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Here’s the second in Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair’s series as they describe Hillary Clinton’s years in Little Rock and her narrow escape from federal charges that would have destroyed her political career for ever.PLUS KEVIN ALEXANDER GRAY on how Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama and John Edwards are failing Black America even as they hunt for votes in South Carolina’s “Black Primary.” Get your copy today by subscribing online or calling 1-800-840-3683 Remember contributions to CounterPunch are tax--deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now

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"Imperial Crusades: a Diary of Three Wars" by Cockburn and St. Clair

Today's Stories

August 4 / 5, 2007

Alan Farago
The Candidates and the Collapsing Economy

Dave Zirin
When Domes Attack: Even in Minnesota

Anthony DiMaggio
Double Standards in U.S. Aid to the Middle East

Nicola Nasser
The Iranian Option

 

August 3, 2007

Gabriel Matthew Schivone
An Interview with Noam Chomsky on Responsibility, War Guilt and Intellectuals

Jonathan Cook
Israel's Jewish Problem in Tehran

Patrick Cockburn
Sunnis Walk Out of Iraq Government

Little Steven Van Zandt
Die, Greedy Swine! Die! Die!: How the Record Companies are Killing Rock Music

Christopher Brauchli
Bush Makes Putin Look Like James Madison

D. K. Wilson
Two Sides and a Middle: Michael Vick Ain't the One to Ask

Linda Ford and Ira Glunts
Maxwell's Silver Hammer: Syracuse University Enlists in the Global War on Terror

Kelly Overton
The Casualties of Green Scare: the Feds' War on the Animal Rights Mvt.

Monica Benderman
In Freedom's Name

Manuel Garcia, Jr.
Minneapolis Bridge Collapse: Was Cheney at the Scene?

Website of the Day
A Cinematic Look at the Police State in Action

 

August 2, 2007

Paul Craig Roberts
The Return of the Robber Barons

Stanley Heller
Report from the Land of Apartheid

Eric Ruder
Fighting PTSD; Fighting the Army

Robert Fantina
Still Getting It Wrong: the NYT and Iraq

Alan Farago
The Toxic Mortgage Waste Crisis

Chris Floyd
Chertoff, Chiquita and Death Squads

Franklin Lamb
Lebanon's Crucial Special Elections

Sen. Russ Feingold
Closing the Book on the Abramoff Era

Anthony Papa
Drug Treatment isn't a Silver Bullet

Norman Solomon
The Big Guns of August

Website of the Day
Louie, Louie Video Contest

 

August 1, 2007

Debbie Nathan
More Secret Payments by Former NYT Reporter to Web Porn Star Surface in Nashville Courtroom

Fred Gardner
Ciao, Michelangelo

Gary Leupp
Why Iraq's Best-Loved Athlete Can't Go Home

David Rosen
America's Top 10 Political Sex Scandals

Winston Warfield
Is the Tillman Case Still a Coverup?

Daniel McBride
Lessons from Bomber Harris: If the US Strikes Pakistan

Glen Ford
The Corporate Plan to Crush Black Resistance

Thomas P. Healy
The Toxic Career of Indiana's Environmental Commissioner

John V. Whitbeck
The Five Percent Solution

David Krieger
Nuclear Weapons and the University of California

Website of the Day
The Tragic Story of Hisham Mohammed

 

July 31, 2007

Kathy Kelly
Dancing in the Darkness: the Story of Abu Mahmoud

Clancy Sigal
The Ghosts of Passchendaele

Paul Krassner
Assholes of the Week: From Baby Doll to Cheney

Joe DeRaymond
Return to the Republic of Death?

Diane Christian
"Winning": What Bush Could Learn from the Shade of Achilles

Chris Floyd
Good News is No News: Why the Bush Adm. Buries Accounts of Extremist Recantations

Ramzy Baroud
Bush's Real Agenda in Palestine

Alan Farago
Battle for the Soul of Florida

Fidel Castro
In Spite of Everything: Reflections on the Pan American Games

Dan Bacher
The Fish Terminator: Schwarzenegger's Campaign to Build the Delta Canal and More Dams

 

July 30, 2007

Marjorie Cohn: Independent Counsel Time

Patrick Cockburn
Four Million Iraqis on the Run

Peter Quinn
Irish in America

Uri Avnery
A Warning to Tony Blair

John Ross
Zapatista Intergalatica Lands on Earth

Ron Jacobs
Free the San Francisco 8

David Vest
Farewell, Old Friend: Another Legend of the Blues is Gone

Jeffrey St. Clair
T99 Nelson: Seduced by a Legend of the Blues

Website of the Day
Collateral Repair Project

 

July 28 / 29, 2007

Alexander Cockburn
Now the NYT is Selling "Bloodbath" as a Rationale to Stay in Iraq

Ralph Nader
Rotten Justice

Robert Fantina
American Lies and Iraqi Nationalism

Fred Gardner
Prohibitionists Attack, Reformers Fundraise

 

Yves Engler
Handwashing and the Bottomline

 

July 27, 2007

John Ross
Bombing Pemex--or Not?

Arthur Neslen
Gaza was a Gas for Blair

Dave Lindorff
Declaring the US a Battlefield: Martial Law is Now a Real Threat

Julene Blair
The Environmentalist Within

Christopher Brauchli
Bush Uses Children as Shock Troops in His War on Socialized Medicine

Jesse Hagopian
Fund the Wounded, Not the War

Charles Modiano
Manufacturing a Villain: Sports Illustrated's Vilification of Barry Bonds

Bill Day
The Hollow Environmentalism of Leonardo DiCaprio

Walter Brasch
Leaders Afraid to Lead

M.D. Mitchell
Farm Based Camps

Website of the Day
Fighting Sarcoma

 

July 26, 2007

Kathleen Christison
The Siren Song of Elliot Abrams

Andy Worthington
Why the Pentagon's Gitmo Study is a Joke

Clancy Chassay
How the Bush White House Seeks to Destroy Lebanon

Marjorie Cohn
Showdown Over Executive Privilege

Susie Day
Apartheid Americana

David Price
Tour de Witch Hunt: Drugs, Diaries and Purges

Marie Trigona
Argentina's "Dirty War" Crimes Trial: The Torturer Priest

Norman Solomon
Media Spin on Iraq: We're Leaving (Sort Of)

William S. Lind
How to Win in Iraq

Natsu Saito
Ward Churchill and the Regents at the University of Colorado

John Stauber
Netroots and the Iraq War: Does Ending It Matter to Them Anymore?

Website of the Day
Sticking It to the Man

 

July 25, 2007

Andy Worthington
Gains and Losses at Gitmo

Gary Leupp
Bush Speechwriter, Michael Gerson, Calls for Attack on Syria

Ray McGovern
The Sad Decline of John Conyers

Dr. Susan Block
Bonobo Bashing in the New Yorker

Joshua Frank
Hillary's Neocon: the Imperial Vision of Richard Holbrooke

Tina Richards
What Harry Reid Doesn't Know About His Own Bill

Ben Terrall
Indonesia's Bloody Brand of CounterTerrorism

Farzana Versey
God Acquitted!: Lessons from the Case of Darwood Ibrahim

Mohammad Ali Salih
A Bomb in My Briefcase?

Laura Carlsen
A Strange Homecoming: Reflections on the First US Social Forum

Ron Jacobs
Come to Kennebunkport!

Sunsara Taylor
Knocked Up is F**ked Up

Website of the Day
Wal-Mart's Flip Flops: Feet Killers


July 24, 2007

Saul Landau
How to Walk in Bushtime

Kathy Kelly
The Plight of Iraqi Refugees in Jordan

Russell Mokhiber
The Michael Vick / George Bush Thing

M. Shahid Alam
Islam Now, China Then

Patrick Cockburn and Anne Penketh
Meeting in Baghdad

Dave Lindorff
Overcoming John Conyers

Binoy Kampmark
You Tube You Can't: Failure of a Medium

Richard Neville
Murdoch's Transplant: a Warning to the Wall Street Journal

Cindy Sheehan
We Must Move Beyond Politics as Usual

Evelyn Pringle
Anti-Depressants and Birth Defects: Why is the CDC Downplaying the Risks?

Norman Solomon
Media Corrections We'd Like to See

CP Newswire
Reading Harry Potter Not Sinful

Website of the Day
Sea Islands Black Heritage Festival

 

July 23, 2007

Andy Worthington
Narcolepsy on Gitmo Detainees

Uri Avnery
A Trap for Fools

Patrick Cockburn
Turkish Prime Minister Threatens to Invade Northern Iraq

Sousan Hammad
The Children Without a Title

John Walsh
Todd Gitlin's Nader Fixation

Harvey Wasserman
Spinning Kashiwazaki: PR Flacks Rush to Aid of Crippled Nuke

Martha Rosenberg
The Life and Times of a Hog-Hanging Farmer

Collin Baber
Here Come the MRAPs: Resurrecting Apartheid Armor for Iraq

Reza Fiyouzat
Iran's Forgotten Anti-Nuke Movement

Stephen Lendman
Saving a President: Scare-Mongering and Executive Orders

Website of the Day
The Port Huron Project

 

July 21 / 22, 2007

Alexander Cockburn
Giuliani and the Dogs of War

Werther
How to Read a National Intelligence Estimate

Ralph Nader
Atomic Blowback

David Keen
Buy Hard: How to Sell an Endless War

Fred Gardner
Karl Rove, Pothead: When Good Drugs Happen to Bad People

Gary Leupp
Edelman's Edict: Is Hillary "Reinforcing Enemy Propaganda?"

Robert Fantina
Fear in Iraq

Saker
The Future of Palestine: an Interview with Jonathan Cook

Rannie Amiri
Nasrallah in the Crosshairs: How will the Third Lebanon War Start?

Mike Whitney
The Crisis in Hedgistan

Dr. Susan Rosenthal, MD
The Hidden Injuries of Powerlessness: Linking Alienation and Dissociation

Monica Benderman
Facing the Truth

Dan Bacher
Deltagate: the Politics of Fish Kills

Michael Baney
Fujimori's Long Race From Justice

Missy Beattie
Here, There and Everywhere

Ron Jacobs
Tremble, Tyrants

Adam Engel
Radical Language: an Introduction

Thomas Naylor
California Split: an Open Letter to Schwarzenegger

Poets' Basement
Landau, Ford and Engel

Website of the Weekend
Surge in Action

 

July 20, 2007

Eliza Szabo
Fatal Neglect: Civilian Casualties in Afghanistan

Pam Martens
Doctoring the News: CNN's Sanjay Gupta, Laura Bush and Merck

Alan Farago
Winners and Losers in the Housing Market Crash

Harvey Wasserman
Lies and Leaks: The Earthquake That Screamed "No Nukes!"

Marjorie Cohn
Iraqis will be the Deciders

Dave Zirin
White Noise and the Black Athlete

Anthony DiMaggio
American Public Opinion and Israel

Scott Liebertz
Oaxaca on Edge

Linn Washington, Jr.
British Cops Assault Rape Allegations

Bill Piper / Anthony Papa
Flying High?: The Political Junkets of Bush's Drug Czar

Ramzy Baroud
Bush's War Policy: When Time Heals Nothing

Website of the Day
The Prankster Art of Mark Jenkins

 

July 19, 2007

Patrick Cockburn
The Next Invasion of Iraq

Remi Kanazi
Is This Ben Gurion or Hell?: a Palestinian Adventure Through Israel's Largest Airport

Winslow T. Wheeler
The Surging Costs of the Iraq War

Sharon Smith
Democrats and Health Care: Behind the Rhetoric

Dave Lindorff
Killing Cabbies in Iraq

Conn Hallinan
Have Gun, Will Travel: Mercenaries in Iraq and Afghanistan

D. K. Wilson
The Michael Vick Case Pulls Back the Veil on Who We Really Are

Joshua Frank
Democrats as Leviathan: Another Step Toward War with Iran

Norman Solomon
The Ghost of Wayne Morse

Russell Hoffman
Rattling the Reactor: Quakes, Fires and Leaks at the World's Largest Nuke

Ray McGovern
Bush's Wooden Headedness Kills

Website of the Day
Protesting Power


July 18, 2007

Brenda Norrell
Spy Towers on the US Border

Col. Dan Smith
How the US Could "Lose" Saudi Arabia

Martha Rosenberg
Lord of Crookharbour: the Trial of Conrad Black

Conn Hallinan
Bombing and Spraying Afghanistan

Binoy Kampmark
The SIM Card Terror Case

Patrick Bond /
Rehana Dada

Who Killed Sajida Khan?

Tom Johnson
The Long Road ... to Nowhere

Paul Craig Roberts
A Free Press or a Ministry of Truth?

Bob Quellos
Pushing the Poor Out of House and Home

Felice Pace
Falling for Lieberman's Iran Resolution

Robert Weissman
National Health Insurance: More Humane and More Efficient

CP Newswire
Shocking Report Showing Involvement of US Psychologists in Torture

Website of the Day
Gilad Atzmon Live!

 

July 17, 2007

Patrick Cockburn
Just Another Day in Iraq: 100 Fathers, Mothers and Children Killed

Marjorie Cohn
Out of Control: Executive Power Plays

Evelyn Pringle
Inside Bush's FDA

David Rosen
Moral Hypocrisy on the Hill: the Christian Right, Sexual Scandal and the Pleasures of the Courtesan

Susan Miller
Width Matters: Displacement and Israel's Wall

Franklin Lamb
Did the UN Cave to Israel on Lebanon's Shabaa Farms?

Don Monkerud
Considering Victory in Iraq

Harvey Wasserman
Nuclear Surge

Russell Hoffman
Japan Dodges a Radioactive Bullet

Dave Lindorff
Feingold Turns to Dross

Dave Zirin
Reclaiming Sports as True Fiction

Website of the Day
Che at the UN: 1964

 

July 16, 2007

Gary Leupp
Cheney Urges Bush to Strike Iran

Ellen Cantarow
The Untold Story of Iraqi Women

Paul Craig Roberts
Impeach Now

Allan J. Lichtman
The D.C. Madam's Public Service

Dan Bacher
Cheney and the Klamath: Was the Veep Behind the Nation's Worst Salmon Kill?

Patrick Cockburn
The Killing of Khalid W. Hassan

Manuel Garcia, Jr.
Property is Racism

James Brooks
AIPAC and Mahmoud Abbas: the Undemocratic Road to Defeat

Liaquat Ali Khan
The Judicial Crisis in Pakistan

Julie Flint
Suleiman Jamous in Limbo

Website of the Day
Free Suleiman Jamous!

 

July 14 / 15. 2007

Alexander Cockburn
Support Their Troops?

Andy Worthington
Gitmo's Tangled Web: Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, Majhid Khan, Dubious US Convictions and a Dying Man

Ralph Nader
Lawlessness, Waste and Incompetence

Robert Fantina
The Illegalities of the Iraq War

Ron Jacobs
Architecture as Military Strategy

Joshua Frank
Eat, Fight, Screw, Pray: An Interview with Joe Bageant

Conn Hallinan
Guns, Foundations and Free Trade: How the Right Targets Africa

Dr. Susan Rosenthal, MD
War and Dissociation

John Ross
No En Nuestro Nombre!: a Letter to the Mexican Antiwar Movement

Fred Gardner
Who's Afraid of Cannabidiol?

Rannie Amiri
A Primer on Israeli Doublespeak

Charles Modiano
ESPN's Rap Sheet: Pacman as Black Man

Anthony DiMaggio
America's Parochial Press

China Hand
Executive Orders and Coercive Diplomacy

Missy Comley Beattie
Reprobate Rhetoricians

Dr. James J. Murtagh, Jr.
Harry Potter Battles Big Brother

Kenneth Rexroth
On Thomas More's "Utopia"

Poets' Basement
Engel, Davies and Orloski

Website of the Weekend
GOP Sex Hypocrites: a Slideshow

 

 

Weekend Edition
August 4 / 5, 2007

The New APPO, Elections, a Questionable Guerrilla Groups and the Threat of Forgetfulness

Oaxaca is Not Over

By BARUCHA CALAMITY PELLER

"Don't let another six months go by before the world turns around and sees Oaxaca again."

-APPO representative Eric.

Has the world forgotten about Oaxaca?

Political activity, from repression to organizing, is still just as present as when the Oaxaca uprising was visible in the streets, but with the appearance of normalcy in Oaxaca City it seems that many of us have begun the process of forgetting or assuming that the Oaxaca struggle is over.

Walking on the streets of Oaxaca it is indeed hard for the untrained eye to see the continuing struggle for autonomy.

The tourists have returned, the graffiti has been painted over, and the barricades are a burning memory. And perhaps it is a failure that on the left we need dramatic events and repression in order to recognize important political transformation, and in this sense we become part of the dangerous process of forgetting.

But the Oaxaca movement was never defined by the presence of the barricades, by media takeovers, by occupations and sit-ins. Within and without the popular assemblies and the political bodies of the movement the Oaxaca popular rebellion has always been a spirit -- something that lives in the conscience of everyone who passes through or has sucked in a breath in Oaxaca.

Some think that the Oaxaca movement grew sick from repression and died, when in fact it continues to live and struggle. Just like the Zapatistas had a long period of silence so has the Oaxaca struggle taken its time to reflect and understand itself, and within the apparent quiet is a storm of organizing and transformation.

Oaxaca is bracing itself for the upcoming state legislative elections on Sunday August 5, which are surrounded by tension. The recent heavy activity of a questionable guerrilla group has only added to the mood. All the while, the APPO continues to change its profile, and the Oaxaca uprising a year later is continues to development into a political force.

The APPO Then, the Many APPOs of Now

This weekend, the 3rd and 4th of July, a large section of the APPO (the Popular Assembly of the People of Oaxaca) is in Mexico City enacting the Popular Political Judgment, bringing forth documentation of repression by the Mexican state to demand punishment for Oaxaca governor Ulises Ruiz and others responsible for the grave human rights abuses in Oaxaca and throughout Mexico.

Meanwhile, the APPO as a political body is split in many directions, and out of this split the process of moving towards autonomy while dissenting with the status quo of the organization of the movement continues. In fact the movement is morphing and turning itself inside out.

The Oaxaca movement from the beginning acted without the direction of the provisional APPO leadership, and many actions, such as the construction of the thousands of barricades in the state capital, Oaxaca City, the radio and television takeovers, and the occupations of public spaces were taken by the people themselves and did not reflect a decision of the APPO.

Until mid-November the APPO was officially defined as a body with representatives from 350 social organizations, many of which were vertical organizations that in of themselves only represented a small section of the Oaxacan people.

The APPO congress in November bought together over 200 representatives from all over the state and the provisional APPO leadership was more or less dissolved. Yet due to the repression in the aftermath of the November 25 street battle between protesters and Preventive Federal Police that led to a siege by federal and state forces on the capital and forced much of the movement to go into hiding, the APPO representatives to the APPO from all over the state have been unable to meet.

Yet the movement has not stopped. The movement has grown and began to spread out, and instead of becoming dispersed it has become more organized within it's own decentralization.

Although the centralized, almost "formal" APPO of representatives and social organizations still exist, another phenomenon is visible-the ever-increasing number of popular assemblies throughout the capital city and throughout the state. In Oaxaca City there are 71 neighborhood assemblies, calling themselves the APCO (Popular Assemblies of the Colonias de Oaxaca).

Throughout the state the number of local and regional popular assemblies is on the rise, and there have been many new collectives formed everywhere.

Criticisms towards the APPO consejal (the central directed body of representatives) have contributed largely to the decentralized aspect of the movement and have played a large role in the form in which people are reorganizing.

Many sectors of the movement, such as the students, women, youth, neighborhood groups, and even some NGOs, distrust a democratic centralism and became disillusioned with the representative system and demand a collective process. The under representation of many sectors of the APPO has led to the formation of new organizations and collectives who as well as self organizing demand representation and more horizontalism within the APPO consejal.

The localized element of the political formation of the Oaxaca movement has furthered the struggle for autonomy in many senses. Groups who had tactical differences with the provisional leadership of the APPO before are now more self empowered to apply their forms of struggle.

Communities are discussing their own needs in the local assemblies and searching for ways to become more self-sufficient. For instance, some of the neighborhood assemblies are discussing how to begin to have control over means of production to become less reliant on imports, and the discussion over control over agriculture and food production is common.

Given the plurality of the movement there are many debates within the APPO at the moment. Different sectors are split over non-violence vs. direct confrontation with the police, and strategies for getting rid of Governor Ulises Ruiz once and for all and for real social change. Evaluations and criticisms over the best process in which the APPO should have in terms of function and organization continues to have influence in the year-old movement.

The conflict over electoral participation within the APPO has existed for a very long time and created many splits, such as the division in the section 22 teachers union. However it was visible in the APPO congress in November that many people within the movement have no trust in political parties and do not want to enter in the electoral process. There is a side of the APPO that doesn't seek out a political solution through the electoral process and instead puts its energies into forming assemblies and collectives to work towards autonomy in itsown way.

Elections, The APPO, and a Guerilla Group made by the Government?

The elections for the state legislature have historically caused more violence between disputing parts of the population in Oaxaca than any other elections. This time around the elections are especially tense for two reasons: one is that Governor Ulises Ruiz is more desperate than ever to keep a strong representation in the legislature from his party, the PRI (the Revolutionary Institutional Party) which has ruled in Oaxaca for more than seven decades, because of this year's popular movement to oust him.

The other element adding to the tension is the shadowy EPR (Revolutionary Popular Army). It is feared that an electoral fraud will occur and that the PRI will win the elections and that subsequently severe repression will follow. This is how Ulises Ruiz came to power in 2004. Many of the APPO sympathizers don't believe in political parties or the electoral process. Nevertheless the elections this weekend are expected to have a big turn out from the movement in which many will vote for the PRD in order to carry through the "punishment vote" against the PRI to further destabilize Ulises Ruiz's government.

There has also been the worry that the EPR will be used by the state as a reason to postpone the elections.

The guerilla group's activity has become so heavy in the weeks preceding the elections that many people inside the APPO wonder if the group isn't a convenient, if not obvious, creation of the state government itself to secure a place in the elections and to justify the further militarization of a turbulent Oaxaca, thus later securing the necessary conditions for corporate investments and the smooth operation of Plan Puebla Panama in the state.
Eight different explosions occurring over the course of five days heavily damaged the Mexican state- oil Pemex's pipeline and infrastructure in the northern state of Queretaro, far way from Oaxaca, where the EPR is based.

In a communiqué released on July 10th the EPR took responsibility, demanding the physical appearance of Edumundo Reyes Amaya and Gabriel Alberto Cruz. The group claims that the two men, disappeared from Oaxaca City on May 25, are EPR militants being held in a clandestine military prison.

"This is another intention that the state government has-to scare people so that they wont want to change the conditions of the mano duro (hard hand) of the PRI," said a member of the APPO consejal who wished to remain anonymous. " This is a typical strategy of the repressive state. I think that the EPR is a creation of the government. They tried it before with an armed group that came out in the north of Oaxaca with new watches and clothes and military haircuts, not at all like guerillas. "

The communiqués are written at times with language similar to the autonomist movement of Oaxaca. Those who believe that the EPR is a government creation also fear that the EPR is being used to finger anarchists and other autonomist sectors within the movement. "It sounds like the discussion that autonomists could have. They want to insert the idea in people heads that with autonomy comes violence."

On August 1 two more smaller explosions occurred in the entrance of a Sears store and in front of a bank in Oaxaca City. At first the government accused the APPO, saying the bombs were not typical of the EPR. The EPR later took credit however. Coincidently, the Sears where one of the bombs was placed is also located very close to the Soriana barricade, one of the barricades protecting the university radio, part of the last set of barricades remaining in Oaxaca defended by the neighborhood, anarchists, and the students, all part of the autonomous sector believed to be heavily targeted by the state.

The Real Communist Threat

Throughout the APPO Stalinists from the FPR (Popular Revolutionary Front) party have attempted to appropriate many groups and have deployed themselves strategically throughout the diversity of organizations within the APPO. Again and again the FPR has used the tactic of creating crisis in order to open a space to insert their vanguardism, both in the streets and within APPO organizations. The FPR has fanned so much conflict within the teachers section 22 union that the union has nearly fallen apart and has not been able to meet for months.

COMO, the Oaxaca's women organization created after the historical takeover of Canal 9 television station on August 1, 2006, has been criticized by many large groups of women who have split off to form their own collectives because of the power that the FPR has sought within COMO.

To Not Forget

The process of forgetting and the appearance of normalcy is exactly what the government wants, both for corporate investments, tourism, and to fight the movement -- not only in terms of solidarity and attention, but in terms of creating a perilous psychological space for the movement, where it can be difficult at times to identify with one’s own memories of the movement in the streets, and to deal with the collective trauma of the repression.

With the apparent "normalcy", from the government to independent media there is a denial of what what continues to be a state-wid rebellion. The protesters have been dispersed, businesses have re-opened, and Oaxaca City has returned to the status of a party enclave for Europeans and Americans.

Indeed, the government continues to block the signal of Radio Planton, one of the last remaining Oaxaca radios, and sabotage the Oaxaca Libre independent media page, attempting to do away forever with the voices of the Oaxacan people.

But despite finding itself in this challenging place, the rebellion continues and Oaxaca is still not the same place it was before June of last year. The desperate tactics of the government to hold onto control and militarize the state are signs that the power structures are under grave stress and neo-liberal investments in the state of Oaxaca threatened by a movement that can’t be easily done away with.

Barucha Calamity Peller is a writer and photographer, high school dropout, and rebel rouser. For years she has worked within and reported on Mexican social movements.
She can be reached by email at macheteyamor@gmail.com

 



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