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June
3, 2004
Paul
de Rooij
Palestinian Misery in Perspective
June
2, 2004
Brian
Cloughley
The Liars are Winning
Ray
McGovern
How Far Would They Go? Beware "Credible
Intelligence"
Josh
Frank
The Anybody But Bush Offensive
Mike
Whitney
The Afghanistan Failure: Bush's Warlord Patriots
Jackie
Corr
Iraq and Ireland: Three Tales from Butte, Montana
Robert
Jensen
The US Lost the Iraq War...and It's a Good Thing, Too
Alexander
Cockburn
"Bye, Bye Boonville!"
June
1, 2004
Gary
Leupp
Instant Karma: Bush's Sins Catch Up
with Him
William
A. Cook
Manufacturers of Fear and Loathing in
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Dave
Lindorff
Will the Times Clean House?
Kevin
Zeese
Inside the Kerry / Nader Meeting: Did
the Kerry Campaign Lie About What Was Discussed?
Jacob
Levich
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a Bipartisan Production
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Kelly
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Remind Us
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Ballinger / Dave Marsh
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Pommy Vega
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Ferner
On Their Way to Abu Ghraib
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W. McCoy
The Cruel Shadow: the Long History of CIA Torture Research
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Valentine
An Open Letter to the NYT: Questions, Questions, Questions
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White
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Anderson
The Awful Injustice to Tai Abreu
David
Vest
Get Ready for Kerry's War: the 100 Year Quagmire
Saul
Landau
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Nimmo
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Cassel
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Potter
The New War on "Terror": Protest the Torture of Chimps;
Get Arrested as a "Terrorist"
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Tripp
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Dr.
Susan Block
Save Abu Ghraib!
Kia
Kojouri
Nukes, the US, Israel and Iran: an
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Mickey
Z
D-Day: 60 Years is Enough!
Jon
Brown
Correcting the Correction at the Times
Patrick
B. Barr
Pre-emptive War Insurance
Stephen
Gowans
Bad Apples in a Bad Barrel
Tom
Gorman
Gore on Bush in Iraq: the Approach May be Exotic, But It's Hardly
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Dave
Zirin
Fighting for Boxers' Rights: an Interview with Eddie Mustafa
Muhammad
Gregory
Weiher
Bush to Arabs: "Go Get Yourself Some Democracy"
Erik
Cummings
Jung Meets Bush
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28, 2004
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Rodriguez Cruz
Curtain of Silence on the Cuban 5
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Moses
Bush's Misleading Speech on Abu Ghraib
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Lindorff
Dissing Independent Contractors:
Those Who Do the Dirty Work
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Solomon
Leaping for Lies at the Times
Rep.
Bill Delahunt
Bush's Cruel New Rules on Cuba
Paul
McGeough
Chalabi Baba and the 40 Thieves
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Ramakrishnan
India and Nehru: 40 Years After
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Cockburn
NYTs: "Maybe We Did Screw Up...a
Little"
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27, 2004
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Goodman / David Goodman
Fatal Errors: the Lies of Our Times
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Valentine
Ragging the Dogs of War at the
NYTs
John
L. Hess
The Times Confesses...Kind Of
Stew
Albert
Dellinger, the Wrestling Pacifist
Dave
Dellinger
a 1993 Interview
Christopher
Brauchli
Tax Breaks for Scions...to Hell with Poor Kids
Rampton
/ Stauber
Banana Republicans: Pumping Irony
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26, 2004
Ron
Jacobs
Goodbye, David Dellinger: He Was a
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Robert
Fisk
The Things Bush Didn't Say in His Speech
Zeynep
Toufe
New Draft UN Resolution Permits Perpetual Occupation
Conn
Hallinan
Bush and Sharon: the Oil Connection
Tom
Stephens
2 + 2 is On My Mind: More Morons
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Derek
Medley
Protesting Gov. Bigot
CounterPunch
Wire
FBI Abducts Artist; Seizes Art
Andrew
Cockburn
The Trail to Tehran
May
25, 2004
Joe
Bageant
The Covert Kingdom: On Earth as It
is in Texas
Col.
Dan Smith
A Question of Human Dignity
Gary
Handschumacher
Visiting Lori Berenson: Time to Bring Her Home
Toni
Solo
A Developing War in the Andes
Marc
Estrin
September Song: Disturbing Questions
About 9/11
Stephen
Banko, III
A Vietnam Vet on "Supporting the
Troops"
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The Wizard of Whimsy
May
24, 2004
Ron
Jacobs
Dan Senor is Safe!
Kurt
Nimmo
Dirty Tricks & TortureGate: the
Missing Taguba Pages
Sam
Hamod
Gen. Zinni: "Wrong War, Wrong
Place, Wrong Time"
Mike
Whitney
The Wedding was a Bomb
Stan
Goff
Open Season on MAMs
Image
of the Day
A Photo from Abu Ghraib We Didn't See on the Front Page of the
NYTs
May
22 / 23, 2004
Paul
de Rooij
Colin Powell, a Political Obituary
Jeffrey
St. Clair
When War is Swell: Bush and the Carlyle Group
Elizabeth
Weill-Greenberg
Her Son Was Told He Wouldn't See Combat; Now He's Dead: an Interview
with Sue Niederer
Brian
Cloughley
America is Committing War Crimes in Iraq
Saul
Landau
Democracy in Latin America: Great for Investors; Not So Good
for People
Brandy
Baker
Feminists Stand By Their Man: Abortion, Judges and Kerry
Randall
Robinson
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Avnery
The Rape of Rafah
Ben
Tripp
Assume the Worst
Bruce
Anderson
News from Ecotopia: the Truth About the Wine Business
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Ruebner
Why I Burned My Israeli Military Papers
Peter
Wolson, Ph. D.
Exhibitionistic Revenge at Abu Ghraib
Chloe
Cockburn
In Defense of "Troy": What Hector Could Teach Rummy
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Burnham
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Krieger
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Jacobs
Turnaround
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Darkness at Noon
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Kauffman
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No More Tears for America
Ghali
Hassan
Moral Failure of the "Free World" in Gaza
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Ramakrishnan
Brown and Bored of Education in India
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Stephens & John Philo
The War Crimes of Bush, Cheney & Co.
Sam
Bahour / Michael Dahan
Genocide by Public Policy
Robert
Ovetz
Ending the Race for the Last Turtle
Billy
Wilson
The Most Important Thing I Learned at School This Year
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of the Day
Rafah Today
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Alexander Cockburn
Behold,
the Head of a Neo-Con!
Subcomandante
Marcos
The
Death Train of the WTO
Norman Finkelstein
Hitchens
as Model Apostate
Steve Niva
Israel's
Assassination Policy: the Trigger for Suicide Bombings?
Dardagan,
Slobodo and Williams
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Steve
J.B.
Prison Bitch
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Rampton and John Stauber
True Lies: the Use of Propaganda
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Berry
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CounterPunch
Wire
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Corrie
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The
Erosion of the American Dream
Francis Boyle
Impeach
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June
3, 2004
The
Scale of the Carnage
Palestinian
Misery in Perspective
By
PAUL de ROOIJ
The media usually focuses on the latest
casualty and quickly forgets those who died even a few days before.
The American media in particular has a Dracula-like predilection
for warm bodies, and no interest in cases where blood has already
dried. Unfortunately this ahistoric focus on the last victim
hides the scale of mass crimes and the responsibility of various
perpetrators. Whether in Iraq, Palestine, Colombia, or Haiti,
it is necessary to locate human rights abuses in a wider context
to appreciate the scale of what is occurring on the ground.
In the case of Palestinian
casualties, it is all too evident that CNN, BBC, and most other
major media are mostly interested in today's casualties: they
seem to studiously ignore precedents, and above all, they will
not refer to the pattern of killings as systematic in nature.
Of course, admitting that such killings are systematic would
imply that Israel is committing "crimes against humanity",
a precursor to genocide. When the media seeks to whitewash "friendly"
mass crimes, there is a tendency to fixate on specific instances
to the exclusion of broad patterns. Even when a pattern of killings
and other abuses is chronic and systematic, the BBC/CNN will
tend to focus on specific cases without reference to broader
trends. When referring to Palestinian conditions, what we find
is that reports of casualties, house demolitions, and dispossession
in these media outlets pertain to specific cases and not to general
patterns [1]. Incidentally, the opposite is true when there
is an incident of Palestinian violence; here lists and charts
are available to highlight their context.
The chosen context can be used
to obfuscate the reality on the ground. The tools at the media's
disposal can be likened to an instrument of variable magnification
ranging from a wide-angle lens to a telescope. Informative journalism
requires using the most appropriate level of magnification for
the story under investigation. On the other hand, propaganda
requires contextual blurring and the use of inappropriate tools.
Thus, it is best to use a telescope to view the stars, and clearly,
a wide-angle lens is the wrong tool. In the case of Palestinian
casualties, it is evident that the mainstream media are intent
on presenting news using a telescope (preferably out of focus),
when a wide-angle lens should be used.
The tables and graphs below
put the Palestinian casualty toll into perspective over the course
of the second intifada. These graphs speak for themselves, revealing
a pattern that is all too evident. These graphs are meant to
fill a gap in the available data pertaining to the casualty toll
during the second intifada.
Average
death tolls and an interpretation
During the course of the second
intifada, the average number of Palestinians killed stands at
2.26 per day. The total killed between September 29,
2000 and May 31, 2004 is 3,023. To interpret these numbers one
must scale these figures to make them comparable to understand
what they would mean in the context of our own countries. This
is the purpose of the table below.
Average and total
Palestinian fatalities during intifada II, Sep. 29, 2000 -- May
31, 2004. Actual and population scaled number
| |
Av.
Fatalities Day |
Total
Fatalities |
Scale
Factor |
Population
Size |
| Palestine |
2.26 |
3,023 |
1 |
3.7 |
| US |
177 |
236,938 |
78 |
290 |
| UK |
37 |
49,022 |
16 |
60 |
| Spain |
25 |
32,844 |
11 |
40.2 |
Explanation: Column (1) the
average fatalities per day for the Palestinians is an actual
number. The numbers below this have been scaled using the scale
factor in column #3. Column (2) is analogous to column #1, but
refers to the total fatalities. Column (3) is the scaling factor
derived from the population numbers in column #4.
An average daily fatality rate
of 2.26 would proportionally equate to 177 deaths per day in
the US. Similarly, the total Palestinian fatalities of 3,023
would equate to 236,938 in the US. One wonders how Americans
would react if they experienced such a fatality rate, i.e., they
would suffer a 9-11 death toll every two weeks. One suspects
that there would be a level of mass hysteria, and rightly so.
Actually, Americans are prone to suffer from mass hysteria with
far less provocation. The Washington DC snipers killed ten and
wounded three during a three-week "killing spree";
this is relatively minuscule when compared with the Palestinian
experience. However, the media stoked a level of mass hysteria
about these killings; Americans were even afraid to fill up their
SUVs at the gas station -- heavens! Americans are entitled
to their hysteria about sniper killings, but then they should
be aware that they finance the Israel military machine and support
Ariel Sharon to the hilt, and therefore they have direct responsibility
in the killing of 2.26 Palestinians per day (on average), something
that would translate to 177 deaths per day in their society.
While in the US such numbers would be abhorrent, when it comes
to Palestine, Americans even provide the bullets and untold billions
of dollars in funding. While the US justifies "preventive"
wars, the abrogation of democracy, etc., after suffering 3,000
fatalities during 9-11, it lambastes and demonizes a brutalized
Palestinian population which is suffering a death toll that is
several orders of magnitude higher in terms of a scaled fatality
rate.
Before anyone objects to the
use of these scaled numbers, consider that Israel has frequently
used such statistics for its own ends -- referring exclusively
to Israeli casualties [2].
Average
fatalities per month
Graph 1 plots the average death
toll per month during the second intifada. It has fluctuated
depending on Sharon's willingness to play along with "peace
processes" and temporarily alternating with his proclivities
to demolish Palestinian hopes for an independent state. Thus
during the attack on the West Bank in April 2002, about eight
Palestinians were killed every day [3]. While it was convenient
for Sharon to play along with the Aqaba peace negotiation appearances,
only 0.3 Palestinians were killed per day -- the lowest level
during the intifada.
What is also evident is the
escalation of the fatality rate after July 2003. After the Aqaba
summit, it was not possible to obtain any meaningful negotiations
due to the inexorable building of the land-grab wall. Inevitably,
the on-going ethnic cleansing and dispossession gave rise to
an increasing death toll. From the graph it seems that the Israeli
military increase the level of dispossession or killings in a
gradual fashion. If they can get away with killing four Palestinians
per day now, then we can expect a gradual increase in the following
months. While killings, destruction, and dispossession remain
under a magic threshold level, the media will not consider this
to be "news". Even human rights organizations aren't
much bothered if the killings remain below this threshold. Of
course, if some egregious killings take place, then Amnesty International,
the Mother Theresa of the human rights organizations, will suggest
that the killings "were not proportionate", and occasionally
it will utter a condemnation. Killings under the magic threshold
are presumably "proportionate" and thus can be ignored.
And the
wounded
Even when the mainstream media
will say something about fatalities, the wounded are mostly ignored.
However, consider that Israel uses heavy-duty battlefield weaponry
against a mostly defenseless population in densely populated
civilian neighborhoods, where the effect of these weapons on
their victims is devastating. Even the so-called non-lethal
bullets create harrowing wounds; even tear gas can be fatal or
cause permanent lung damage. There are tens of thousands of
wounded with permanent disabilities: blindness, paraplegia,
as well as loss of limbs. These numbers are staggering, and a
tremendous burden for a society already on the edge.
The average number of injured
Palestinian victims stands at 19.6 per day (the US scaled
equivalent would be 1,540). This number includes victims shot
with military high velocity bullets, the so-called plastic or
rubber bullets, tear gas and other unidentified poison gases,
cluster bombs, helicopter gunfire, and other large military ordnance.
One must also remember that at the beginning of the intifada
193 Palestinians were injured on average every day. The Israeli
army used millions of bullets during the first month of the intifada
-- and their effects were all too evident [4].
The nature
of the wounds
While at the beginning of the
intifada a significant percentage of the casualties were shot
with so-called non-lethal bullets, the ratio of casualties due
to this type of weaponry has fallen significantly. It is increasingly
rare to find Israeli soldiers using "plastic bullets"
(in reality plastic-coated-bullets); the predilection today is
to use "high-velocity bullets". Graph 3 shows that
the number of injuries due to "non-lethal" weapons
has fallen over time. However, the graph hides some increasing
trends. Someone wounded by a missile fired by an Apache helicopter
enters the "other" category, and hence it doesn't register
as "live ammunition". The reason why the "live
ammo" ratio has fallen during the past few months is directly
attributable to wounds caused by helicopter or tank fire. The
graph (not shown) with the "other" category as a ratio
of total injuries shows a steady increase.
Graph 4 shows the number of
injuries in relation to deaths over the same period. Thus at
the beginning of the intifada there were a large number of injuries
for each fatality, and this ratio has fallen steadily. The reason
behind the dropping trend is the changing nature of the confrontation.
Whereas at the beginning there were many popular demonstrations
with a large number of ensuing wounded victims, this has steadily
given way to sniper fire, helicopter or tank fire. The latter
is more lethal, and the resulting ratio of injuries to fatalities
tends to be lower. A reduction in this ratio sometimes implies
an increase in the lethality of the Israeli tactics: they are
increasingly shooting to kill.
A clear crime committed against
Palestinians is the destruction of ambulances, abuse of ambulance
staff, and the impediment of access to medical treatment. The
summary statistics during the intifada are the following:
Obstruction and
destruction of ambulances in Palestine.
Data refers to the second intifada up to May 28, 2004
| Attacks
on ambulances to date: |
302 |
| Total ambulances
damaged |
126 |
| Total ambulance
personnel injured |
198 |
| Total ambulance
personnel killed |
12 |
| Denial of
access to ambulances (recorded instances) |
1,376 |
| Number of
ambulances damaged beyond repair |
28 |
Source: Palestine Red
Crescent Society
PRCS, the Palestine Red Crescent Society, keeps meticulous statistics
and it is worth studying this graph (http://www.palestinercs.org/).
If one found that the most
of the damage occurred during the April 2002 attack, then maybe
this would be understandable. However, the recurrent pattern
is a steady interference and destruction of Palestinian ambulances;
the graph makes this very clear. Even though a so-called peace
process was kicked off in July 2003, the level of ambulance destruction
continued unabated. One could easily imagine the howls of indignation
and disgust if Palestinians were to shoot up an Israeli ambulance
or just impede its access. However, destruction of these increasingly
important vehicles, or even their commandeering by the Israeli
military is a media nonevent.
Is it Genocide?
It is evident that Israel under
Ariel Sharon is pursuing relentless campaign that aims to drive
the Palestinians off the land and dispossess an ever-greater
number of people. The construction of the wall is proof that
this policy is being implemented. Driving armored Caterpillar
bulldozers through refugee camps obviously entails a casualty
toll. Similarly, the usually violent suppression of the demonstrations
against this policy conjures its own grim statistics. From the
graphs we detect a pattern: the repression is systematic and
gradually increases the severity of its methods -- this is especially
apparent after July 2003. In Ariel Sharon's calculus, and with
American blessing, the dispossession and repression of the Palestinians
can continue as long as it is performed gradually with a slowly
increasing rate. So, mass abuses are occurring in the occupied
territories today; these are chronic, and indeed systematic.
When the scale, intent and period are taken into account, then
one can only conclude that Israel's policy is genocidal [5].
Please note that this is not
a conclusion that could only have been reached recently. In
December 2, 2000, Francis Boyle, a professor of International
Law at Univ. Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, stated:
I am sure we can all agree
that Israel has indeed perpetrated the international crime of
genocide against the Palestinian People. [6]
So, who will take responsibility
for blowing the whistle and classifying Israeli actions as genocide?
Unfortunately, this has to be determined by the UN Commission
on Human rights or the General Assembly, and the legal basis
for the classification of genocide is the UN convention against
Genocide [7]. There are numerous obstacles before the UN will
take any action because of this arrangement. Via a private communication
with senior UN personnel, we discover that there has been no
movement whatsoever at the UN to determine if Israel's policies
are genocidal, confirming that the UN's role in preventing genocide
is hopeless. It is very likely that the UN will not move at
all regarding Palestine.
The explanation for the UN's
inaction has much to do with the US's role at the UN; this has
been less than constructive, and it will pressure member countries
to avoid issuing a "genocide" warning [8]. One only
has to remember the US efforts prior to February 2004 to block
the International Court of Justice's hearings on the land-grab
wall; to defend its client it attempted to obstruct this international
legal body. Furthermore, the UN convention against genocide
is very narrowly defined and it is almost the case that genocide
can only be determined after the fact. The convention almost
guarantees that there will be no action to prevent genocide or
stem an on-going genocide. Finally, the insufferable Kofi Annan
is known for his callousness and inaction in the face of mass
slaughter. As head of UN peacekeeping forces during the Rwandan
genocide, he was instrumental in delaying and obstructing UN
action. As Michael Hourigan, a UN war crimes investigator in
Rwanda, stated: "consistently, repeatedly people like Kofi
Annan failed to act." And the UN's Carlson Commission,
an internal inquiry about the Rwandan genocide, actually blamed
Kofi Annan and the unit he led [9]. Annan's record of inaction
bodes ill for the UN to engage in any action to lend international
protection to the Palestinians, a population that has been brutalized
for many decades.
Further
reading
Francis Boyle, "Palestine
Should Sue Israel for Genocide before the International Court
of Justice", MediaMonitors,
December 2, 2000.
Ward Churchill, A Little Matter of Genocide, City Lights
Books, 1997.
Linda Polman, We did nothing: Why the truth doesn't always
come out when the UN goes in, Penguin Viking 2003.
Paul de Rooij, "Ambient Death in Palestine", DissidentVoice,
June 21, 2003.
Paul de Rooij can be contacted at proox@hotmail.com
(NB: all attachments will be deleted automatically).
©2004 Paul de Rooij
Data Sources
The data used in this article
originates from the Palestinian
Red Crescent Society -- with one small modification discussed
below. This is a high quality database and the origin of its
data is from the PRCS hospitals and medical staff. The numbers
are conflict-related deaths and injuries, which includes all
Palestinian killed or injured irrespective of cause. PRCS numbers
are closely related to the Health Ministry numbers, but they
are not the same. The Palestine Authority is now publishing
its numbers on its website, and data quality has improved over
time. The PA's statistics can be found here: www.nad-plo.org.
Finally, the Palestine Monitor also publishes good quality
data and can be found here: http://www.palestinemonitor.org/index.html.
The total casualty numbers of these three sources are not equal,
yet there is only a minor discrepancy. Part of the reason for
the discrepancy has to do with the reported numbers during the
April 2002 attack. In many instances, there was no access to
hospitals, victims were buried without adequate record keeping,
or victims were removed by the Israeli army. PRCS's approach
has been to zero out most of the entries of this period, and
thus understates the total casualty figures. The Palestine Monitor
has imputed some numbers to this period based on interviews with
residents and victim exhumations. The approach taken in this
article was to use Palestine Monitor data for the months that
were zeroed out by PRCS. This makes a difference of 19 fatalities.
Endnotes
[1] The opposite also happens.
That is, if confronted by a particularly egregious Israeli crime,
this can be whitewashed by placing it in a wider context. Alternatively,
Israeli actions can be juxtaposing with Palestinian violence
-- thus the Israelis are only responding.
[2] See "Israel's Campaign
of Misinformation", The Palestine Monitor, January
14, 2004. (http://www.corkpsc.org/db.php?aid=5476).
[3] Please note that the statistical
record during the April 2002 military assault on the West Bank
is incomplete. For example, not withstanding the UN or Amnesty
International reports, it is not known how many people were killed
in Jenin or the West Bank during this month. NB: Because the
investigation was vetoed by the US, there was no in-depth investigation
of the killings in Jenin.
[4] Source: Raji Sourani,
Lawyer and Director of the Palestinian Center for Human Rights
in Gaza. Data provided during his "The worst yet to come
from Occupied Palestine" lecture in London, October 11,
2002.
[5] Mass killings don't need
to occur before mass abuses can be classed as genocide. See
Ward Churchill, A Little Matter of Genocide, City Lights
Books, 1997, pp. 399 -- 444.
[6] Francis Boyle, "Palestine
Should Sue Israel for Genocide before the International Court
of Justice", MediaMonitors, December 2, 2000. (http://www.mediamonitors.net/francis1.html)
[7] The official name of the
convention is: The International Convention on the Prevention
and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, UN, 1948.
[8] In the late 1940s, the
US sought to wreck and postpone the UN convention on genocide.
It managed to have the principal architect of the convention
(Raphael Lemkin) removed; it then reduced the scope of the convention
thereby eliminating its effectiveness in preventing future genocides.
Even after wrecking the convention, the US didn't ratify it
but delayed until 1988 when it gave a conditional ratification,
and ratified it only after adding many provisos that rendered
the convention toothless. For an excellent discussion of the
American machinations surrounding the convention see Ward Churchill,
A Little Matter of Genocide, City Lights Books, 1997,
pp. 363 -- 393.
[9] Judi Mcleod, "One
minute for 100 days of Rwandan hell", CanadaFreePress.com,
April 5, 2004. Also important: Per Ahlmark, "UN chief's
career clouded", The Australian, May 3, 2004. Finally,
this article also contains important info: Max Teichman, "UN:
Kofi Annan and the Rwanda genocide," NewsWeekly, April 24,
2004.
Weekend Edition
Features for May 29 / 31, 2004
Mike
Ferner
On Their Way to Abu Ghraib
Alfred
W. McCoy
The Cruel Shadow: the Long History of CIA Torture Research
Douglas
Valentine
An Open Letter to the NYT: Questions, Questions, Questions
Chris
White
First to Fight Culture: a Former Marine on the Marine Motto
Bruce
Anderson
The Awful Injustice to Tai Abreu
David
Vest
Get Ready for Kerry's War: the 100 Year Quagmire
Saul
Landau
Torture: the Logical Outcome of Bush's War for Democracy?
Kurt
Nimmo
Abu Hamza al-Mazri, Made in the USA
Elaine
Cassel
The Secrets of Surveillance: Ashcroft, Snoops, and Gag Orders
Will
Potter
The New War on "Terror": Protest the Torture of Chimps;
Get Arrested as a "Terrorist"
Ben
Tripp
They Fiddled While Nero Got the Matches
Dr.
Susan Block
Save Abu Ghraib!
Kia
Kojouri
Nukes, the US, Israel and Iran: an
Interview with Sasan Fayazmanesh
Mickey
Z
D-Day: 60 Years is Enough!
Jon
Brown
Correcting the Correction at the Times
Patrick
B. Barr
Pre-emptive War Insurance
Stephen
Gowans
Bad Apples in a Bad Barrel
Tom
Gorman
Gore on Bush in Iraq: the Approach May be Exotic, But It's Hardly
New
Dave
Zirin
Fighting for Boxers' Rights: an Interview with Eddie Mustafa
Muhammad
Gregory
Weiher
Bush to Arabs: "Go Get Yourself Some Democracy"
Erik
Cummings
Jung Meets Bush
Poets'
Basement
Davies, Ford, Kearney, McLellan and Albert
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