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How Bill Saved Hillary from a Federal Indictment

Here’s the second in Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair’s series as they describe Hillary Clinton’s years in Little Rock and her narrow escape from federal charges that would have destroyed her political career for ever.PLUS KEVIN ALEXANDER GRAY on how Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama and John Edwards are failing Black America even as they hunt for votes in South Carolina’s “Black Primary.” Get your copy today by subscribing online or calling 1-800-840-3683 Remember contributions to CounterPunch are tax--deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now

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"Imperial Crusades: a Diary of Three Wars" by Cockburn and St. Clair

Today's Stories

August 11, 2007

Alexander Cockburn
How the Democrats Blew It in Only 8 Weeks

August 10, 2007

Paul Craig Roberts
China's Threat to the Dollar is Real

Stan Goff
How Pat Tillman Died

Marjorie Cohn
A Blank Check for Domestic Spying

Saul Landau
In the Age of Immigrant Panic

Chris Floyd
Goading Xerxes: the Coming Strike on Iran

Daniel Ellsberg
A Vision for Cindy Sheehan's Campaign

Anthony Papa
The Upside Down Flag: a Country in Distress

Farzana Versey
On the Heels of Sir Salman

Sgt. Kevin Benderman
Freedom or Totalitarianism?

Nuri Nuri
Memories of T99 Nelson

Website of the Day
Lessons in Obfuscation from Sen. Larry Craig: How to Talk About Looting the Public Domain

 

August 9, 2007

Stan Goff
The Fog of Fame: Pat Tillman as Everyone's Political Football

Paul Craig Roberts
In the Hole to China

Alan Farago
The Terror of the Mortgage Pools

William S. Lind
The Surge's New Math: One Step Forward, Two Back

Doug Giebel
Letter from Montana: What the Bushvolk Have Done to America

Harvey Wasserman
Radioactive Bailout in Advance

Jacob Hill
The Tail End of Free Trade: NAFTA's Impact on the Manufacturing Sector

Raul Zibechi
The Dark Side of Agrofuels

Dave Zirin
The Making of Barry bin Laden

Website of the Day
"Babies Just Come with the Scenery"

 

August 8, 2007

Andy Worthington
Backing Up Lt. Col. Abraham on Gitmo Abuse

Jeff Halper
The Catch in Israel's "Generous Offers" at Jericho

Greg Moses
No Light in August for Texas Refugees: Judge Orders Baby Sent to Palestine

Nurit Peled-Elhanan
The Murder of Abir Aramin, 9 Years Old

Sukant Chandan
British Prisons as Islamic Universities

Robert Fisk
A Lebanese Surprise

George H. Strauss
The Military Society

D.K. Wilson
Bonds, the Haters and 756: Why Bob Costas Can't be Trusted

Bill Day
Leonardo DiCaprio's Baggage: the Perils of Celebrity Environmentalism

Tim Campbell
Monkey See, Monkey Do Politics

Website of the Day
Periodic Table of Visualization Methods

 

August 7, 2007

Patrick Cockburn
Why the Surge Has Failed

Andy Worthington
Why Do We Need the Democrats?: They Have Failed to Restrain Bush on Gitmo, Iraq and Domestic Spying

Kathy Kelly
The Little Girl of Hiroshima

Stan Cox
The Antiwar Majority: Look Quickly, You Might Miss It

Sonja Karkar
Israel's Settlement Project

Sen. Russ Feingold
A License to Wiretap--Anyone

Alan Farago
Dancing in the Light of Florida

Norman Solomon
Let Us Now Praise an Infamous Woman

Binoy Kampmark
Giving Good Face: What Jeremy Bentham and Facebook Have in Common

Dave Lindorff
The Gelding Congress

John Stauber
Coffee with the Troops at Yearly Kos

Website of the Day
George Carlin on Education

August 6, 2007

Bill Quigley
Fighting for the Right to Learn in New Orleans

Kathy Rentenbach
Guatemalan Gold, Guatemalan Bones

Uri Avnery
White Elephants: Bush's Middle East Arms Deals

Col. Dan Smith
Of Time and Iraq

Ralph Nader
Cruise Ship Blues

James Neshewat
War? What War?: a Report from the New SDS Confab in Detroit

D.K. Wilson
Barry, Bud and 755

Greg Moses
Safe Passage for Willie Nelson

Fidel Castro
Hard and Obvious Realities

Mike Whitney
Judgment Week on Wall Street

 

August 4 / 5, 2007

Alexander Cockburn
Rupert Murdoch and the Luck of the Bancrofts

Peter Linebaugh
Speaking in Irish Tongues

Saul Landau
Faith-Based War

Alan Farago
The Candidates and the Collapsing Economy

Dave Zirin
When Domes Attack: Even in Minnesota

Barucha Calamity Peller
Oaxaca is Not Over

Anthony DiMaggio
Double Standards in U.S. Aid to the Middle East

Dave Lindorff
Spy Power: Bush Demands, Democrats Deliver--Again and Again and Again

Fred Gardner
Write Off Your Congressman

Nicola Nasser
The Iranian Option

Benjamin Dangl
Privatizing Repression in Paraguay

Rannie Amiri
Bribe, Divide and Conquer

Daniel Gross
CSR on Trial: Starbucks Behind the Brand

Sherwood Ross
Obama Renounces Use of Nuclear Weapons

Manuel Garcia, Jr
A Bridge Truth Movement?: From 9/11 to Minneapolis

Missy Beattie
The First Mannequin and the "Crime Scene"

Ron Jacobs
The Outlaw Trip to Mexico: Goin' Down the Road Feelin' Bad

Website of the Weekend
Photos: Texas Immigrant Prison

 

August 3, 2007

Gabriel Matthew Schivone
An Interview with Noam Chomsky on Responsibility, War Guilt and Intellectuals

Jonathan Cook
Israel's Jewish Problem in Tehran

Patrick Cockburn
Sunnis Walk Out of Iraq Government

Little Steven Van Zandt
Die, Greedy Swine! Die! Die!: How the Record Companies are Killing Rock Music

Christopher Brauchli
Bush Makes Putin Look Like James Madison

D. K. Wilson
Two Sides and a Middle: Michael Vick Ain't the One to Ask

Linda Ford and Ira Glunts
Maxwell's Silver Hammer: Syracuse University Enlists in the Global War on Terror

Kelly Overton
The Casualties of Green Scare: the Feds' War on the Animal Rights Mvt.

Monica Benderman
In Freedom's Name

Manuel Garcia, Jr.
Minneapolis Bridge Collapse: Was Cheney at the Scene?

Website of the Day
A Cinematic Look at the Police State in Action

 

August 2, 2007

Paul Craig Roberts
The Return of the Robber Barons

Stanley Heller
Report from the Land of Apartheid

Eric Ruder
Fighting PTSD; Fighting the Army

Robert Fantina
Still Getting It Wrong: the NYT and Iraq

Alan Farago
The Toxic Mortgage Waste Crisis

Chris Floyd
Chertoff, Chiquita and Death Squads

Franklin Lamb
Lebanon's Crucial Special Elections

Sen. Russ Feingold
Closing the Book on the Abramoff Era

Anthony Papa
Drug Treatment isn't a Silver Bullet

Norman Solomon
The Big Guns of August

Website of the Day
Louie, Louie Video Contest

 

August 1, 2007

Debbie Nathan
More Secret Payments by Former NYT Reporter to Web Porn Star Surface in Nashville Courtroom

Fred Gardner
Ciao, Michelangelo

Gary Leupp
Why Iraq's Best-Loved Athlete Can't Go Home

David Rosen
America's Top 10 Political Sex Scandals

Winston Warfield
Is the Tillman Case Still a Coverup?

Daniel McBride
Lessons from Bomber Harris: If the US Strikes Pakistan

Glen Ford
The Corporate Plan to Crush Black Resistance

Thomas P. Healy
The Toxic Career of Indiana's Environmental Commissioner

John V. Whitbeck
The Five Percent Solution

David Krieger
Nuclear Weapons and the University of California

Website of the Day
The Tragic Story of Hisham Mohammed

 

July 31, 2007

Kathy Kelly
Dancing in the Darkness: the Story of Abu Mahmoud

Clancy Sigal
The Ghosts of Passchendaele

Paul Krassner
Assholes of the Week: From Baby Doll to Cheney

Joe DeRaymond
Return to the Republic of Death?

Diane Christian
"Winning": What Bush Could Learn from the Shade of Achilles

Chris Floyd
Good News is No News: Why the Bush Adm. Buries Accounts of Extremist Recantations

Ramzy Baroud
Bush's Real Agenda in Palestine

Alan Farago
Battle for the Soul of Florida

Fidel Castro
In Spite of Everything: Reflections on the Pan American Games

Dan Bacher
The Fish Terminator: Schwarzenegger's Campaign to Build the Delta Canal and More Dams

 

July 30, 2007

Marjorie Cohn: Independent Counsel Time

Patrick Cockburn
Four Million Iraqis on the Run

Peter Quinn
Irish in America

Uri Avnery
A Warning to Tony Blair

John Ross
Zapatista Intergalatica Lands on Earth

Ron Jacobs
Free the San Francisco 8

David Vest
Farewell, Old Friend: Another Legend of the Blues is Gone

Jeffrey St. Clair
T99 Nelson: Seduced by a Legend of the Blues

Website of the Day
Collateral Repair Project

 

July 28 / 29, 2007

Alexander Cockburn
Now the NYT is Selling "Bloodbath" as a Rationale to Stay in Iraq

Ralph Nader
Rotten Justice

Robert Fantina
American Lies and Iraqi Nationalism

Fred Gardner
Prohibitionists Attack, Reformers Fundraise

 

Yves Engler
Handwashing and the Bottomline

 

July 27, 2007

John Ross
Bombing Pemex--or Not?

Arthur Neslen
Gaza was a Gas for Blair

Dave Lindorff
Declaring the US a Battlefield: Martial Law is Now a Real Threat

Julene Blair
The Environmentalist Within

Christopher Brauchli
Bush Uses Children as Shock Troops in His War on Socialized Medicine

Jesse Hagopian
Fund the Wounded, Not the War

Charles Modiano
Manufacturing a Villain: Sports Illustrated's Vilification of Barry Bonds

Bill Day
The Hollow Environmentalism of Leonardo DiCaprio

Walter Brasch
Leaders Afraid to Lead

M.D. Mitchell
Farm Based Camps

Website of the Day
Fighting Sarcoma

 

July 26, 2007

Kathleen Christison
The Siren Song of Elliot Abrams

Andy Worthington
Why the Pentagon's Gitmo Study is a Joke

Clancy Chassay
How the Bush White House Seeks to Destroy Lebanon

Marjorie Cohn
Showdown Over Executive Privilege

Susie Day
Apartheid Americana

David Price
Tour de Witch Hunt: Drugs, Diaries and Purges

Marie Trigona
Argentina's "Dirty War" Crimes Trial: The Torturer Priest

Norman Solomon
Media Spin on Iraq: We're Leaving (Sort Of)

William S. Lind
How to Win in Iraq

Natsu Saito
Ward Churchill and the Regents at the University of Colorado

John Stauber
Netroots and the Iraq War: Does Ending It Matter to Them Anymore?

Website of the Day
Sticking It to the Man

 

July 25, 2007

Andy Worthington
Gains and Losses at Gitmo

Gary Leupp
Bush Speechwriter, Michael Gerson, Calls for Attack on Syria

Ray McGovern
The Sad Decline of John Conyers

Dr. Susan Block
Bonobo Bashing in the New Yorker

Joshua Frank
Hillary's Neocon: the Imperial Vision of Richard Holbrooke

Tina Richards
What Harry Reid Doesn't Know About His Own Bill

Ben Terrall
Indonesia's Bloody Brand of CounterTerrorism

Farzana Versey
God Acquitted!: Lessons from the Case of Darwood Ibrahim

Mohammad Ali Salih
A Bomb in My Briefcase?

Laura Carlsen
A Strange Homecoming: Reflections on the First US Social Forum

Ron Jacobs
Come to Kennebunkport!

Sunsara Taylor
Knocked Up is F**ked Up

Website of the Day
Wal-Mart's Flip Flops: Feet Killers


July 24, 2007

Saul Landau
How to Walk in Bushtime

Kathy Kelly
The Plight of Iraqi Refugees in Jordan

Russell Mokhiber
The Michael Vick / George Bush Thing

M. Shahid Alam
Islam Now, China Then

Patrick Cockburn and Anne Penketh
Meeting in Baghdad

Dave Lindorff
Overcoming John Conyers

Binoy Kampmark
You Tube You Can't: Failure of a Medium

Richard Neville
Murdoch's Transplant: a Warning to the Wall Street Journal

Cindy Sheehan
We Must Move Beyond Politics as Usual

Evelyn Pringle
Anti-Depressants and Birth Defects: Why is the CDC Downplaying the Risks?

Norman Solomon
Media Corrections We'd Like to See

CP Newswire
Reading Harry Potter Not Sinful

Website of the Day
Sea Islands Black Heritage Festival

 

July 23, 2007

Andy Worthington
Narcolepsy on Gitmo Detainees

Uri Avnery
A Trap for Fools

Patrick Cockburn
Turkish Prime Minister Threatens to Invade Northern Iraq

Sousan Hammad
The Children Without a Title

John Walsh
Todd Gitlin's Nader Fixation

Harvey Wasserman
Spinning Kashiwazaki: PR Flacks Rush to Aid of Crippled Nuke

Martha Rosenberg
The Life and Times of a Hog-Hanging Farmer

Collin Baber
Here Come the MRAPs: Resurrecting Apartheid Armor for Iraq

Reza Fiyouzat
Iran's Forgotten Anti-Nuke Movement

Stephen Lendman
Saving a President: Scare-Mongering and Executive Orders

Website of the Day
The Port Huron Project

 

July 21 / 22, 2007

Alexander Cockburn
Giuliani and the Dogs of War

Werther
How to Read a National Intelligence Estimate

Ralph Nader
Atomic Blowback

David Keen
Buy Hard: How to Sell an Endless War

Fred Gardner
Karl Rove, Pothead: When Good Drugs Happen to Bad People

Gary Leupp
Edelman's Edict: Is Hillary "Reinforcing Enemy Propaganda?"

Robert Fantina
Fear in Iraq

Saker
The Future of Palestine: an Interview with Jonathan Cook

Rannie Amiri
Nasrallah in the Crosshairs: How will the Third Lebanon War Start?

Mike Whitney
The Crisis in Hedgistan

Dr. Susan Rosenthal, MD
The Hidden Injuries of Powerlessness: Linking Alienation and Dissociation

Monica Benderman
Facing the Truth

Dan Bacher
Deltagate: the Politics of Fish Kills

Michael Baney
Fujimori's Long Race From Justice

Missy Beattie
Here, There and Everywhere

Ron Jacobs
Tremble, Tyrants

Adam Engel
Radical Language: an Introduction

Thomas Naylor
California Split: an Open Letter to Schwarzenegger

Poets' Basement
Landau, Ford and Engel

Website of the Weekend
Surge in Action

 

July 20, 2007

Eliza Szabo
Fatal Neglect: Civilian Casualties in Afghanistan

Pam Martens
Doctoring the News: CNN's Sanjay Gupta, Laura Bush and Merck

Alan Farago
Winners and Losers in the Housing Market Crash

Harvey Wasserman
Lies and Leaks: The Earthquake That Screamed "No Nukes!"

Marjorie Cohn
Iraqis will be the Deciders

Dave Zirin
White Noise and the Black Athlete

Anthony DiMaggio
American Public Opinion and Israel

Scott Liebertz
Oaxaca on Edge

Linn Washington, Jr.
British Cops Assault Rape Allegations

Bill Piper / Anthony Papa
Flying High?: The Political Junkets of Bush's Drug Czar

Ramzy Baroud
Bush's War Policy: When Time Heals Nothing

Website of the Day
The Prankster Art of Mark Jenkins

 

July 19, 2007

Patrick Cockburn
The Next Invasion of Iraq

Remi Kanazi
Is This Ben Gurion or Hell?: a Palestinian Adventure Through Israel's Largest Airport

Winslow T. Wheeler
The Surging Costs of the Iraq War

Sharon Smith
Democrats and Health Care: Behind the Rhetoric

Dave Lindorff
Killing Cabbies in Iraq

Conn Hallinan
Have Gun, Will Travel: Mercenaries in Iraq and Afghanistan

D. K. Wilson
The Michael Vick Case Pulls Back the Veil on Who We Really Are

Joshua Frank
Democrats as Leviathan: Another Step Toward War with Iran

Norman Solomon
The Ghost of Wayne Morse

Russell Hoffman
Rattling the Reactor: Quakes, Fires and Leaks at the World's Largest Nuke

Ray McGovern
Bush's Wooden Headedness Kills

Website of the Day
Protesting Power


July 18, 2007

Brenda Norrell
Spy Towers on the US Border

Col. Dan Smith
How the US Could "Lose" Saudi Arabia

Martha Rosenberg
Lord of Crookharbour: the Trial of Conrad Black

Conn Hallinan
Bombing and Spraying Afghanistan

Binoy Kampmark
The SIM Card Terror Case

Patrick Bond /
Rehana Dada

Who Killed Sajida Khan?

Tom Johnson
The Long Road ... to Nowhere

Paul Craig Roberts
A Free Press or a Ministry of Truth?

Bob Quellos
Pushing the Poor Out of House and Home

Felice Pace
Falling for Lieberman's Iran Resolution

Robert Weissman
National Health Insurance: More Humane and More Efficient

CP Newswire
Shocking Report Showing Involvement of US Psychologists in Torture

Website of the Day
Gilad Atzmon Live!

 

July 17, 2007

Patrick Cockburn
Just Another Day in Iraq: 100 Fathers, Mothers and Children Killed

Marjorie Cohn
Out of Control: Executive Power Plays

Evelyn Pringle
Inside Bush's FDA

David Rosen
Moral Hypocrisy on the Hill: the Christian Right, Sexual Scandal and the Pleasures of the Courtesan

Susan Miller
Width Matters: Displacement and Israel's Wall

Franklin Lamb
Did the UN Cave to Israel on Lebanon's Shabaa Farms?

Don Monkerud
Considering Victory in Iraq

Harvey Wasserman
Nuclear Surge

Russell Hoffman
Japan Dodges a Radioactive Bullet

Dave Lindorff
Feingold Turns to Dross

Dave Zirin
Reclaiming Sports as True Fiction

Website of the Day
Che at the UN: 1964

 

July 16, 2007

Gary Leupp
Cheney Urges Bush to Strike Iran

Ellen Cantarow
The Untold Story of Iraqi Women

Paul Craig Roberts
Impeach Now

Allan J. Lichtman
The D.C. Madam's Public Service

Dan Bacher
Cheney and the Klamath: Was the Veep Behind the Nation's Worst Salmon Kill?

Patrick Cockburn
The Killing of Khalid W. Hassan

Manuel Garcia, Jr.
Property is Racism

James Brooks
AIPAC and Mahmoud Abbas: the Undemocratic Road to Defeat

Liaquat Ali Khan
The Judicial Crisis in Pakistan

Julie Flint
Suleiman Jamous in Limbo

Website of the Day
Free Suleiman Jamous!

 

July 14 / 15. 2007

Alexander Cockburn
Support Their Troops?

Andy Worthington
Gitmo's Tangled Web: Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, Majhid Khan, Dubious US Convictions and a Dying Man

Ralph Nader
Lawlessness, Waste and Incompetence

Robert Fantina
The Illegalities of the Iraq War

Ron Jacobs
Architecture as Military Strategy

Joshua Frank
Eat, Fight, Screw, Pray: An Interview with Joe Bageant

Conn Hallinan
Guns, Foundations and Free Trade: How the Right Targets Africa

Dr. Susan Rosenthal, MD
War and Dissociation

John Ross
No En Nuestro Nombre!: a Letter to the Mexican Antiwar Movement

Fred Gardner
Who's Afraid of Cannabidiol?

Rannie Amiri
A Primer on Israeli Doublespeak

Charles Modiano
ESPN's Rap Sheet: Pacman as Black Man

Anthony DiMaggio
America's Parochial Press

China Hand
Executive Orders and Coercive Diplomacy

Missy Comley Beattie
Reprobate Rhetoricians

Dr. James J. Murtagh, Jr.
Harry Potter Battles Big Brother

Kenneth Rexroth
On Thomas More's "Utopia"

Poets' Basement
Engel, Davies and Orloski

Website of the Weekend
GOP Sex Hypocrites: a Slideshow

 

 

Weekend Edition
August 11 / 12, 2007

Destination Darfur

A New Cold War Over Oil

By VIJAY PRASHAD

In February, George W. Bush announced the creation of a new unified combatant command for Africa. After several years of deliberation, the Pentagon finally agreed to create the African Command (AFRICOM), which will relieve the European Command (EUCOM) and the Central Command (CENTCOM), which earlier shared responsibility for Africa.

In July, Bush appointed General William “Kip” Ward to run AFRICOM, which will be based in Germany until it finds an African home (Liberia, home to an Omega surveillance system from 1976 to 1997, is openly lobbying to play host). Sensitive to criticism that AFRICOM seeks military solutions to African problems, the U.S. Assistant Secretary of Defense for African Affairs, Theresa Whelan, said, “Africa Command is not going to reflect a U.S. intent to engage kinetically in Africa. This is about prevention. This isn’t about fighting wars.”

Navy Rear Admiral Robert Moeller, who led the Africa Command Implementation Planning Team, pointed out that “the increasing importance of the continent to the U.S.,” particularly on strategic and economic grounds, makes this development necessary. The proximate issues used to push for AFRICOM were the ongoing crisis in Darfur and the failure of the U.S. to act in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda.

And the less-talked-about issue is the importance of African resources for the U.S. economy and for multinational corporations. Oil is, of course, a central character in this story.

* * *

In September 2002, The New York Times ran an article with a telling headline, “In Courting Africa, U.S. likes the Dowry: Oil”. The article quoted then Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham, who said, “Energy from Africa plays an increasingly important role in our energy security.” The following year, a senior Pentagon official told The Wall Street Journal, “A key mission for U.S. forces [in Africa] would be to ensure that Nigeria’s oilfields, which in the future could account for as much as 25 per cent of all U.S. oil imports, are secure.” This figure comes from the National Intelligence Council’s report of 2000 (when the U.S. imported 16 per cent of its oil needs from sub-Saharan Africa).

Since 9/11, the urgency of a stable source of oil has increased. Historian John Ghazvinian’s new book, Untapped: The Scramble for Africa’s Oil, points out that not only is African oil  of high quality, but it bears other significant political advantages: most African countries are not Organizations of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) members, their oil is not owned by powerful state oil companies, and the oil is largely offshore, which means “that even if a civil war or violent insurrection breaks out onshore [always a concern in Africa], the oil companies can continue to pump out oil with little likelihood of sabotage, banditry or nationalist fervor getting in the way.”

Eighty per cent of the oil reserves discovered between 2001 and 2004 come from West Africa, where the U.S. currently procures only 12 per cent of its total supply. West Africa is a crucial site for U.S. interests, so much so that the U.S. is willing to be openly hypocritical about its promotion of democracy and human rights when it comes to the region.

In April 2006, U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice warmly welcomed her “special friend”, Equatorial Guinea’s man of all seasons and many decades, Teodoro Obiang. Her own department annually chastises Obiang’s regime for corruption, human rights violations and electoral fraud. Despite being home to some of the poorest people in Africa, Equatorial Guinea is the third largest oil producer in the continent, whose oil the U.S. government hopes will flow across the Atlantic to power the U.S. The U.S. has been loath to put pressure on Nigeria for the very same reasons.

For decades, the oil regions in West Africa have been “swamps of insurgency” (as the International Crisis Group put it in a 2006 report). Wars in the Niger Delta, for instance, claim lives and communities, as well as barrels of oil. Both the Nigerian and U.S. governments are concerned about “resource control”, and it has been the task of the Nigerian military to clamp down on dissent. Resource wars in the Congo (over diamonds and coltan) and in West Africa (over oil) have set the continent on fire. The U.S. has thus far engaged with these conflicts through Africa’s national armies, who have increasingly become the praetorian guards of large corporations. None of this can be justified directly as protection of the extraction of resources, so it has increasingly been couched in the language of the War on Terror.

The Pan-Sahel Initiative (created in 2002) draws U.S. Special Operations Forces to Chad, Mali, Mauritania and Niger. In 2004, the U.S. extended this to the major oil-producing countries of Algeria, Nigeria, Senegal and Tunisia and renamed it the Trans-Sahara Counter-Terrorism Initiative (TSCTI). After 9/11, the U.S. moved a Special Operations Force into a former French Foreign Legion base, Camp Lemonier, in Djibouti. In July 2003, the U.S. earned the right to deploy P-3 Orion aerial surveillance aircraft in Tamanrasset, Algeria. Under the guise of the War on Terror, the U.S. government moved forces into various parts of Africa, where they trained African armies and have been able to intervene in the increasingly dangerous resource wars.

If the U.S. government is quieter in its approach, right-wing think tanks in the U.S. feel no such compunction. The Heritage Foundation lobbied for the creation of AFRICOM for several years, and arguably its work moved Donald Rumsfeld to consider an African Command. In a 2003 study entitled “U.S. Military Assistance for Africa: A Better Solution”, the Heritage Foundation argued: “Creating an African Command would go a long way towards turning the Bush Administration’s well-aimed strategic priorities for Africa into a reality.” Rather than engage Africa diplomatically, it is better to be diplomatic through the barrel of a gun. “America must not be afraid to employ its forces decisively when vital national interests are threatened,” the study said. Nevertheless, the U.S. will not need always to send its own soldiers. “A sub-unified command for Africa would give the U.S. military an instrument with which to engage effectively in the continent and reduce the potential that America might have to intervene directly.” AFRICOM would analyze intelligence, work “closely with civil-military leaders”, coordinate training and conduct joint exercises. In other words, the U.S. would make the friendly African military forces “inter-operatable” not only with U.S. hardware but also with U.S. interests. When AFRICOM became a reality, Heritage’s Brett Schaefer welcomed the “long overdue” move.

* * * 

At a May gathering of African leaders in Shanghai, the Chinese government promised $20 billion for the continent’s development. Madagascar’s President Marc Ravalomanana enthusiastically said, “We in Africa must learn from your success.” In January, the Chinese Foreign Ministry released a White Paper that pointed out that unlike U.S. and European investment, Chinese finance for Africa would be driven by equity and sustainable development. Technology transfer, the entry of African goods into the Chinese market without barriers, and the entry of Chinese finance for development projects are the main elements of the Chinese strategy (also the main features of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation and the Addis Ababa Action Plan of 2004-06). With the U.S. and European aid at a low point and with resistance from the U.S. and Europe to compromise on the debt burden of African states, the Chinese proposal was welcomed in many parts of Africa.

But in Washington, among the U.S. establishment’s strategic planners (such as those in the Heritage Foundation), China’s entry into Africa has provoked concern. For people in the Heritage Foundation and in the White House, AFRICOM is as much a response to China as it is to the increased anti-terrorist efforts in the continent.

China is not in Africa for altruistic reasons. A quarter of China’s crude oil imports already come from Africa. African governments are well aware of the competition between the US and China, and they have used that standoff to their partial advantage (when the U.S. would not act fast enough to get Nigeria’s armed forces 200 patrol boats and funds, the Nigerian government turned to China).

A new Cold War over oil has begun in Africa, but the new players are the U.S. (as the face of global oil corporations) and China. The U.S. government’s response has not been able to match the Chinese initiative dollar for dollar, partly because it cannot. Instead, the U.S. government has gone after China for its dealings with the government of Sudan. China promised to invest $10 billion in Sudan, and it currently purchases 70 per cent of Sudanese oil (U.S.-based oil firms cannot trade with Sudan as a result of an embargo in force since 1997). The price for this oil is greater, however, than money.

China blocked votes in the United Nations Security Council on the ongoing violence in Darfur, although global pressure has now forced Beijing to appoint a special envoy to Darfur and put some modest pressure on Khartoum. The close relationship between the US and the leaders of Equatorial Guinea or Nigeria is repellent but not half as dubious as that between the Chinese and Sudanese governments. The U.S. government has, therefore, a potent weapon to wield against Beijing’s claim to be in favor of African development.

* * *

Since 1984-85, the western Sudanese province of Darfur has been in a prolonged crisis. The drought of those years made it hard for pastoralists to find grazing ground for their camel herds. Battles over land went on for two decades before an embattled and split Islamist government in Khartoum armed the most impoverished of the tribes (who had begun to regain their self-respect through a virulently supremacist ideology promoted by a group called Tajamu al Arabi, or the Arab Gathering).

These tribes began an onslaught against their settled neighbors, with Khartoum’s support. In a few years over a million people were driven out of their homes to neighboring Chad (the U.N. estimates that around 70,000 have been killed). (These numbers, incidentally, are dwarfed by the death toll and the population displacement forced by the U.S. occupation of Iraq.) The U.N. called the Sudan situation a “crime against humanity”, while the U.S., uncharacteristically, labeled it genocide. For a while the African Union was able to stabilize the situation, although it did not succeed in crafting a political solution to the problem. The African Union, created in 1999, has neither the financial ability to pay its troops nor the logistical capacity to do the job. The European Union, which paid the troops’ salaries, began to withhold funds on grounds of accountability, and this gradually killed off the peacekeeping operations.

Professor Mahmood Mamdani of Columbia University (one of the world’s leading experts on contemporary Africa), says of this: “There is a concerted attempt being made to shift the political control of any intervention force inside Darfur from inside Africa to outside Africa”. In other words, the U.S. and Europe are eager to control the dynamics of what happens in Africa and not allow an indigenous, inter-state agency to gain either the experience this would provide or the respect it would gain if it succeeds. The African Union has been undermined so that only the U.S. can appear as the savior of the beleaguered people of Darfur, and elsewhere.

Meanwhile, it suits the U.S. that the campaigns to save the people of Darfur concentrate on the role of China and on what is often framed as an “Arab” assault on “Africans.” The Save Darfur Coalition in the U.S., for instance, has a report on the “Deadly Partnership” between Sudan and China but says nothing of the role of the U.S. in undermining the African Union’s attempts. The Coalition is more sophisticated than can fit into the Arab-African stereotypes, but its members include groups that are less careful (the Vishwa Hindu Parishad of America, for instance, is an organizational member; it has not yet tried to distance itself from its parent organization's role in the Gujarat pogroms).

The Save Darfur Coalition, which is the largest U.S. umbrella organization, was formed in 2004 through the work of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum and the American Jewish World Service. People who have been motivated by the efforts of the group are aware of what is happening in Darfur. This is a worthwhile goal, particularly if it is able to bring a ceasefire and an eventual peace settlement in Darfur. But, the movement seems to have no viable strategy to do this beyond putting pressure on China and pleading with the U.S. government to take “tough” stands against Khartoum. The complexity on the ground is irrelevant.

The heads of the Save Darfur Coalition and the Genocide Intervention Network (set up by the Center for American Progress) are all liberal Democrats who played some kind of a role in the Bill Clinton administration. The Darfur campaign enables them to distance themselves from the excesses of the Bush regime and yet preserve an essential element of the Clinton foreign policy arsenal, “humanitarian intervention” (as in the Kosovo war of 1999). For that reason, these groups have begun to offer the slogan, “Out of Iraq and Into Darfur”. At a forum in New York City on July 15, a young woman asked why the U.S. could not use its superior firepower to defeat the Janjaweed in Sudan. At the same event, the documentary film The Devil Came on Horseback shows the former U.S. Marine Brian Steidle photograph a band of Janjaweed militia leave a village and wish he could exchange his telephoto lens for a gun-scope to “end it now”. Private mercenary armies such as the International Peace Operations Association and DynCorp International clamor to cross the Chad border and conduct operations against the Janjaweed.

The language of “no-fly zones” and sanctions is not only in the air, but it is close to becoming a reality. The New York Times’ Nicholas D. Kristof, on July 16, called for the creation of a U.S.-run “no-fly zone” over Darfur, which would be an entry point into the militarization of the response to what is, by the authority of the African Union and Human Rights Watch, a messy political situation (the rebel groups have split up and are themselves attacking humanitarian workers).

In May, Bush unilaterally implemented tighter economic sanctions, and promised to move another Security Council resolution. That the first head of AFRICOM is the former commander of the battalion that led Operation Restore Hope in Somalia in 1993 is an ominous sign. Would a cruise missile strike on Khartoum (a replay of 1998) and an invasion of Darfur create a solution to the current crisis, or would it only create an Iraq in Africa?

Vijay Prashad teaches at Trinity College, Hartford, CT. He can be reached at: vijay.prashad@trincoll.edu

This article originally ran in Frontline (Chennai, India).

 





 



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