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Today's
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Bill and Kathleen
Christison
The
9/11 Report and Its Weak-Kneed Consensus: Dogding Israel/Palestine;
Blinkered on Causes of Terrorism
July 26, 2004
Todd Chretien
Green
Resistance: a Reply to Normon Solomon & Medea Benjamin
Robert Fisk
Terror
by Video
Manjra / Dawjee
Horrors
of Darfur: Time for Muslims to Raise Their Voices
Richard Forno
Security
Theater in Boston: Security Expert Harrassed by DHS for Exposing
Flaws at the Fleet Center
Mitchel Cohen
Report from a Boston Demo: Arresting the Curious
Richard Moreno
Rockers
for Justice: an Interview with Tom Morello and Serj Tankian
Alexander Cockburn
Boston
Awaits a Dead Party
Sex,
Drugs & the Blues!
Serpents in the Garden

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Sizzling New Book on Culture and Sex is Now Available
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July
24 / 25, 2004
Alexander
Cockburn
The Democrats and Their Conventions:
Part One
Dennis
Hans
Those 16 Words Still Smell, Mr. Bush
Patrick
Cockburn
The Struggle for Iraq is Only Beginning
Josh
Frank
The War Path of Unity: Dems Reject
the Peace Movement
Justin
E.H. Smith
Christianity and the Left: the Latin
American Experience
Tariq
Ali
What's at Stake in Venezuela
Fred
Gardner
The Politics of Pot: Year of the
Antagonist
Mark
Scaramella
There's Dope and There's Dope
Ron
Jacobs
The Weather Underground's Prairie
Fire Statement...35 Years On

July
23, 2004
Lee
Sustar
Revolution in Nicaragua: 25 Years
On
Dave
Lindorff
Battle for NYC: Bush 1, Protesters
0
Saul
Landau
Zaniest President in US History: Bush
Beats Reagan
Mike
Whitney
The 9/11 Whitewash: Blaming No
One
Mickey
Z
Get On the Bus: 150 Years After Elizabeth
Jennings
Gary
Leupp
The 9/11 Commission and the Looming
War on Iran
July
22, 2004
M.
Junaid Alam
Ten Ways to Build a Better Democrat
Brian
McKinlay
Rusted On Down Under: Howard, Bush and Sharon
Jason
Leopold
Cheney Lobbied for Easing of Sanctions on Terrorist Regimes While
CEO of Halliburton
Chris
Floyd
Mob Rule: Ripping the Lid Off of America's Pious Myths
Uri
Avnery
Chirac v. Sharon
July
21, 2004
Paula
J. Caplan
The Emotional Casualities of War:
Psychologists Can't Heal All the Damage
Joshua
Frank
Nader Sleeping with the Enemy? Let's
be Fair
Ron
Jacobs
American Exceptionalism
Reza
Ghorashi
The Elections, Iran and al-Qaeda
Amy
Martin
Will Congress Rearm the Guatemalan Generals?
John
Ross
Bush May Lose, But His Wars Will Go
On and On
July
20, 2004
Stan
Cox
The Bush / Kerry War Ticket
Chris
Randolph
An Open Letter to Dr. Ehrenreich: It's Over, Barb!
Forrest
Hylton
The Ghosts of Gonismo: "Popular
Patricipation" and Bolivia's Gas Referendum
Mark
Scaramella
It's Official! Mendocino County is Crazier and Fatter Than the
Rest of California
Sam
Bahour
The World is Knocking on Israel's Door
George
Reiter
A Defense of David Cobb
John
Ross
Burying Iraq, Burying Bush
John
L. Hess
Girlie Stuff: Media Tolerance of Arnold & Co.
Website
of the Day
This Land is Your Land
July
19, 2004
Uri
Avnery
Marie and the Ghosts: the Hoax of
Paris
Col.
Dan Smith
What Has Been Accomplished?
Mike
Whitney
Allawi: Our Puppet with a Pistol
Karyn
Strickler
Just Marriage, Not Gay Marriage
Robert
Fisk
The Crisis of Information in Baghdad
David
Swanson
Media Blackout of US Labor Opposition
to Iraq War
Jennifer
van Bergen
The Death of the Great Writ of Liberty
July
17 / 18, 2004
Gary
Leupp
Apocalypse Now: Why the Book of Revelations
is Must Reading
Ghada
Karmi
Vanishing the Palestinians
Lenni
Brenner
When Cattle Unite, Lions Go Hungry: Notes for Ralph Nader
Ben
Tripp
Man on a Bridge: a Ghost Story
Brandy
Baker
What Would Elizabeth Cady Stanton Make of John Kerry?
M.
Shahid Alam
Israel Builds Another Wall
Sasan
Fayazmanesh
Nuclear Hypocrisy: Israel, Iran and the IAEA
Patrick
Bond
The George Bush of Africa
Fred
Gardner
Politics of Marijuana: Cannabiniod Therapuetics
William
Blum
Bush and Thucydides
Ben
Terrall
Carter and the Indonesia Elections: "I Don't See Anything
Wrong with a General Running the Country"
Tom
Barry
John Lehman on the War Path
David
Vest
Dylan Without the Music
Phyllis
Pollack
Return to Sin City: Keith Richards Does Gram Parsons
Ron
Jacobs
Smearing Muhammad Ali: Bob Feller Strikes Out
Joshua
Frank
Kerry to Edwards: "Let's Lose!"
David
Nally
A Call for Sudan: Our Georgraphical Blindspot
Toni
Solo
Bolivia's Gas Referendum
Landau,
Hassan, Prashad & Lindorff
Three Reviews of Moore's F911
Poets's
Basement
Ford, Smith and Albert

July
16, 2004
Dave
Zirin
Adonal Foyle: Master of the Lefty Lay-Up
Shervan
Sardar
Dershowitz, the ICJ and Jim Crow Laws
Ron
Jacobs
The Lil' Engine That Couldn't: Kucinich Surrenders on Anti-War
Plank
Robert
Fisk
Iraq, According to Edgar Allen Poe:
Coffin Bombs in Baghdad
Greg
Moses
The Forts of Iraq
Mickey
Z.
Ad Infinitum?: Presidential Campaigns in the Age of TV
Dan
Bacher
A Landmark Win for Salmon and the Tribes
Dave
Lindorff
The Mumia Case: Support from NAACP,
But a Movement in Shambles
Paul
McGeough
Did Allawi Shoot Inmates in Cold Blood?
Website
of the Day
10 Reasons to Fire Bush (and 9 Reasons Kerry Won't Be Any Better)

July
15, 2004
Heather
Williams
McMissing
the Point: Supersize Me Crashes on Its Message
Werther
Iraq: Follow the Money
Tom
Crumpacker
The Birds of Guantanamo
Brian
Cloughley
What Does the Bush Regime Object To?
Bill
Christison
Reorganize the CIA? Of Course,
But...
July
14, 2004
Jeffrey
St. Clair
Chronicle of a Nomination Foretold:
the Green Deceivers
Neve
Gordon
Of Socrates and the Apartheid Wall
Diane
Christian
The Priesthood of Death
Stefan
Wray
Who Benefits from Missing Data at Los Alamos Nuclear Lab?
Josh
Frank
The Nader / Dean Debate
Conn
Hallinan
Divide and Conquer as Imperial Rules
Elizabeth
Weill-Greenberg
Bring My Brother Home!: Class, War
and Education
Website
of the Day
Hijacking Catastrophe: 9/11, Fear and the Selling of US Empire
July
13, 2004
Ray
McGovern
The CIA and Iraq: an Intelligence
Debacle...and Worse
Mark
Donham
The Sierra Club's Inexplicable Treatment of Cynthia McKinney
Ben
Tripp
Politus Interruptis: With Friends Like
These, Who Needs Electorates?
Mark
Gaffney
Slipping Towards Armageddon: Israel
in Iraq
Dave
Lindorff
Osama Wins! Election Postponed!
Chris
White
Double Think: the Bedrock of Marine
Indoctrination
July
10 / 12, 2004
Kathleen
Christison
The Problem with Neutrality Between
Palestinians and Israel
Janine
Pommy Vega
Trail of the Comet: a Gathering of the World's Poets Against
War
Sherry
Wolf
From Maverick to Party Attack Dog: Howard Dean Gay-Bashes Nader
Saul
Landau and Farrah Hassen
A Transfer of Power, Sort Of
Michael
Donnelly
How to Steal an Election: the Green Version, 2004
Stanton
/ Madsen
Iraq Survey Group: Rumsfeld's al-Qaeda?
Richard
Lichtman
The End of Innocence: Reflections on American Pathology
Gila
Svirsky
Thank You, Your Honors: a Legal Blow to the Wall
Kurt
Nimmo
Clinton's Life
Toni
Solo
Empire-Speak: What Roger Noriega Really Means
Ron
Jacobs
The Black Panthers and the Rest
Camelo
Ruiz Marrero
Gene Warfare in Oaxaca: Genetic Mutation of Mexican Maize
Omar
Barghouti
Wither the Empire: Rise of a Global Resistance
Poets'
Basement
Curtis and Albert

July
9, 2004
Dave
Zirin
Carlos Delgado on Deck: Blue Jays Slugger
Stands Up Against War
Justin
Delacour
Wishing Kerry Would Shut Up About
Latin America
Robert
Fisk
Iraq in Reverse: Martial Laws Fuel Insurgency
Boris
Kagarlitsky
Two Congresses and a Funeral
William
S. Lind
The October Surprises
Sibel
Edmonds
Our Broken System: John Ashcroft's War on Truth
Ron
Jacobs
Reading Tea Leaves: What Vietnam Tells Us About Iraq's Future
Gary
Leupp
The Lie That Will Not Die: Cheney and
the Iraq/al-Qaeda Link

July
8, 2004
Niranjan
Ramakrishnan
The Inexplicable John McCain
Toufic
Haddad
Protesting Israel's Apartheid Wall:
a Letter from the Hunger Strikers' Tent
Dave
Lindorff
Liberation as Martial Law
Joshua
Frank
The Fall: How Beltway Dems Sank Howard
Dean
Christopher
Brauchli
Bush & Cheney Play the Hitler Card
James
Petras
The Truth About Jimmy Carter

July
7, 2004
John
Chuckman
Kerry's BBQ: a Deafening Silence
of Meaning
Virginia
Tilley
A Line in the Sand: Azmi Bishara's
Hunger Strike
Susan
Martinez
A Letter to Bill Cosby
Mickey
Z
Elie Wiesel's Strange Parade
Michael
Donnelly
Our Own Private Wilderness: Trusting the Land in the Inland Empire
Sean
Donahue
Boston Social Forum: the Dems aren't the Only Show in Beantown
Diane
Christian
Sovereignty and Freedom in Iraq
July
6, 2004
Lisa
Viscidi
Fleeing Guatemala: Central Americans
Risk Lives to Reach El Norte
Marc
Norton
The Felonious Five Ride Again: the
Supreme Court and Enemy Combatants
James
Brooks
Chemical Warfare on the West Bank?
Ray
McGovern
Porter Goss as CIA Director?
William
Cook
Legacy of Deceit: If Dante Knew of Bush and the Neo-Cons...
July
5, 2004
Forrest
Hylton
US Imperialism in Latin America: Sept.
11, July 4 and Systematic Torture
Chris
White
A Former Marine Sgt. on the Meaning
of Independence Day
Joe
Bageant
Cranky Reflections on the 4th of July
Robert
Jensen
Stupid White Movie: What Michael Moore
Misses About the Empire
Kathy
Kelly
"Two Days an' a Wake-Up"
July
3 / 4, 2004
Elaine
Cassel
Bush's Police State and Independence
Day
Stan
Goff
ABC of Opportunism: "Progressive"
Latin American Leaders Support the Coup in Haiti
Snehal
Shingavi
"We Want Real Justice for Bhopal": Two Survivors Speak
Out
Bruce
Anderson
The Cheney-Leahy Metaphor and the Greens
Sharon
Smith
Twilight of the Greens: the Chokehold of "Anybody But Bush"
Josh
Frank
Ralph Nader's Revolt: an Interview with Greg Bates
Robert
Fisk
Pentagon Tried to Censor Saddam's Hearing
Joe
Bageant
Sons of a Laboring God: Leftnecks Unite!
Brian
Cloughley
Fortress Bush and the One Law Doctrine
Justin
Delacour
The Anti-Chavez Echo Chamber: Venezuela's Media Tycoons
William
S. Lind
Saudi Spillover
Linda
S. Heard
A Joke Called "Justice"
Greg
Moses
"It's Illegal, But It's Our Right": Korean Labor Won't
Back Down
Ron
Jacobs
"Ain't You Proud to be White on Independence Day?"
Toni
Solo
Weary of Indigenous Resistances? Just Pretend They're Not There
Dan
Nagengast
Chicken Manure as Cattle Food: Safe, But Do We Want to Eat It?
Stew
Albert
Brando, a Personal Recollection
Dave
Zirin
From the Black Panthers to Sacheen Littlefeather: a Eulogy for
Our Brando
Patrick
W. Gavin
The Progressive Case for Dodgeball
Steven
Rosenthal / Junaid Ahmad
The Problem is Bigger Than the Bushes: a Review of F911
Poets'
Basement
Kearney, Ford and Davies
Website
of the Day
Global Peace Solution
July
2, 2004
Jeffrey
St. Clair
Suicide Right on the Stage: the Demise
of the Green Party
Douglas
Valentine
Fahrenheit 911: Mocking the Moral Crisis of Capitalism
Gary
Leupp
"Just Because I Could": On Obscenities and Opportunities
Lee
Ballinger
Illegal People: Kerry Opposes Immigrant Rights
Robert
Fisk
Saddam in the Dock: Confused? Hardly
CounterPunch
Wire
"What Law Formed This Court?": a Transcript of Saddam's
Arraignment
Christopher
Brauchli
Bush's Drug Card Lottery: the Price Ain't Right
Saul
Landau
Buzz Words and Venezuela
July 1, 2004
Katherine
van Wormer
Bush's Damaged Mind: the Madness in
His Method
Joe
Bageant
Is Our President a Whackjob? Does It Matter?
William
James Martin
The Dogma of Richard Perle
Dave
Lindorff
Bush's Evacuation Moment
Robert
Fisk
Bread and Circus Trials in Iraq
Alan
Maass
Green Party in Reverse
Website
of the Day
Michael Moore and Israel: Blind or a Coward?
June
30, 2004
Kurt Nimmo
Nicholson
Baker's Checkpoint: a New Kind of Anger About Bush
Tariq
Ali
Getting Away with Murder in Iraq
Jennifer
Van Bergen
Bush and the Detainees
Douglas
Valentine
Apotheosis of the Psychopaths: Instead of Fahrenheit 9/11, Rescreen
The Quiet American
David
Price
Fahrenheit 9/11 Through the McCain-Feingold Looking Glass
Roger
Normand
America's Criminal Occupation of Iraq
Stan
Cox
Sanitized for Your Protection: Ashcroft's
War on Art
Henry
David Thoreau
On the Futility of Bush v. Kerry: All Voting is a Kind of Gaming
Ben
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July
27, 2004
First
the Contra Butchers, Then the Sweatshops
Reflections
on Nicaragua
By
LOUIS PROYECT
Twenty five years ago, the FSLN seized
power in Nicaragua. Although it is difficult to see this abjectly
miserable country in these terms today, back then it fueled the
hopes of radicals worldwide that a new upsurge in world revolution
was imminent. Along with Grenada, El Salvador and Guatemala,
where rebel movements had already seized power or seemed on the
verge of taking power, Nicaragua had the kind of allure that
Moscow had in the 1920s.
So what happened?
While nobody would gainsay
the political collapse of the FSLN after its ouster and troubling
signs just before that point, it is worth looking a bit deeper
into its rise and fall. There are strong grounds to seeing its
defeat not so much in terms of its lacking revolutionary fiber,
but being outgunned by far superior forces. With all proportions
guarded, a case might be made that Sandinista Nicaragua had more
in common with the Paris Commune than the Spanish Popular Front,
which was doomed to failure by the class collaborationist policies
of the ruling parties.
You can get a succinct presentation
of this analysis from Lee Sustar, an ISO leader who contributed
an article to Counterpunch titled "25
Years on: Revolution in Nicaragua." He states:
"While the U.S. and its
contra butchers are to blame for the destruction of the Nicaraguan
economy, the contradiction at the heart of the FSLN's politics
was instrumental in its downfall. FSLN leaders couldn't escape
the centrality of class divisions in the 'revolutionary alliance'--the
fact that workers and 'nationalist' employers had contradictory
interests.
"The conditions of workers
had deteriorated throughout the 1980s as runaway inflation wiped
out wage gains. Workers participated in Sandinista unions and
mass organizations--but they didn't hold political power, and
their right to strike was suspended for a year as early as 1981.
This allowed the opportunistic Nicaraguan Socialist Party--a
longtime rival of the FSLN--to give a left-wing cover to Chamorro's
coalition, which in turn functioned as the respectable face of
the contras."
With respect to the failure
of the FSLN to align itself with workers (and peasants, a significant
omission in Sustar's indictment), Washington seemed worried all
along that bourgeois class interests were being neglected and
that Nicaragua was in danger of becoming "another Cuba."
Of course, since Cuba never really overthrew capitalism according
to the ISO's ideological schema, this might seem like a moot
point. In any case, it is often more useful to pay attention
to the class analysis of the State Department and the NY Times
than it does to small Marxist groups. If the ruling class is
worried that capitalism is being threatened in a place like Nicaragua,
they generally know what they are talking about.
Virtually all the self-proclaimed
"Marxist-Leninist" formations, from the Spartacist
League to more influential groups like the ISO, believe that
the revolution collapsed because it was not radical enough. If
the big farms had been expropriated, it is assumed that the revolution
would have been strengthened. While individual peasant families
might have benefited from a land award in such instances, the
nation as a whole would have suffered from diminished foreign
revenues. After all, it was cotton, cattle and coffee that was
being produced on such farms, not corn and beans. When you export
cotton on the world market, you receive payments that can be
used to purchase manufactured goods, medicine and arms. There
is not such a market for corn and beans unfortunately. Even if
the big farms had continued to produce for the agro-export market
under state ownership, they would have been hampered by the flight
of skilled personnel who would have fled to Miami with the owners.
Such skills cannot be replicated overnight, especially in a country
that had suffered from generations of inadequate schooling.
While all leftwing groups that
operate on the premise that they are continuing with the legacy
of Lenin, virtually none of them seem comfortable with the implications
of Lenin's writings on the NEP, which are crucial for countries
like Nicaragua in the 1980s or Cuba today, for that matter. In
his speech to the Eleventh Congress of the Communist Party in
1922, Lenin made the following observations:
"The capitalist was able
to supply things. He did it inefficiently, charged exorbitant
prices, insulted and robbed us. The ordinary workers and peasants,
who do not argue about communism because they do not know what
it is, are well aware of this.
"'But the capitalists
were, after all, able to supply things_are you? You are not able
to do it.' That is what we heard last spring; though not always
clearly audible, it was the undertone of the whole of last spring's
crisis. "As people you are splendid, but you cannot cope
with the economic task you have undertaken." This is the
simple and withering criticism which the peasantry_and through
the peasantry, some sections of workers_levelled at the Communist
Party last year. That is why in the NEP question, this old point
acquires such significance.
"We need a real test.
The capitalists are operating along side us. They are operating
like robbers; they make profit; but they know how to do things.
But you_you are trying to do it in a new way: you make no profit,
your principles are communist, your ideals are splendid; they
are written out so beautifully that you seem to be saints, that
you should go to heaven while you are still alive. But can you
get things done?"
If the Bolsheviks required
a return to some elements of capitalism in 1922 in order to "help
get things done," why would anybody expect the FSLN to do
otherwise? In 1922, the Bolsheviks ruled over a country that
had wiped out their own contras decisively and secured its borders.
By comparison, Nicaragua was like a sieve with armed terrorists
backed by the USA infiltrating freely from North and South. The
Soviet Union was also a major economic power, despite being ravaged
by war. With an immense population and an abundance of coal and
iron ore, it had the ability to produce its own heavy capital
goods. Nicaragua, by comparison, had a population about the size
of the borough of Brooklyn and no industry to speak of.
Despite all these relative
advantages, the Bolshevik leaders feared for the survival of
the Soviet Union unless it received help from victorious socialist
revolutions in the more advanced European countries. In "Results
and Prospects," Trotsky wrote:
"But how far can the socialist
policy of the working class be applied in the economic conditions
of Russia? We can say one thing with certainty--that it will
come up against obstacles much sooner than it will stumble over
the technical backwardness of the country. Without the direct
State support of the European proletariat the working class of
Russia cannot remain in power and convert its temporary domination
into a lasting socialistic dictatorship."
With a GDP equal to the size
of what US citizens spend on blue jeans each year, how would
Nicaragua have managed to forestall the fate that Trotsky predicted
for the USSR? Indeed, whatever the faults of Stalinist Russia,
it could always be relied on after a fashion to provide material
aid for postcapitalist countries like Cuba or Vietnam that were
under siege. It was Nicaragua's misfortune to have come into
existence at the very time that such protections could no longer
be guaranteed, even when doled out like from an eyedropper.
In October 1988, Soviet Foreign
Ministry official Andrei Kozyrev wrote that the USSR no longer
had any reason to be in "a state of class confrontation
with the United States or any other country," and, with
respect to the Third World, "the myth that the class interests
of socialist and developing countries coincide in resisting imperialism
does not hold up to criticism at all, first of all because the
majority of developing countries already adhere or tend toward
the Western model of development, and second, because they suffer
not so much from capitalism as from lack of it." It is safe
to assume that high-level Soviet officials must have been talking
up these reactionary ideas to the Sandinista leadership long
before Kozyrev's article appeared.
These new ideas benefited US
foreign policy needs in a dramatic way. In early 1989, a high-level
meeting took place between Undersecretary of State Elliot Abrams
and his Soviet counterpart, Yuri Pavlov. Abrams made the case
that relations between the US and the USSR would improve if the
Nicaragua problem somehow disappeared. Pavlov was noncommital
but gave Abrams a copy of Kozyrev's article. This telling gesture
convinced the Reagan administration that the USSR would now be
willing to sell out Nicaragua.
This meeting is described in
Robert Kagan's "A Twilight Struggle: American Power and
Nicaragua 1977-1990." Kagan was a member of the State Department's
Policy Planning Staff in the Reagan years and helped to draft
key foreign policy statements, including the document that contained
what has become know as the "Reagan Doctrine". More
recently, Kagan has gained attention as part of the gaggle of
neoconservatives pushing for war against Iraq last year. His
"Of Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World
Order" basically provided an ideological justification for
US unilateralism since the Europeans were seen as epicene appeasers
of Evil. Since the reversals in Iraq over the past year or so,
Kagan has maintained a lower profile.
Despite the expectations of
the ordinary Nicaraguan who voted for the removal of Daniel Ortega,
the country was not the beneficiary of US largesse. With the
removal of the Soviet Union as a countervailing hegemon, it was
no longer necessary to bribe restive populations. Instead of
a Marshall Plan, the best that could be hoped for were a few
maquiladoras.
In a newly established free
trade zone, a textile factory owned by Chentex set up shop. In
2000, a delegation from the United States discovered women who
were working 60 hours a week. One woman who was married to another
maquiladora employee suffered from conditions that were far worse
than those endured under FSLN rule. The December 3, 2000 NY Times
quoted one delegation member: "The couple had a 3-year-old
daughter with discolored tips of her hair, probably from a protein
deficiency. These are people who work 60, 70 hours a week, and
their standard of living is just abysmal." When these workers
tried to organize themselves into a union, the bosses attempted
to fire them all. Contrary to Lee Sustar, you can be assured
that these working people knew the difference between the FSLN's
attitude toward working people and the neoliberal gang in charge
right now. The FSLN acted as it did because it had no alternative;
the US backed government and its maquila bourgeoisie act as it
does because it is sees workers as mules to generate superprofits.
Despite the best efforts of
the FSLN to make itself acceptable to US imperialism, its hallowed
past still condemns it. When Daniel Ortega ran for president
of Nicaragua in 2001 on a tepid social democratic program, Jeb
Bush wrote an attack in the Miami Herald. Ortega supposedly "neither
understands nor embraces the basic concepts of freedom, democracy
and free enterprise". He added: "Daniel Ortega is an
enemy of everything the United States represents. Further, he
is a friend of our enemies. Ortega has a relationship of more
than 30 years with states and individuals who shelter and condone
international terrorism." The article was immediately reprinted
in La Prensa under the headline "The brother of the president
of the United States supports Enrique Bolanos" by Ortega's
rivals in the Liberal party. Both the Liberal Party and La Prensa
enjoyed CIA funding in the 1980s. One presumes that this is still
the case.
If the nightmare of maquiladoras
and declining economic expectations is to be reversed, it will
come as a result of more favorable objective circumstances in
Latin America and Central America generally. With the rise of
Hugo Chavez and the continuing resilience of the Colombian guerrillas,
that day may be coming sooner rather than later.
Louis Proyect writes for SWANS. He can be reached
at: lnp3@panix.com
Weekend Edition
Features for July 10 / 12, 2004
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Janine
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Omar
Barghouti
Wither the Empire: Rise of a Global Resistance
Poets'
Basement
Curtis and Albert
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