the Israeli
apartheid state. My state's (Colorado) biggest employer, Lockheed-Martin,
is one among many companies earning fantastic profits from the
F-16 bombers raining death on Bethlehem, Nablus, and Jenin. Caterpillar
Inc. grows rich off the sale of the 30-foot-tall, Orwellian,
D-9 bulldozers that Israel uses to demolish hundreds of Palestinian
homes.
Grassroots International Protection for
the Palestinian People (GIPPP) and International Solidarity Movement
(ISM) are the two main indigenous organizations in Palestine
that have, since the Al-Aqsa Intifada began in September 2000,
actively organized internationals to nonviolently act in solidarity
with Palestinians under siege. GIPPP and ISM have successfully
mobilized thousands of people to risk their privilege. These
groups' successes are in part because of the immense groundwork
laid by previous international calls for direct action.
In contrast to modern-day activists in
Palestine, the internationals of 1930s' Spain used expressly
violent resistance as a tactic. The International Brigades joined
workers' militias and the regular Republican forces, using mostly
crude weapons against the well-financed and well-supplied fascist
Nationals.
In Homage to Catalonia, written just
after the Spanish Civil War, George Orwell reminisced about his
time in the International Brigades:
...the gaunt trains full of shabby soldiers
creeping to the front, the gray war-stricken towns farther up
the line, the muddy, ice-cold trenches in the mountains...the
frosty crackle of bullets, the roar and glare of bombs; the clear
cold light of the Barcelona mornings, and the stamp of boots
in the barrack yard, back in December when people still believed
in the revolution; and the food queues and the red-and-black
flags and the faces of Spanish militiamen; above all the faces
of militiamen-men whom I knew in the line and who are now scattered
Lord knows where, some killed in battle, some maimed, some in
prison-most of them, I hope, still safe and sound.3
Though the free republic of Spain fell
in the spring of 1939, and nearly 30 percent of the US brigade
died in battle, the International Brigades provided important
solidarity when anti-fascist Spaniards were left adrift by nearly
all nations. Their example has inspired the US left for generations.
The modern offspring of anti-colonial
(anti-authoritarian) struggles from people such as the indigenous
Americans has two tied threads: those who resist capital and
empire at its roots, and those who resist the consequences of
capitalism and imperialism. A noteworthy example of the former
is the anti-globalization, or global justice, movement.
In the United States, the biggest victory
for these global justice forces was the 1999 mass direct action
that shut down the World Trade Organization's (WTO) annual meeting
in Seattle. Working outside even the weak forms of democracy
in the West, the WTO and other multilateral trade and financial
organizations such as the World Bank and International Monetary
Fund serve capitalist leaders by imposing duplicitous loans and
international agreements that consolidate money and control into
fewer and fewer hands. For example, in 1999, following World
Bank threats to cut off its access to international credit, Bolivia
granted a 40-year privatization lease to a subsidiary of the
US-based Bechtel Corporation, giving it control over the water
on which more than half a million people survived. Within a month,
the company more than doubled its rates, from $12 to $30 a month,
for families with total earnings of $100 a month.4
To expose this global feudal oligarchy,
activists from Bolivia and around the world descended on the
kings and queens of capital and empire in Seattle. Displaying
classic nonviolent direct action tactics (mass numbers, blocking
streets, refusing to move or defend when attacked), this colorful
people's coalition withstood heavy physical attacks from the
police and ideological attacks from their mainstream media accomplices.
For several days, a nonpartisan international
nonviolent people's force taught capital and empire what democracy
really looks like. As Michael Moore, author of Stupid White Men,
wrote
They never knew what hit them. They had
assumed it would be business as usual, the way it had been for
decades. Rich men gather, meet, decide the fate of the world,
then return home to amass more wealth. It's the way it's always
been. Until Seattle. 5
But in the decades prior to Seattle,
the North American left had already witnessed the rapid growth
of various solidarity and accompaniment movements that confronted
the worldwide consequences of capitalism and imperialism.
The committed nonviolent volunteer corps
(often called "unarmed body guards") that makes up
groups like Witness for Peace and Peace Brigades International
grew out of a desire for both a long-theorized world peace army
and the necessity of being effective. Volunteers use their privilege
and mere presence as internationals to protect and allow nonviolent
indigenous resistance movements to continue their own struggles.
The Gulf Peace Team involved a brave
soup of several dozen international activists who, just prior
to the first US invasion of Iraq in early 1991, descended on
a small patch of desert on the border of Iraq and Saudi Arabia.
Organized by British activists, the idea was to interpose a multinational
nonviolent force between the United States (and the negligible
"allied coalition") and Iraqi militaries_and to prevent
a war. Judged mostly a failure (within 10 days of the US invasion,
the internationals were evicted by their reluctant hosts, the
Iraqi government), the lessons learned from this attempt, such
as how to organize diverse cultures and languages in traumatic
environments, helped spawn several organizations and creative
ventures.6
Two years later, a radical Italian priest
and a Serb/Croatian group called Mir Sada (Peace Now) organized
over 2,000 internationals to march from the Croatian border on
the Adriatic Sea to war-torn Sarajevo. Once there, they planned
to create a three-month peace encampment in an attempt to stop
a war. Though the group didn't make it to Sarajevo, these disciplined
direct actionists did succeed in getting the warring sides to
commit to an unprecedented cease-fire. In a situation where UN
and international aid organization vehicles had been getting
shelled, hundreds of internationals peacefully walked into the
Bosnian villages of Prosor and Mostar.7
In the 1990s, two North American organizations
began sending internationals to Iraq and Palestine. By 1995 Christian
Peacemaker Teams had established a small, long-term presence
of trained nonviolent interveners in Hebron. Since 1996, Voices
in the Wilderness has worked to draw international attention
to the sanctions regime that has cost the lives of half a million
Iraqi. In this effort they have organized hundreds of international
civilians to participate in short-term stays in Iraq. Voices
and Christian Peacemaker Teams both supported activists who remained
in Iraq throughout the 2003 US invasion of Iraq and its aftermath.
A confluence of this tradition of solidarity
and accompaniment with the groundswell of global justice organizing_demonstrated
in Geneva (1998), Seattle (1999), Washington DC and Prague (2000)_resulted
in hundreds of internationals arriving in Palestine just after
the spontaneous September 2000 Intifada began. Global justice
protests continued in Quebec and Genoa in 2001 and more than
a quarter-million internationals traveled to Barcelona to protest
the annual meeting of capitalist leaders of the European Union
Summit. A month later, Israel ruthlessly invaded the Palestinian
cities of the West Bank. Members of Ya Basta, an Italian direct
action group that helped organize the 2001 mass demonstration
in Genoa, joined experienced organizers and activists from France,
Britain, Belgium, and the United States, and made the connection
between the globalization movement and the liberation struggle
in Palestine. "For the movement which came of age in Seattle,"
noted British dissident George Monbiot, "the World Bank
and the West Bank belong to the same political territory."8
While the Palestinian Authority retained
some autonomous control, internationals used mass nonviolent
interventions, like liberating an illegal Israeli military checkpoint
in Palestinian territory and removal, by hand, of village roadblocks
that restricted Palestinian freedom of movement. But during Israel's
brutal spring 2002 invasion, internationals, directed by a Palestinian
leadership nearly in hiding, took on greater risks. Many accompanied
ambulances were targeted by the Israeli military. Palestinian
refugee camps had suffered the most in previous Israeli invasions
of the West Bank and Gaza, so dozens of internationals stayed
in Palestinian homes in the refugee camps and clinics under threat.
During the 43-day invasion, the Israeli army laid siege to the
historic Church of the Nativity where 150 Palestinians (predominantly
unarmed civilians) sought safety. With the world's governments
turning a blind eye to the siege, two dozen internationals staged
two daunting nonviolent raids that got 10 internationals, carrying
food and medicine, inside to the people nearing starvation.
If results are strictly measured by the
ending of Israel's illegal occupation, then international direct
action in Palestine has been a failure. However, international
solidarity has been successful in many important ways, such as,
humanizing the Palestinian people's plight through personal stories
shared by internationals with their home communities, expanding
the breadth of coverage of the Palestinian experience of the
occupation in both alternative and mainstream media, and demonstrating
a commitment to international solidarity that both the common
Palestinian people and their leadership appreciate and want to
see expanded.
Organizers in North America and Europe
continue to put out well-organized calls for internationals to
come to Palestine and participate in increasingly risky direct
actions. And the answer is inspiring: thousands of common people
from around the world, motivated by those courageous before them,
continue to respond with their presence. Nonviolent Peaceforce,
a new organization using interpositioning, accompaniment, presence,
and witnessing as tactics, plans to organize and deploy hundreds
of international peace workers by 2004. Further linking peace
solidarity and the anti-capitalist movement, the radical World
Social Forum, which brings together tens of thousands of international
activists, has repeatedly proposed organizing their annual gathering
in Palestine. In the United States, college students are quickly
organizing a divestment movement (reminiscent of the global anti-South
Africa apartheid campaigns of the 1970s and 80s).
My comrades and I spent four weeks in
Palestine in 2001, staying in village homes and meeting well-respected
leaders. Joining the Palestinians and other comrades from all
over the world, we used our bodies and spirits to act against
oppression and injustice. Though my time in Palestine included
frustrating experiences, such as differences on various tactical
questions and internecine struggles for power among the Palestinian
political parties, I came away from the experience_like my historical
ancestors did in 1848 Mexico, 1936 Spain, 1981 Nicaragua, and
1999 Seattle_with a taste of real equality, a feeling of liberation
and freedom.
On returning to the United States, what
struck me most was how simple the solution seemed: tens of thousands
more people need to aggressively confront their government's
foreign policy. Those with privilege must stand up, be counted,
and take direct action now. As Republican leader Dolores Ibarruri
said in her farewell address to the internationals in Spain,
"You are the heroic example of democracy's solidarity and
universality in the face of the vile and accommodating spirit
of those who interpret democratic principles with their eyes
on hoards of wealth or corporate shares which they want to safeguard
from all risk."9
Notes
1 International Solidarity Movement,
"Join the Struggle
for Freedom in Palestine," October 4, 2001, <>.
2 Albert Weisbord, "The
Underground Railway to Spain," Albert and Vera Weisbord
Archives.
3 Homage to Catalonia: The Orwell Reader
(New York: Harcourt Brace, Javonivich, 1956), p. 166. 4 Jim Shultz,
"Bolivia's
War Over Water", February 4, 2000.
5 Michael Moore, "Battle of Seattle,"
December 7, 1999.
6 C. Peter Dougherty, "A Way to
Peace: Non violent Mediation and Intervention," Synapse
26.
7 Bela Bhatia, Jean Dreze, and Kathy
Kelly, eds., War and Peace In the Gulf: Testimonies of the Gulf
Peace Team, (Nottingham, UK: Spokesman Press, 2001).
8 George Monbiot, "World Bank to
West Bank, The Movement Written Off After September 11 is Demonstrating
Its Worth in Palestine," London Guardian, April 9, 2002.
9 Dolores Ibarruri, "La Pasionaria,"
Barcelona, November 1, 1938, "About
the Spanish Civil War," Cary Nelson.
Mark Schneider
is an organizer experienced with the struggles of the environment,
poor people of color discriminated against by banks, homeless
people asserting their rights, anti-war movements, and the two
solidarity movements with the Palestinian and Iraqi people. As
a member of the Colorado Campaign for Middle East Peace he joined
the Winter 2001 ISM campaign in Palestine, and spent two weeks
in Iraq in 2000.
You can write Mark at dogbuckeye@yahoo.com.
Weekend
Edition Features for Sept. 20 / 22, 2003
Uri Avnery
The
Silliest Show in Town
Alexander
Cockburn
Lighten
Up, America!
Peter Linebaugh
On the Bicentennial of the Execution of Robert Emmet
Anne Brodsky
Return
to Afghanistan
Saul Landau
Guillermo and Me
Phan Nguyen
Mother Jones Smears Rachel Corrie
Gila Svirsky
Sharon, With Eyes Wide Open
Gary Leupp
On Apache Terrorism
Kurt Nimmo
Colin
Powell: Exploiting the Dead of Halabja
Brian
Cloughley
Colin Powell's Shame
Carol Norris
The Moral Development of George W. Bush
Bill Glahn
The Real Story Behind RIAA Propaganda
Adam Engel
An Interview with Danny Scechter, the News Dissector
Dave Lindorff
Good Morning, Vietnam!
Mark Scaramella
Contracts and Politics in Iraq
John Ross
WTO
Collapses in Cancun: Autopsy of a Fiasco Foretold
Justin Podur
Uribe's Desperate Squeals
Toni Solo
The Colombia Three: an Interview with Caitriona Ruane
Steven Sherman
Workers and Globalization
David
Vest
Masked and Anonymous: Dylan's Elegy for a Lost America
Ron Jacobs
Politics of the Hip-Hop Pimps
Poets
Basement
Krieger, Guthrie and Albert
Website of the
Weekend
Ted Honderich:
Terrorism for Humanity?
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