Coming
in October
From Common Courage Press
Today's
Stories
August 20, 2003
Edward Said
The Imperial Bluster of Tom Delay
August 19, 2003
Jeffrey St. Clair
Blackouts Happen
Gary Leupp
"Our Patch": Australia v. the Evil Doers of the South
Pacific
Sean Donahue
Uribe's Cruel Model: Colombia Moves Toward Totalitarianism
Matt Martin
Bush's Credibility Problem on Missile Defense
Juliana Fredman
Recipe for the Destruction of a Hudna
John Ross
Fox Government's Attack on Mexican Basques
Sasan Fayazmanesh
What Kermit Roosevelt Didn't Say
Website of the Day
Tom Delay's Dual Loyalities
August 18, 2003
Uri Avnery
Hero in War and Peace
Stan Goff
The Volunteer Military and the Wicked Adventure
Cathy Breen
Baghdad on the Hudson
Michael Kimaid
Fight the Power (Companies)!
Jason Leopold
The California Rip-Off Revisited: Arnold, Milken and Ken Lay
Matt Siegfried
The Bush Administration in Context
Elaine Cassel
At Last, A Judge Who Acts Like a Judge
Alexander Cockburn
Judy Miller's War
Harvey Wasserman
The Legacy of Blackout Pete Wilson
Website of the Day
Fire Griles!
Recent
Stories
August 16 / 17, 2003
Flavia Alaya
Bastille
New Jersey
Jeffrey St. Clair
War Pimps
Saul Landau
The Legacy of Moncada: the Cuban Revolution at 50
Brian Cloughley
What Has Happened to the US Army in Iraq?
William S. Lind
Coffins for the Crews: How Not to Use Light Armored Vehicles
Col. Dan Smith
Time for Straight Talk
Wenonah Hauter
Which
Electric System Do We Want?
David Lindorff
Where's Arnold When We Need Him?
Harvey Wasserman
This Grid Should Not Exist
Don Moniak
"Unusual Events" at Nuclear Power Plants: a Timeline
for August 14, 2003
David Vest
Rolling Blackout Revue
Merlin Chowkwanyun
An Interview with Sherman Austin
Adam Engel
The Loneliest Number
Poets' Basement
Guthrie, Hamod & Albert
Book of the Weekend
Powerplay by Sharon Beder
August 14, 2003
Peter Phillips
Inside
Bohemian Grove: Where US Power Elites Party
Brian Cloughley
Charlie Wilson and Pakistan: the Strange Congressman Behind the
CIA's Most Expensive War
Linville and Ruder
Tyson
Strike Draws the Line
Jim Lobe
Bush Administration Divided Over Iran
Ramzy Baroud
Sharon Freezes the Road Map
Tom Turnipseed
Blowback in Iraq
Gary Leupp
Condi's
Speech: From Birgmingham to Baghdad, Imperialism's Freedom Ride
Website of the Day
Tony Benn's Greatest Hits
August 13, 2003
Joanne Mariner
A Wall of Separation Through the
Heart
Donald Worster
The Heavy Cost of Empire
Standard Schaefer
Experimental Casinos: DARPA and the War Economy
Elaine Cassel
Murderous Errors: Executing the Innocent
Ralph Nader
Make the Recall Count
Alexander Cockburn
Ted Honderich Hit with "Anti-Semitism" Slur
Website of the Day
Defending Yourself Against DirectTV Lawsuits: 9000 and Counting
August 12, 2003
William Blum
Myth
and Denial in the War on Terrorism
Ron Jacobs
Revisionist History: the Bush Administration, Civil Rights and
Iraq
Josh Frank
Dean's Constitutional Hang-Up
Wayne Madsen
What's a Fifth Columnist? Well, Someone Like Hitchens
Ray McGovern
Relax,
It Was All a Pack of Lies
Wendy Brinker
Hubris in the White House
Website of the Day
Black
Mustache
August
11, 2003
Douglas
Valentine
Homeland Security for Whom?
Mickey
Z.
Bush's Progress
Bill
Glahn
RIAA Watch: Meet the New Bitch, Same
as the Old
Elaine
Cassel
Indicting DNA
Dr. Mohammad
Omar Farooq
Civil Liberties and Uncivil Super-Patriotism
Uri
Avnery
Who Will Save Abu Mazen?
Website
of the Day
RIAA Subpoena Clearinghouse
August
9 / 10, 2003
Alexander
Cockburn
California's Glorious Recall!
Saul
Landau
Bush and King Henry
Gary
Leupp
On Terrorism, Methodism, "Wahhabism"
and the Censored 9/11 Report
Paul de
Rooij
The Parade of the Body Bags
Michael
Egan
History and the Tragedy of American Diplomacy
Rob Eshelman
A Home of Our Own
Daoud
Kuttab
Life as an ID Card
Philip
Agee
Terror and Civil Society: Instruments of US Policy in Cuba
Jeffrey
St. Clair
Marc Racicot: Bush's Main Man
Walt Brasch
Schwarzenegger, "Hollyweird"
and the Rigtheous Right
Christopher
Brauchli
Bush, Bribery and Berlusconi
Josh Frank
Mean, Mean Howard Dean
Elaine
Cassel
Will the Death Penalty Ever Die?
Sean Carter
Total Recall
Poets'
Basement
Hamod, Engel, Albert
August
8, 2003
John
Chuckman
What the US Says Goes
Roberto
Barreto
Defend the Vieques 12!
Bruce Gagnon
Iraq War Emboldens Bush Space Plans
Elaine
Cassel
The Reign of John Ashcroft
Dave
Lindorff
Snoops Night Out
Website
of the Day
Zero Boy
August
7, 2003
M.
Shahid Alam
It the US a "Terrorist Magnet?"
Toni
Solo
Neo-liberal Nicaragua: a New Banana
Republic
Adam Lebowitz
Hiroshima Commemorated: the View from Japan
Hanan
Ashrawi
When the Bully Whines
Niranjan
Ramakrishnan
Conscience Takes a Holiday
Jason
Leopold
Wolfowitz Lets Slip: Iraq Not Behind 9/11; No Ties to Al-Qaeda
Mike Kimaid
What's the Score?
Elaine
Cassel
The Smell of VICTORY: Ashcroft's Latest Stinkbomb
Dardagan,
Slobodo and Williams
CounterPunch Exclusive:
20,000 Wounded Iraqi Civilians
August 6, 2003
Steve
Higgs
Going to Jail for the Cause: It's Not
Easy Confronting King Coal
David
Krieger
Remembering Hiroshima and Nagasaki
Robert
Fisk
The Ghosts of Uday and Qusay
Christopher
Brauchli
Bush's War on the National Forests
Elaine
Cassel
No Fly Lists
Stan
Goff
Military Equipment and Pneumonia
Hugh Sansom
An Open Letter to Nicholas Kristof on the Nuking of Japan
August
5, 2003
Uri
Avnery
The Prisoner of Ramallah: Arafat at
74
Forrest
Hylton
Terrorism and Political Trials: the
View from Bolivia
Ray
McGovern
"We Cook Estimates to Go"
David
Morse
Poindexter's Gambit
Edward
Said
Orientallism: 25 Years Later
George
W. Bush
My Darn Good Resumé
Hammond
Guthrie
It's Incremental, Watson!
Website
of the Day
National Prayer Day
August 4, 2003
Bruce
K. Gagnon
Another Peace Activist Detained by
Airport Cops: My Story
David
Lindorff
Fear-Mongering About Social Security
Mark
Zepezauer
George F. Will: Descent into Self-Parody
James
Plummer
Tracking You Through the Mail
Mickey
Z.
Marriage Insecurity from Sharon to Bush
Bruce
Jackson
News that Isn't News: How the NYT's
Pimps for the White House
August
2 / 3, 2003
Tamara
R. Piety
Nike's Full Court Press Breaks Down
Francis
Boyle
My Alma Mater, the University of Chicago, is a Moral Cesspool
David
Vest
Sons of Paleface: Pictures from Death's Other Side
Neve Gordon
Nightlife in Jerusalem
Uri
Avnery
Their Master's Voice:
Bush, Blair and Intelligence Snafus
Robert
Fisk
Paternalistic Democracy for Iraq
Jerry
Kroth
Israel, Yellowcake and the Media
Noah Leavitt
What's Driving the Liberian Bloodbath: Is the US Obligated to
Intervene?
Saul
Landau
The Film Industry: Business and Ideology
Ron Jacobs
One Big Prison Yard: the Meaning of George Jackson
Thomas
Croft
In the Deep, Deep Rough: Reflections on Augusta
Amadi Ajamu
Def Sham: Russell Simmons New Black Leader?
Poets'
Basement
Vega, Witherup, Albert and Fleming
August
1, 2003
Joanne
Mariner
Stopping Prison Rape
Alex Coolman
Who Moved My Soap: Trivializing
Prison Rape
Steve
J.B.
Prison Bitch
Stan Goff
Injury and Decorum: The Missing Wounded in Iraq
Wayne
Madsen
Europe Unplugs from the Matrix
Robert
Fisk
Wolfowitz the Censor
Elaine
Cassel
Ashcroft Loses Big in Puerto Rico
Website
of the Day
Stop Prisoner Rape
July
31, 2003
Ray
McGovern
The Prostitution of Intelligence
Brian
Cloughley
Wolfowitz's Operative Statement
Sheldon
Hull
The RIAA's Jihad:
The Devil's Music (Industry)
Elaine
Cassel
The Next Time You Crack a Lawyer Joke, Think of These Attorneys
Sheldon
Rampton
and John Stauber
True Lies: Propaganda and Bush's
Wars
Hammond
Guthrie
Speculation Blues
Website
of the Day
Army of One?
Congratulations
to CounterPuncher Gilad Atzmon! BBC Names EXILE Top Jazz CD
July
30, 2003
David
Lindorff
Poindexter the Terror Bookie
Marjorie
Cohn
Why Iraq and Afghanistan? It's About
the Oil
Elaine
Cassel
How Ashcroft Coerces Guilty Pleas
in Terror Cases
Zvi
Bar'el
The Hidden Costs of the Iraq War
Lisa Walsh
Thomas
Killing Mustafa Hussein: Death of a Child, Birth of a Legend?
Sean
Carter
Pat Robertson's Prayer Jihad: God, Sodomy and the Supremes
ND Jayaprakash
India and Ariel Sharon
Steve
Perry
Bush's Top 40 Lies
Standard
Schaefer
Correction about Bloomberg and Outscourcing
Website
of the Day
Bring Them Home Now!
Hot Stories
Dardagan,
Slobodo and Williams
CounterPunch Exclusive:
20,000 Wounded Iraqi Civilians
Steve
J.B.
Prison Bitch
Sheldon
Rampton and John Stauber
True Lies: the Use of Propaganda
in the Iraq War
Wendell
Berry
Small Destructions Add Up
CounterPunch
Wire
WMD: Who Said What When
Cindy
Corrie
A Mother's Day Talk: the Daughter
I Can't Hear From
Elaine
Cassel
Civil Liberties
Watch
Michel
Guerrin
Embedded Photographer Says: "I
Saw Marines Kill Civilians"
Uzma
Aslam Khan
The Unbearably Grim Aftermath of War:
What America Says Does Not Go
Paul de Rooij
Arrogant
Propaganda
Gore Vidal
The
Erosion of the American Dream
Francis Boyle
Impeach
Bush: A Draft Resolution
Click Here
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August
20, 2003
The Imperial Bluster
of Tom Delay
Dreams
and Delusions
By EDWARD SAID
During the last days of July, Representative Tom
Delay (Republican) of Texas, the House majority leader and described
routinely as one of the three or four most powerful men in Washington,
delivered himself of his opinions regarding the roadmap and the
future of peace in the Middle East. What he had to say was meant
as an announcement for a trip he subsequently took to Israel
and several Arab countries where, it is reported, he articulated
the same message. In no uncertain terms, Delay declared himself
opposed to the Bush Administration's support for the roadmap,
especially the provision in it for a Palestinian state. "It
would be a terrorist state" he said emphatically, using
the word "terrorist" as has become habitual in official
American discourse without regard for circumstance, definition,
or concrete characteristics. He went on to add that he came by
his ideas concerning Israel by virtue of what he described as
his convictions as a "Christian Zionist," a phrase
synonymous not only with support for everything Israel does,
but also for the Jewish state's theological right to go on doing
what it does regardless whether or not a few million "terrorist"
Palestinians get hurt in the process.
The sheer number of people in the southwestern
United States who think like Delay is an imposing 60-70 million
and, it should be noted, included among them is none other than
George W. Bush, who is also an inspired born-again Christian
for whom everything in the Bible is meant to be taken literally.
Bush is their leader and surely depends on their votes for the
2004 election which, in my opinion, he will not win. And because
his presidency is threatened by his ruinous policies at home
and abroad, he and his campaign strategists
are trying to attract more Christian right-wingers from other
parts of the country, the Middle West especially. Altogether
then, the views of the Christian Right (allied with the ideas
and lobbying power of the rabidly pro-Israeli neo-conservative
movement) constitute a formidable force in domestic American
politics, which is the domain where, alas, the debate about the
Middle East takes place in America. One must always remember
that in America, Palestine and Israel are regarded as local,
not foreign policy, matters.
Thus, were Delay's pronouncements simply
to have been either the personal opinions of a religious enthusiast
or the dreamlike ramblings of an inconsequential visionary, one
could dismiss them quickly as nonsense. But in fact, they represent
a language of power that is not easily opposed in America, where
so many citizens believe themselves to be guided directly by
God in what they see and believe, and sometimes do. John Ashcroft,
the Attorney General, is reported to begin each working day in
his office with a collective prayer meeting. Fine, people want
to pray, they are constitutionally allowed total religious liberty.
But in Delay's case, by saying what he has said against an entire
race of people, the Palestinians, that they would constitute
a whole country of "terrorists," that is, enemies of
humankind in the current Washington definition of the word, he
has seriously hampered their progress toward self-determination,
and gone some way in imposing further punishment and suffering
on them, all on religious grounds. By what right?
Consider the sheer inhumanity and imperialist
arrogance of Delay's position: from a powerful eminence ten thousand
miles away, people like him, who are as ignorant about the actual
life of Arab Palestinians as the man in the moon, can actually
rule against and delay Palestinian freedom, and assure years
more of oppression and suffering, just because he thinks they
are all terrorists and because his own Christian Zionism--where
neither proof nor reason counts for very much--tells him so.
So, in addition to the Israeli lobby here, to say nothing of
the Israeli government there, Palestinian men, women and children
have to endure more obstacles and more roadblocks placed in their
way in the US Congress. Just like that.
What also struck me about the Delay comments
wasn't only their irresponsibility and their easy, uncivilized
(a word very much in use concerning the war against terrorism)
dismissal of thousands of people who have done him no wrong whatever,
but also the unreality, the delusional unreality his statements
share with so much of official Washington so far as discussions
of (and policy toward) the Middle East, the Arabs and Islam are
concerned. This has reached new levels of intense, and even inane
abstraction in the period since the events of September 11. Hyperbole,
the technique of finding more and more excessive statements to
describe and over-describe a situation, has ruled the public
realm, beginning of course with Bush himself, whose metaphysical
statements about good and evil, the axis of evil, the light of
the almighty and his endless, dare I call them sickening effusions
about the evils of terrorism, have taken language about human
history and society to new, dysfunctional levels of pure, ungrounded
polemic. All of this laced with solemn sermons and declarations
to the rest of the world to be pragmatic, to avoid extremism,
to be civilized and rational, even as US policy makers with untrammeled
executive power can legislate the change of regime here, an invasion
there, a "re-construction" of a country there, all
from within the confines of their plush air-conditioned Washington
offices. Is this a way of setting standards for civilized discussion
and advancing democratic values, including the very idea of democracy
itself?
One of the basic themes of all Orientalist
discourse since the mid-19th century is that the Arabic language
and the Arabs are afflicted with both a mentality and a language
that has no use for reality. Many Arabs have come to believe
this racist drivel, as if whole national languages like Arabic,
Chinese, or English directly represent the minds of their users.
This notion is part of the same ideological arsenal used in the
19th century to justify colonial oppression: "Negroes"
can't speak properly therefore, according to Thomas Carlyle,
they must remain enslaved; "the Chinese" language is
complicated and therefore, according to Ernest Renan, the Chinese
man or woman is devious and should be kept down; and so on and
so forth. No one takes such ideas seriously today, except for
when Arabs, Arabic, and Arabists are concerned.
In a paper he wrote a few years ago,
Francis Fukuyama, the right wing pontificator and philosopher
who was briefly celebrated for his preposterous "end of
history" idea, said that the State Department was well rid
of its Arabists and Arabic speakers because by learning that
language they also learned the "delusions" of the Arabs.
Today, every village philosopher in the media, including pundits
like Thomas Friedman, chatters on in the same vein, adding in
their scientific descriptions of the Arabs that one of the many
delusions of Arabic is the commonly held "myth" that
the Arabs have of themselves as a people. According to such authorities
as Friedman and Fouad Ajami, the Arabs are simply a loose collection
of vagrants, tribes with flags, masquerading as a culture and
a people. One might point out that that itself is a hallucinatory
Orientalist delusion, which has the same status as the Zionist
belief that Palestine was empty, and that the Palestinians were
not there and certainly don't count as a people. One scarcely
needs to argue against the validity of such assumptions, so obviously
do they derive from fear and ignorance.
But that is not all. Arabs are always
being berated for their inability to deal with reality, to prefer
rhetoric to facts, to wallow in self-pity and self-aggrandizing
rather than in sober recitals of the truth. The new fashion is
to refer to the UNDP Report of last year as an "objective"
account of Arab self-indictment. Never mind that the Report,
as I have pointed out, is a shallow and insufficiently reflective
social science graduate student paper designed to prove that
Arabs can tell the truth about themselves, and it is pretty far
below the level of decades of Arab critical writing from the
time of Ibn Khaldun to the present. All that is pushed aside,
as is the imperial context which the UNDP authors blithely ignore,
the better perhaps to prove that their thinking is in line with
American pragmatism.
Other experts often say that, as a language,
Arabic is imprecise and incapable of expressing anything with
any real accuracy. In my opinions, such observations are so ideologically
mischievous as not to require argument. But I think we can get
an idea of what drives such opinions forward by looking for an
instructive contrast at one of the great successes of American
pragmatism and how it shows how our present leaders and authorities
deal with reality in sober and realistic terms. I hope the irony
of what I am discussing will quickly be evident. The example
I have in mind is American  planning for post-war Iraq.
There is a chilling account of this in the August 4 issue of
the Financial Times in which we are informed that Douglas
Feith and Paul Wolfowitz, unelected officials who are among the
most powerful of the hawkish neo-conservatives in the Bush Administration
with exceptionally close ties to Israel's Likud Party, ran a
group of experts in the Pentagon "who all along felt that
this [the war and its aftermath] was not just going to be a cakewalk
[a slang term for something so easy to do that little effort
would be needed], it [the whole thing] was going to be 60-90
days, a flip-over and hand-off to Chalabi and the Iraqi National
Council. The Department of Defense could then wash its hands
of the whole affair and depart quickly, smoothly, and swiftly.
And there would be a democratic Iraq that was amenable to our
wishes and desires left in its wake. And that's all there was
to it."
We now know, of course, that the war
was indeed fought on these premises and Iraq militarily occupied
on just those totally far-fetched imperialist assumptions. Chalabi's
record as informant and banker is, after all, not of the best.
And now, no one needs to be reminded of what has happened in
Iraq since the fall of Saddam Hussein. The terrible shambles,
from the looting and pillaging of libraries and museums (which
is absolutely the responsibility of the US military as occupying
power), the total breakdown of the infra-structure, the hostility
of Iraqis--who are not after all a homogenous single group--to
Anglo-American forces, the insecurity and shortages of daily
life in Iraq, and above all, the extraordinary human--I emphasize
the word "human"--incompetence of Garner, Bremer and
all their minions and soldiers, in adequately addressing the
problems of post-war Iraq, all this testifies to the kind of
ruinous sham pragmatism and realism of American thinking which
is supposed to be in sharp contrast to that of lesser, pseudo-
peoples like the Arabs who are full of delusions and a faulty
language to boot. The truth of the matter is that reality is
neither at the individual's command (no matter how powerful)
nor does it necessarily adhere more closely to some peoples and
mentalities than to others. The human condition is made up of
experience and interpretation, and those can never be completely
dominated by power: they are also the common domain of human
beings in history. The terrible mistakes made by Wolfowitz and
Leith came down to their arrogant substitution of abstract and
finally ignorant language for a far more complex and recalcitrant
reality. The appalling results are still before us.
So let us not accept any longer the ideological
demagoguery that leaves language and reality as the sole property
of American power, or of so-called Western perspectives. The
core of the matter is of course imperialism, that (in the end
banal) self-assumed mission to rid the world of evil figures
like Saddam in the name of justice and progress. Revisionist
justifications of the invasion of Iraq and the American war on
terrorism that have become one of the least welcome imports from
an earlier failed empire, Britain, and have coarsened discourse
and distorted fact and history with alarming fluency, is proclaimed
by expatriate British journalists in America who don't have the
honesty to say straight out, yes, we are superior and reserve
the right to teach the natives a lesson anywhere in the world
where we perceive them to be nasty and backward. And why do we
have that right? Because those wooly-haired natives whom we know
from having ruled our empire for 500 years and now want America
to follow, have failed: they fail to understand our superior
civilization, they are addicted to superstition and fanaticism,
they are unregenerate tyrants who deserve punishment, and we,
by god, are the ones to do the job, in the name of progress and
civilization. If some of these fickle journalistic acrobats (who
have served so many masters that they don't have any moral bearings
at all) can also manage to quote Marx and German scholars--despite
their avowed anti-Marxism and their rank ignorance of any languages
or scholarship not English--in their favor, then how much cleverer
they seem. It's just racism at bottom though, no matter how dressed
up it is.
The problem is actually a deeper and
more interesting one than the polemicists and publicists for
American power have imagined. All over the world people are all
experiencing the quandary of a revolution in thought and vocabulary
in which American neo-liberalism and "pragmatism" are
made on the one hand by American policy-makers to stand for a
universal norm, whereas in fact--as we have seen in the Iraq
example I cited above--there are all sorts of slippages and double
standards in the use of words like "realism," "pragmatism,"
and other words like "secular" and "democracy"
and "pragmatism" that need complete re-thinking and
re-evaluation. Reality is too complex and multifarious to lend
itself to jejune formulae like "a democratic Iraq amenable
to us would result." Such reasoning cannot stand the test
of reality. Meanings are not imposed from one culture on to another,
any more than one language and one culture alone possesses the
secret of how to get things done efficiently.
As Arabs, I would submit, and as Americans
we have too long allowed a few much-trumpeted slogans about "us"
and "our" way to do the work of discussion, argument,
and exchange. One of the major failures of most Arab and Western
intellectuals today is that they have accepted without debate
or rigorous scrutiny terms like secularism and democracy, as
if everyone knew what those words meant. America today has the
largest prison population of any country on earth; it also has
the largest number of executions than any country in the world.
To be elected President, you need not win the popular vote, but
you must spend over 200 million dollars. How do these things
pass the test of "liberal democracy?"
So rather than have the terms of debate
organized without skepticism around a few sloppy terms like "democracy"
and "liberalism" or around unexamined conceptions of
"terrorism", "backwardness," and "extremism,"
we should be pressing for a more exacting, a more demanding kind
of discussion in which terms are defined from numerous viewpoints
and are always placed in concrete historical circumstances. The
great danger is that American "magical" thinking à
la Wolfowitz, Cheney, and Bush is being passed off as the supreme
standard for all peoples and languages to follow. In my opinion,
and if Iraq is a salient example, then we must not allow that
simply to occur without strenuous debate and probing analysis,
and we mustn't be cowed into believing that Washington's power
is so irresistibly awesome. And so far as the Middle East is
concerned, the discussion must include Arabs and Muslims and
Israelis and Jews as equal participants. I urge everyone to join
in and not leave the field of values, definitions, and cultures
uncontested. They are certainly not the property of a few Washington
officials, any more than they are the responsibility of a few
Middle Eastern rulers. There is a common field of human undertaking
being created and recreated, and no amount of imperial bluster
can ever conceal or negate that fact.
Edward Said
is a professor at Columbia University. He is a contributor to
Cockburn and St. Clair's forthcoming book, The
Politics of Anti-Semitism (AK Press).
© Edward W. Said, 2003.
This article may be reproduced only with
the permission of the author.
Weekend
Edition Features for August 16 / 17, 2003
Flavia Alaya
Bastille
New Jersey
Jeffrey St. Clair
War Pimps
Saul Landau
The Legacy of Moncada: the Cuban Revolution at 50
Brian Cloughley
What Has Happened to the US Army in Iraq?
William S. Lind
Coffins for the Crews: How Not to Use Light Armored Vehicles
Col. Dan Smith
Time for Straight Talk
Wenonah Hauter
Which
Electric System Do We Want?
David Lindorff
Where's Arnold When We Need Him?
Harvey Wasserman
This Grid Should Not Exist
Don Moniak
"Unusual Events" at Nuclear Power Plants: a Timeline
for August 14, 2003
David Vest
Rolling Blackout Revue
Merlin Chowkwanyun
An Interview with Sherman Austin
Adam Engel
The Loneliest Number
Poets' Basement
Guthrie, Hamod & Albert
Book of the Weekend
Powerplay by Sharon Beder
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