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Today's Stories February 18, 2008 Diana Johnstone
February 16 / 17, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Ralph Nader David Macaray William J.
Peace Ron Jacobs Diane Christian Alan Maass Ramzy Baroud Michael Donnelly Cpt. Paul Watson James L. Secor Eve Bachrach Nikolas Kozloff Stephen Gowans Missy Beattie David Michael
Green Wajahat Ali Poets' Basement Website of the Day
February 15, 2008 George Szamuely Patrick Cockburn Wajahat Ali Mike Whitney Alan Farago Chris Genovali Jacob Hornberger Dave Lindorff Website of the Day
February 14, 2008 Kathleen and
Bill Christison Mike Whitney Clancy Sigal George Wuerthner Peter Morici John Ross Allan Nairn Rannie Amiri Niranjan Ramakrishnan Donna Volatile Seth Sandronsky Website of
the Day
February 13, 2008 Nikolas Kozloff Alan Farago Christina Kasica Vicente Navarro Hall Greenland Lee Sustar David Macaray Roderick Frazier
Nash Patrick Irelan Anthony Papa Carl Finamore Website of
the Day
February 12, 2008 Frank J. Menetrez Paul Craig
Roberts Dr. Trudy Bond Andy Worthington Col. Dan Smith Ronnie Cummins Ralph Nader John V. Walsh Dave Lindorff Michael Donnelly Ron Jacobs Ben Tripp Website of the Day
February 11, 2008 Cockburn /
St. Clair Wajahat Ali Ray McGovern Allan Nairn Uri Avnery Chris Floyd Martha Rosenberg Stephen Fleischman Marc Lamont Hill Liliana Segura Peter Morici Christopher
Brauchli Website of the Day
February 8 / 10, 2008 Paul Craig
Roberts Patrick Cockburn Mike Whitney Anthony DiMaggio Andy Worthington Linn Cohen-Cole Firmin DeBrabander Cpt. Paul Watson Kenneth S. Pope Jacob G. Hornberger Robert Bryce P. Sainath Allan Nairn Fred Gardner
/ Andrew Wimmer Robert Fantina David Michael Green Kevin Zeese Peter Morici Chris Driscoll Prairie Miller Poets Basement
February 7, 2008 Patrick Cockburn Bill Christison David Anderson Ron Jacobs Nikolas Kozloff Jane Rockefeller Andy Worthington Dave Zirin Saul Landau Susie Day Website of the Day
February 6, 2008 Cockburn /
St. Clair Ben Rosenfeld Vijay Prashad Joe Bageant Michael Donnelly Allan Nairn Kathryn Gray Ray McGovern Sheldon Richman Paul Cantor
/ Roger Sparks John Chuckman Website of
the Day February 5, 2008 Winslow T.
Wheeler Tariq Ali Stephen Soldz Chris Floyd William S. Lind Martha Rosenberg Heather Gray Ayesha Ijaz
Khan David Macaray Eliza Ernshire Brenda Norrell Website of
the Day
February 4, 2008 Marc Levy Patrick Cockburn Saree Makdisi Uri Avnery Alan Farago Ben Tripp Paul Wolf Paul Craig
Roberts Joshua Frank John Halle Website of the Day
February 2 / 3, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Pam Martens Ralph Nader John Ross Wajahat Ali Robert Fantina B. R. Gowani James L. Secor John V. Walsh Niranjan Ramakrishnan Dave Zirin Jeremy Scahill Fidel Castro Joe Allen Stephen Lendman Patrick Irelan Andrej Grubacic Josh Karpoff Ron Jacobs Paul Krassner Website of the Weekend
February 1, 2008 Ray McGovern Diane Farsetta Patrick Cockburn Tariq Ali Allan Nairn Rannie Amiri Ramzy Baroud Kenneth Couesbouc Peter Morici Mumia Abu-Jamal Rosemary Jackowski Scott Campbell Website of the Day
January 31, 2008 Saul Landau Andy Worthington Mike Whitney Jeff Ballinger Tiffany Ten
Eyck William Loren
Katz Alan Farago Col. Dan Smith China Hand Dave Lindorff Wadner Pierre Website of the Day
January 30, 2008 Cockburn /
St. Clair Christopher
Ketcham Robert Weissman Neve Gordon Paul Craig Roberts Joanne Mariner David Macaray Liaquat Ali
Khan Raymond J. Lawrence Dan Bacher Website of the Day
January 29, 2008 Franklin C.
Spinney Mike Whitney Alan Farago Patrick Cockburn Gary Leupp R. F. Blader Ahmad Faruqui Fran Shor Jeremy Scahill Allan Nairn Website of the Day
January 28, 2008 Patrick Cockburn Paul Craig
Roberts Allan Nairn Eyad al-Sarraj
/ Sara Roy Martha Rosenberg Corporate Crime
Reporter David Michael Green Jennifer Van
Bergen Nancy Oden Divya Karnad James L. Secor Website of
the Day
January 26 / 27, 2008 Uri Avnery JoAnn Wypijewski Ralph Nader Paul Craig
Roberts Paul Watson John Ross Fred Gardner Allan Nairn Joshua Frank Binoy Kampmark James T. Phillips Stan Cox Eamonn McCann Ron Jacobs Seth Sandronsky Ben Terrall Poets' Basement Website of
the Weekend
January 25, 2008 Douglas Valentine Patrick Cockburn JoAnn Wypijewski Heather Gray Marjorie Cohn Erica Rosenberg Alan Farago Robert Weissman Laura Carlsen Stephen Lendman Website of the Day
January 24, 2008 JoAnn Wypijewski Paul Craig
Roberts Alexander Cockburn Kathleen Christison Jeff Halper Stanley Heller George Wuerthner Patrick Cockburn Jeff Sher Patrick Irelan Charles Modiano Website of
the Day
January 23, 2008 David Rosen David Isenberg Farzana Versey Paul Craig
Roberts Alan Farago Allan Nairn Kenneth Couesbouc Niranjan Ramakrishnan Michael Donnelly Norman Solomon Website of the Day
January 22, 2008 Paul Craig
Roberts JoAnn Wypijewski Al Giordano Felice Pace Paul Wolf Robert Weissman Dave Lindorff Marjorie Cohn Richard Neville Don Fitz /
Zaki Baruti Ben Terrall Sam Husseini Website of
the Day
January 21, 2008 Kevin Alexander
Gray Linn Washington,
Jr. Pam Martens David Macaray Uri Avnery Omar Barghouti Joe DeRaymond B.R. Gowani Shepherd Bliss Jean-Guy Allard Dan Bacher Website of
the Day January 19 / 20, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Saul Landau China Hand Conn Hallinan Ron Jacobs Dave Lindorff Andy Worthington Paul Armentano Seth Sandronsky Michael Donnelly Patrick Irelan Martha Rosenberg Sherwood Ross David Michael
Green James Rothenberg Daniel Gross Peter N. Carroll Susie Day Paul Krassner Poets' Basement Website of the Day
January 18, 2008 Allan Nairn Ralph Nader Joanne Mariner Alan Farago P. Sainath R.F. Blader Andy Worthington John Jonik Brian McKenna Daoud Kuttab Website of the Day
January 17, 2008 Paul Craig
Roberts Christopher
Brauchli Robert Fantina Patrick Irelan Paul A. Moore Stephen Lendman Beena Sarwar Walter Brasch Brenda Norrell Adam Federman Website of the Day
January 16, 2008 Jeffrey St.
Clair Franklin Lamb Julian Sanchez Sharon Smith Allan Nairn Ayesha Ijaz
Khan Andy Worthington Richard Behan Website of the Day
January 15, 2008 Andrea Peacock Wajahat Ali Joe Bageant Ralph Nader John Ross Elaine Cassel Peter Morici Beena Sarwar Robert Weissman Binoy Kampmark Dave Zirin Website of
the Day
January 14, 2008 Ishmael Reed Roger Morris Uri Avnery Mike Whitney Allan Nairn William Blum Alan Farago David Macaray Eva Liddell Zoe Blunt Website of the Day
January 12 / 13, 2008 Andrew Cockburn Saul Landau Corey D. B. Walker Col. Dan Smith Eric Toussaint Ron Jacobs Fred Gardner Stan Cox Jacob G. Hornberger Ramzy Baroud Joseph Grosso David Díaz-Arias Stacey Warde Dan Bacher Michael Dickinson Website of
Weekend
January 11, 2008 Dave Lindorff Paul Craig
Roberts Andy Worthington Kenneth Couesbouc Jeff Ballinger Christopher
Brauchli Manuel Garcia, Jr. Andrew Silverstein Marwan Bishara Robert Weissman Patrick Irelan Website of
the Day
January 10, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Bob Wing Michael Donnelly David Macaray China Hand Ayesha Ijaz Khan Rannie Amiri Website of the Day
January 9, 2008 Cockburn /
St. Clair Dave Lindorff John Chuckman James Bovard Alan Farago Russell Mokhiber William S. Lind Peter Morici Josh Reubner Mike Roselle Website of the Day
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February 18, 2008 South Africa and Costs of NeoliberalismThe Ouster of Thabo MbekiBy JOHANN ROUSSOUW The defeat of Thabo Mbeki, 13 years after the ANC came to power in South Africa's first democratic elections, began a new era. The scene last December was unbelievable. As Mosiuoa "Terror" Lekota, South Africa's defence minister and chairman of the African National Congress, tried to get the party's 52nd national conference in Polokwane under way, most of the 4,000 delegates made his task impossible for 20 minutes. Every time he tried to rally them by shouting the anti-apartheid struggle cry Amandla (freedom), most delegates failed to respond with Awethu. Instead, contrary to the strict rules established before the conference, the vocal supporters of Jacob Zuma sang the militant Zulu struggle song that Zuma made his own on the campaign trail for his election as president of the ANC, Umshini wam. The conference calmed down only after the incumbent secretary-general, Kgalema Mothlanthe, stepped in. In this performance, scarcely seen in the 96-year history of the ANC and certainly not since 1994, the stage was set for the drama that humiliated South Africa's president Thabo Mbeki and his inner circle in the elections for the new ANC leadership. The reason why delegates rounded on Lekota was simple: over the preceding months he had often publicly clashed with Zuma and his supporters. Mothlanthe had wisely stayed out of the intense race between Mbeki and Zuma for the ANC presidency, agreeing to stand as deputy president in the Zuma team. Eventually just over 60 per cent of the delegates voted for Zuma and his team in the top six positions, and the Zuma camp also won most of the seats on the party's 80-member National Executive Committee. Several senior members of the Mbeki inner circle, many of them cabinet ministers, failed to get elected to the NEC. These included the country's deputy president, Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, appointed by Mbeki in June 2005 in the place of Zuma, who was fired after allegations of corruption linked to an arms deal.* There was a seismic shift in South African politics between December 16 and 20, 2007. The ANC became the first former liberation movement in Africa democratically to replace its own leadership while still in government. But this is not the whole story. What is remarkable is that Zuma, a former peasant and migrant labourer from rural Nkandla in KwaZulu-Natal, who only matriculated between 1963 and 1974 during incarceration on Robben Island for "conspiring to overthrow the [apartheid] government", won his victory after being found not guilty on a charge of rape in April 2006. Most of the state and private media was against Zuma, whereas Mbeki, as president (and with an MA in economics from the University of Sussex), had state resources at his disposal and the backing of South African big business. Under his stewardship the country had had nine consecutive years of economic growth, and a growth rate of nearly 5 per cent in 2006. How did Zuma achieve his victory, and what does it mean for the future of South Africa? We have to go back to the period of political transition between 1990 and 1994. After the ANC and other anti-apartheid organisations were legalised on February 2, 1990, the ANC succeeded in convincing all anti-apartheid organizations to give it a mandate to negotiate with the National Party for a new democratic dispensation. In return the ANC was supposed to negotiate a new economic and social policy to help poor, mostly black, South Africans, more than 60 per cent of the population. This was no mean feat, for the ANC neither had the biggest membership of the anti-apartheid movements (the federation of trade unions, Cosatu, did), nor was it as well organized as other organizations that did not go into exile, such as the United Democratic Movement. At first the ANC adopted the pro-poor Reconstruction and Development Program. But during 1996, under pressure from South African business, the Mbeki inner circle, firmly in control of the ANC and the tripartite alliance with Cosatu and the South African Communist Party, adopted the pro-business, neo-liberal GEAR economic policy. This was done without serious consultation in the party or the alliance; Mbeki's finance minister, Trevor Manuel, later called GEAR non-negotiable. Mbeki also promoted GEAR because he gambled that the creation of a black middle-class would be a key to stability. The policies of black economic empowerment and affirmative action were central to this. But 10 years later the economic achievements of the Mbeki inner circle are questionable. Despite creating a few black billionaires and an arguably limited middle-class, poverty levels in South Africa remain at between 45 per cent and 50 per cent, while the gap between rich and poor, and especially between black rich and poor, is now one of the highest in the world. While the rise in commodity prices due to Chinese and Indian economic expansion has fuelled South African growth and allowed the government to pay grants to between 8 and 10 million, the risks remain high. This social support will be difficult to maintain if commodity prices collapse, and little has been done to increase the self-sufficiency of the poor. Meanwhile 98 per cent of the Johannesburg Stock Exchange is still white-controlled and the country is as dependent as ever on foreign investment. The Mbeki government has insisted
on chasing inflation targets set in 2000, which leftwing analysts
argue are no longer appropriate, especially after the rise in
imports because of preparations for the Soccer World Cup in 2010.
Interest rates have been raised five times in the past two years,
and at 14.5 per cent, with more rises in the offing, they are
a severe burden on the poor as well as the middle-class. South
Africa's manufacturing capacity continues to shrink, and now
contributes barely 16 per cent of GDP according to September
2007 figures. The country also has a critical skills shortage that has been worsened by affirmative action, which has contributed to some one million white South Africans moving abroad. In July 2007 the East London newspaper the Daily Dispatch, which has a proud anti-apartheid record, found that in the past 14 years up to 2,000 had died in the Mount Frere hospital in the Eastern Cape Province, mostly due to poor service at the hospital (the government denied this and fired the whistle-blowers) . When the minister of health was exposed as a "drunk and a thief", Mbeki's close ally and minister in the presidency, Essop Pahad, threatened the Sunday Times with withdrawal of government advertising. (On 29, 2007 the Sunday Times published evidence that the minister of health was fired from the Athlone hospital in Botswana in the mid-1970s for stealing from a patient, and that she has a serious drinking problem that might have contributed to her recent liver transplant.)When the director of the National Prosecuting Agency, Vusi Pikoli, was ready to arrest a close Mbeki ally and national commissioner of police, Jackie Selebi, on charges of corruption, Pikoli was suspended. Mbeki established an arrogant, centralistic style of government that alienated many ANC supporters; the Aids lobby, headed by the Treatment Action Campaign; the opposition parties; and minorities, including the Afrikaners, whose grievances on Afrikaans education, labour discrimination and place names are seldom addressed. Something had to give. Zuma
and his team, with a well-organized campaign, obtained nearly
66 per cent of the nominations for the ANC conference. While Zuma and his team now control the ANC, Thabo Mbeki still has 18 months left as president. In his first interviews after the ANC conference, Mbeki was in a fighting mood, claiming (incorrectly) that the president of the ANC "does not necessarily become the candidate [for president of the country]"; the recent conference had adopted a resolution that "the ANC president shall be the candidate of the movement for [the country's] president". Zuma is faced with the challenge of rebuilding unity in the ANC and pleasing his divergent groups of supporters including Cosatu and the SACP, who will demand more pro-poor policies, while South African business and foreign investors will be watching to see whether the neo-liberal dogma is threatened. In August Zuma will have to face corruption charges in court, some of them related to the arms deal (see opposite, "Jacob Zuma: president or prisoner?"). Already Cosatu has threatened mass action if he is charged. Zuma's greatest challenge relates to the relationship between the ANC and the rest of South Africa. The ANC might never have experienced its current problems if it wasn't for its lack of ideas--wavering economically between neo-liberalism and outdated centralistic economic policies. Culturally, the party's nationalism was unsuited for a diverse country like South Africa. The ANC is the historical counterpart of the now deceased National Party, and very much yesterday's party. It is inevitable that it will rupture and that a debate on a South Africa with more community-oriented economic and cultural policies will begin. * Footnote: In 1997, despite huge opposition inside the ANC and its two alliance partners, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) and the South African Communist Party (SACP), as well as from opposition parties and civil society, the South African government agreed to purchase arms from European manufacturers for R20bn (rand), a figure since revised to R60bn. Serious claims of corruption against senior ANC members, including the previous minister of defense, have never been properly investigated by the government, which neutered parliament's own committee investigating the deal. Johann Rossouw is editor of the Afrikaans edition of Le Monde diplomatique. This article first appeared in the excellent monthly Le Monde Diplomatique, whose English language edition can be found at mondediplo.com The full text appears by agreement with Le Monde Diplomatique and CounterPunch will feature one or two articles from LMD every month. All rights reserved ©
1997-2007 Le Monde diplomatique. ![]()
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