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Today's
Stories
October 12,
2004
Roxane Dunbar-Ortiz
"Indian
Country"
October 11,
2004
Robert Fisk
Iraq:
Unforgivable Betrayals and Broken Promises
Kevin Pina
The
Untold Story of Aristide's Departure from Haiti
Patrick Gavin
Rethinking
Columbus Day
Chris Floyd
Tribes with Flags in the New Afghanistan
Daniel Wolff
Radioactive Money: Entergy, Political Cash and America's Most
Dangerous Nuclear Plant
Walter Brasch
The Only Ones Who Believe Saddam Had WMDs are Bush, Cheney...and
40% of All Americans
Mike Whitney
The Phony Afghan Elections: Ballot of the Disappearing Ink
Ari Shavit
"He Talks to Condi Rice Every Day": an Interview with
Sharon's Lawyer
Paul Craig
Roberts
The
Debates and the Big Lie
Website of the Day
Dylan's Greatest Recording?
October 9 /
10, 2004
Alexander Cockburn
"There
Are No Innocents"
Paul de Rooij
Northern Ireland is Still the Issue: a Conversation with Gerry
Adams
M. Shahid Alam
Making Sense of Our Times
Laura Carlsen
Protest and Populism in Latin America
Fred Gardner
Pot Shots: ASA Goes to Court
Col. Dan Smith
Bush's Credibility Gap
Paul Craig
Roberts
Faith-Based Economics
Greg Bates
What If Nader Critics Get What They Demand?
Joshua Frank
Cobb, the Greens and the Collapse of the Left
Felice Pace
Wilderness, Politics and the Oligarchy: How the Pew Charitable
Trust is Smothering the Grassroots Environmental Movement
Walter A. Davis
Of Pynchon, Thanatos and Depleted Uranium
William A.
Cook
The Agony of Colin Powell
Phyllis Pollack
Twas No Crank Call Love Affair: London Calling, 25 Years Later
Poets' Basement
Klipschutz, Albert, Ford
Website of the Weekend
Abu Ghraib: the Taguba Annexes
October 8,
2004
Jennifer Loewenstein
The
Israeli Invasion of Gaza
Moshe Adler
Edwards' Gambit: He Hoped No One Would Notice the Similarities
David Swanson
Media Blackout: Press Continues to Ignore Labor's Opposition
to Iraq War
Dave Zirin
CounterPunch Contest: Let's Name the New DC Baseball Team!
Rep. Ron Paul
The Draft is a Form of Slavery
William S. Lind
Keeping Our SA Up
Samar Assad
Kerry v. Bush: No Difference When It Comes to Israel / Palestine
Jim Ingalls
and Sonali Kolhatkar
The Elections in Afghanistan
October 7,
2004
Dave Lindorff
All
Out of Volunteers: A Draft is in the Air
Masha Hamilton
Fear in Kandahar
Christopher
Brauchli
Master of Corruption: the Ripening Scandals of Tom Delay
Jason Leopold
Is There Still Time to Impeach Bush?
Bruce K. Gagnon
Bombing the Panhandle: Fighting the Pentagon in Rural Florida
Meredith Kolodner
Where
is the Urgency?: The Anti-War Movement's Election Year Challenge
October 6,
2004
Jeffrey St.
Clair
"Please,
Dude, Can I Take Them Out?": Targeting Civilians in Fallujah
Ron Jacobs
Going
Nuclear: the Ghost of Edward Teller Lives
Michael Colby
The National Flip-Flop: Suddenly Bush is Unfit to Lead?
Tarif Abboushi
More of the Same: Israel Wins the Debates
Matthew Behrens
Canadian Firms Profit from Iraqi Blood
Mike Whitney
Rethinking WMDs
John Pilger
Stealing Diego Garcia
Ben Tripp
Kerry's "Triumph"
Kevin McKiernan
Cheney's Poison Lab: Wrong Time, Wrong Target
Patrick Cockburn
Elections
Will Not End the Fighting in Iraq
Website of the Day
Is There an Islamic Problem?
October 5,
2004
Anthony Loewenstein
Rupert
Murdoch and the Marginals: "Personally Creating Outcomes"
Mark Clinton
and Tony Udell
The
Suicide of an Iraq War Veteran
Greg Bates
Trading
Idiots: an Open Letter to Eric Alterman
Dave Lindorff
What's
the Frequency, Karl?
Norm Dixon
Why Washington Won't Save Darfur Villagers
Larry Kearney
God Talk and Burning Children
Bill Linville
Dirty Politics in the Land of "Clean" Government
Gary Leupp
What
Edwards Should Ask Cheney
Website of
the Day
A Guide to Halliburton for Tonight's Debate
October 4,
2004
Diane Christian
The
Gates of Hell
Joshua Frank
An Interview with David Cobb
Doug Giebel
Incurious George: What If Bush Didn't Lie?
John Chuckman
Strange Victory: Sen. Obvious and the Pathetic Lump
Ramzy Baroud
Reverse the Picture: Anatomy of a Palestinian Outrage
Julia Stein
Remembering Mario Savio and the FSM
Sean Donahue
Outsourcing
Terror: Kerry and Special Forces
Website of
the Day
Mapping
Mt. St. Helens as She Rocks
October 2 /
3. 2004
Paul Wright
John
Kerry on Criminal Justice
Kathleen and Bill Christison
An Exchange with Israeli Historian Bennie Morris
Kathie Helmkamp
My Son Trent: a Marine Who Doesn't Want to Kill
Phillip Cryan
Indigenous Mobilization in Colombia
Lenni Brenner
The First Ex-Catholic Saint: Memories of Mario Savio
Fred Gardner
Pot Shots: In Case You Missed "Montel"
Ron Jacobs
It Did Happen Here: When Neo-Nazis Terrorized Olympia
Ben Tripp
Sticker Shock
William S.
Lind
The Grand Illusion: Iraqi Security Forces
Dave Zirin
The Swindle of the Century: Baseball Comes to DC
Dave Lindorff
Lies from the Great Debate
Luscon Pierre-Charles
Haiti's Elections: a High-Tech Sham is Underway
Zoe Moskovitz
& Sasha Kramer
Separating Lies from Truth About Haiti
Nelson P. Valdes
Habana Night vs. Latin American Scholars in Vegas: 61 Banned
Cuban Academics
Alan Farago
The "Ownership Society" and the End of the Everglades
Nancy Haley
What is the Historical Jesus Trying to Tell Us?
Alex Billet
Long Live The Clash: London Still Calling After 25 Years
Steve Fesenmaier
Save and Burn: The War on Libraries
Poets' Basement
Smith, Holt, Albert
October 1,
2004
Steve Breyman
Kerry's
Missed Opportunities
Rose Gentle
My
Son Died for a Lie
Lee Sustar
Iran
in the Crosshairs
Ralph Nader
What
We Didn't Hear at the Debate: Where's the Exit Strategy?
Walter Andrews
We Are Less Secure Now Than Ever
Mike Whitney
Pandora's
Government
Mickey Z.
Debate
This
Saul Landau
The
Iraq Invasion: Lessons from the Pinochet Cases
Hot Stories
Alexander Cockburn
Behold,
the Head of a Neo-Con!
Subcomandante
Marcos
The
Death Train of the WTO
Norman Finkelstein
Hitchens
as Model Apostate
Steve Niva
Israel's
Assassination Policy: the Trigger for Suicide Bombings?
Dardagan,
Slobodo and Williams
CounterPunch Exclusive:
20,000 Wounded Iraqi Civilians
Steve
J.B.
Prison Bitch
Sheldon
Rampton and John Stauber
True Lies: the Use of Propaganda
in the Iraq War
Wendell
Berry
Small Destructions Add Up
CounterPunch
Wire
WMD: Who Said What When
Cindy
Corrie
A Mother's Day Talk: the Daughter
I Can't Hear From
Gore Vidal
The
Erosion of the American Dream
Francis Boyle
Impeach
Bush: A Draft Resolution
Click
Here for More Stories.
|
October 11, 2004
"Annhiliation
Until Unconditional Surrender"
"Indian
Country"
By
ROXANNE DUNBAR-ORTIZ
at least ten Indians
are (to be) killed for each white life lost.You should not allow
the troops to settle down on the defensive but carry the war
to the Indian camps, where the women and children arethe truth
should be ascertained and reported, but should not delay the
punishment of the Indians as a people. It is not necessary to
find the very men who committed the acts, but destroy all of
the same breed.
-U.S. Major General William T. Sherman, 1866
27 February 1991: Oxford,
Ohio.
This morning I woke to a winter
wonderland, nice clean snow, and that silence that snow seems
to effect. Now, a few hours later, the temperature has risen,
and a steady rain is coming down. The snow is nearly all gone
-- just a few patches here and there. The sky is stern, but the
air is cold and clean.
I heard on the news that the
smoke from the oil fires in Kuwait was seeding clouds and bringing
down torrential rain -- black rain. The smell of oil. I smiled
when I heard the description. I never knew the smell of air without
oil until I left Oklahoma when I was 21. For a long time I missed
the odor. Even now when I drive by Hercules, outside San Francisco,
or down through Bakersfield or Long Beach, or through Houston
or Lake Charles, as I just did in January, I catch a waft of
oil in the air and feel a warm fluid flow through me, followed
instantly by a sharp pain. Memories of childhood are like that,
especially a childhood such as mine in rural western Oklahoma,
my dad driving a Mobil truck. The SOHIO oil pipeline was our
main diversion as children; I think we believed it had been put
there for children to play on.
This morning, I thought about
the children of the Persian Gulf, of Arab children, the poor
ones, and the children of those scared-looking Filipina servants.
I suppose the smell of oil seems like a natural phenomenon to
them, too, and the pipeline is about their only diversion. Unless
you count war, and the smell of gunpowder.
William Appleman Williams,
the late historian, described American imperialism as "a
strategy of annihilation unto unconditional surrender."
Some of us used to know that, during the Vietnam War. Did we
think it had gone away, evaporated? Maybe we bought into the
"superpower" myth, which reasoned that once one "empire"
collapsed or cried Uncle, the other would follow suit. Maybe
we forgot what we should have known: that the United States of
America has been imperialistic from its founding, and is the
principal heir to the historical legacy of imperialism. "We
Americans," said Williams, "have produced very, very
few anti-imperialists. Out idiom has been empire, and so the
primary division was and remains between the soft and the hard."
SMART BOMBS: I have been reading
more than I ever thought possible about the machinery of war.
One commentary in particular struck me: "It is difficult
to imagine the scale of the air war because it is unprecedented
in human history... Not only is the air war distant and remote,
and much of it secret, but we have neither the experience nor
the language to grasp it... Since the technology of the air war
is always developing and since much of it is covered with secrecy,
the public is never aware of the newest lethal systems being
prepared or used... The importance of reducing American ground
casualties is one of the key arguments used to support the electronic
battlefield... [that] even further depersonalizes a depersonalized
war."
This may sound like a recent
report, but it is not, It is about the war in Southeast Asia,
circa 1971, from Tom Hayden's The Love of Possession is a
Disease with Them. Depressingly, the secrecy surrounding
such bombing 20 years ago was not present in the Gulf war. Rather,
during the six weeks of nonstop bombing of Iraq, each day in
press briefings U.S. military commanders reported, openly and
without embarrassment, and without challenge from the press corps
or negative public reaction, on the use of napalm and fragmentation
bombs, on B-52 carpet-bombing, day after day, week after week.
In interviews after the war,
B-52 pilots were excited by their success. "We rediscovered
high-level bombing," Col. Randall E. Wooten told the New
York Times. In 19 days, the 70 B-52s dropped more than 1,158
tons of bombs, including anti-personnel cluster bomb units.
"Rolling Thunder" is what they called B-52 carpet-bombing
in Vietnam. And, after two weeks of delivering "smart"
bombs and cruise missiles, the military turned to Rolling Thunder
in Iraq. They did it to create terror. It was the Americans,
in front of their televisions, who were impressed with "smart"
bombs, not the Iraqis. Terror, extreme exemplary violence, was
necessary to annihilate unto unconditional surrender.
INDIAN COUNTRY: On February
19, Brigadier General Richard Neal, briefing reporters in Riyadh,
Saudi Arabia, stated that the U.S. military wanted to be certain
of speedy victory once they committed land forces to "Indian
Country." The following day, in a little-publicized statement
of protest, the National Congress of American Indians pointed
out that 15,000 Native Americans were serving as combat troops
in the Gulf.
But the term "Indian Country"
is not merely an insensitive racial slur to indicate the enemy,
tastelessly employed by accident. (Neither Neal nor any other
military authority has apologized for the statement.). "Indian
Country" is a military term of trade, a technical term,
such as "collateral damage" and "ordnance,"
which appears in military training manuals and is used on a regular
basis. "Indian Country" is the military term for "behind
enemy lines." Its current use should serve to remind us
of the origins and development of the U.S. military, as well
as the nature of our political and social history: annihilation
unto unconditional surrender. The historical context is, I think,
essential to understanding the present war, and the love of the
war we are witnessing.
When the redundant "ground
war" against Iraq was begun, at the front of the miles of
heavy metal killing machines were armored scouting vehicles of
the Second Armored Calvary Regiment (ACR), a self-contained elite
unit that was made famous by being at the head of Patton's Third
Army when it crossed Europe during World War II. In the Gulf
war, the ACR played the role of chief scouts for the U.S. Seventh
Corps. A retired commander of the ACR proudly told his TV interviewer
that the Second ACR was formed in the 1830s to fight the Seminoles,
and that it had its first great victory when it finally defeated
the Seminoles in the Florida Everglades in 1836. I do not think
putting the Second ACR in front of the ground assault on Iraq
was an accident. It was just another Indian war in the U.S. military
tradition of annihilation unto unconditional surrender.
The Ohio Valley is a strange
place to be during the Gulf war and the orgy of patriotism. As
an historian, I feel I am almost reliving that period two centuries
ago when U.S. imperialism was cast in blood, and when annihilation
unto unconditional surrender was first employed by the U.S.A.,
just down the road from where I am, at the Battle of Fallen Timbers.
In the late 1780s, Native Nations,
led by Joseph Brant (Mohawk), Little Turtle (of the Miami Nation,
after which this university is named), Blue Jacket (Shawnee)
and others, had launched a series of attacks against encroaching
Euroamerican settlers across Indiana, Ohio, and western Pennsylvania.
In September, 1790, a force of 1,500 soldiers was sent by President/General
Washington to silence Native resistance to occupation and colonization,
but the Native guerrilla fighters ambushed them in northwestern
Ohio, killing two hundred soldiers. The following year, Washington
sent six thousand troops who met a similar fate.
The Native alliance was able
to clear the entire Ohio area of the colonizers. But Washington
was determined to crush Native resistance. In the autumn of 1793,
General Anthony Wayne led a third army of conquest into Ohio.
Using a scorched-earth strategy, the U.S. forces overwhelmed
the two thousand resistance fighters and forced the signing of
an agreement ceding the entire southern two-thirds of Ohio.
Subsequently, the U.S. military
hammered away, leveling Native towns, burning crops, reducing
the Shawnee and the Delaware, the Miami and the Wyandotte. In
1809 (Everything at Miami University dates back to 1809, when
the university was founded), under the Treaty of Fort Wayne,
the U.S. opened three million acres of Delaware and Pottawatomie
land in Indiana to settlement. (If you identify the names of
these Native Nations with Oklahoma, you are correct; the war
refugees were forcibly deported to Oklahoma territory).
Out of the carnage and ruins
was born an incomparable liberation movement, led by Tecumseh,
the Ho Chi Minh of North America. In 1809, Tecumseh, and his
brother, Elskwatawa, of the Shawnee Nation, began to travel among
the Native villages of all the Nations. They warned of their
common threat and called for an alliance against the invaders.
Their headquarters became the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico,
from the Allegheny Mountains to the Mississippi. Tecumseh denounced
the United States as wicked and corrupt, a source of evil.
In 1811, William Henry Harrison,
governor of the U.S.-claimed "Indiana Territory," organized
a thousand mercenaries with full authority from the Secretary
of War to do whatever was necessary to wipe out the movement.
The mercenaries attacked the Native headquarters and burned
it to the ground, but most escaped and set the region on fire
for several months. At a fierce engagement near Detroit, at
the "Battle of the Thames," as it is called in U.S.
military annals, Tecumseh fell.
The Native alliance shifted
its theater of operation to the Southeast, under Creek Nation
leadership. General Andrew Jackson headed the Tennessee militia,
another mercenary outfit, "panting for the orders of our
government to punish a ruthless foe," as Jackson put it
in 1808. (One of his officers, Davy Crockett, would later be
a mercenary on behalf of imperialism in Mexico and die at the
Alamo.) By 1814, Jackson's scorched-earth campaigns and cannon
had destroyed the southeast nations' farmlands and food supplies
and reduced their numbers by slaughtering women and children
in the villages. Jackson seized 22 million acres of Creek land,
nearly two-thirds of their nation.
The warriors from all the nations
allied in resistance, along with thousands of Africans who had
escaped slavery, moved into the Florida Everglades, then Spanish
territory. The First Seminole War began in 1818. The following
year, the U.S. annexed Spanish Florida and claimed to be fighting
terrorists. The Seminole Nation is a nation born in struggle.
"Seminole" means rebel in the Creek (Muskogee) language,
which was the common language of that new people. The Seminoles
were never defeated and never signed a treaty, but after the
third war, in 1836, the U.S. stopped fighting them. By then,
Jackson was president and had dissolved Native title in the Southeast
and overridden the Supreme Court's decision to prohibit U.S.
settlement in Cherokee territory. The Nations east of the Mississippi
were forced to relocate to Oklahoma.
It was here--in the Ohio Valley,
the "old Northwest"--that the U.S. military was formed,
in five decades of unrelenting war, of annihilation unto unconditional
surrender. It was here that U.S. imperialism was born and its
ideology fixed, and that U.S. nationalism was defined, inseparable
from imperialism.
TOUGH LOVE: I kept hoping
we would lose the war. Of course, it was only a far-fetched
dream, the possibility of losing the war in the Gulf. I never
really had any confidence in that result. Yet, I kept hoping
that Allah, or God, or Fate, or the Goddess, or the Force, maybe
Martians, maybe even Soviets, would intervene and make the impossible,
possible. David and Goliath, something definitive to prove that
might does not make right, to prove that the only solution to
conflict is dialog and cooperation, to put a brake on this tendency
to annihilate unto unconditional surrender.
Even if my dream of losing
had come true, it would have come late, maybe too late. Our last
opportunity to have changed course, perhaps, was the 1979 Iranian
hostage crisis. The Iranians were demanding an international
tribunal to investigate U.S. war crimes related to the CIA role
in forming and maintaining SAVAK, the Shah of Iran's murderous
secret police. Of course, the Iranian Revolutionary Guards were
wrong to occupy an embassy and seize diplomats, and the U.S.
took Iran to the World Court and won the case. Yet, just imagine,
what if President Carter had gone on television in 1980, preempting
Gorbachev's call to a new order of cooperation, disarmament and
international law, to tell us the truth: that the Iranians did
not lie in their accusations, that we apologize, that it was
wrong to overthrow their government, that it was wrong to prop
up a decadent monarch and train his secret police, that our government
renounced past invasions, interventions, toppling leaders, not
only in Iran, but in North American Native Nations, in Mexico
over and over, taking half the country, Guatemala, El Salvador,
Nicaragua, Chile, Uruguay, Argentina, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia,
Greece, Cuba, and practically every other nook and cranny of
the world, that we would never behave that way again, that we
would lift strangling embargoes against Vietnam and Cuba. What
if? Instead, from the Carter era, we have the neutron bomb,
the Stealth bomber, the Cruise missile, and smarter weapons than
ever before. Just consider that fateful second half of 1980.
In August, at the U.N. Special Session on Development, the Carter
administration sent a low level delegation to announce that the
New International Economic Order was dead in the water. In October,
Iraq, acting as a U.S. client, attacked Iran, initiating eight
years of war, leaving millions dead and maimed. In November,
Reagan was elected. In December, the entire Salvadoran democratic
opposition leadership was assassinated and four U.S. churchwomen
were brutally murdered.
A strategy of annihilation
unto unconditional surrender." So, the imperial policy
of the U.S. continues in the present situation. Extreme exemplary
violence was the rationale behind the cruel aerial bombing of
Iraq every minute, twenty-four hours a day, for six weeks. How
many times did we hear authority figures (mostly old white men)
tell us that we would not have to act as world policeman and
do future wars, that the treatment of Iraq would show other would-be
wrong-doers the price of errant behavior. Is not that the philosophy
behind "tough love?"
In Iraqi officers' quarters
in Kuwait City, the U.S. Special Forces found pigeons in cages
and notes in Arabic strewn over a desk, which they interpreted
to mean that the Iraqi commanders were communicating with their
troops, and even with Baghdad, by carrier pigeons.
Now we are at the heroic stage
-- welcome the warriors home, honor them, not like Vietnam.
High tech soldiers fighting an army that communicated by carrier
pigeons. Something to be proud of.
In December, I heard a Vietnam
vet (a peace activist) say that only permanent peace could vindicate
58,000 dead American soldiers in Vietnam, and all the misery
suffered by those who returned; only if Vietnam was truly the
war to end all wars, revealing as it did the brutality and senselessness
of war in general, and the wrongness of U.S. imperialism; only
permanent peace, he said, could allow the Vietnam vet self-forgiveness
and significance; that another genocidal war against a brown
people would make him and other Vietnam vets murderers, not fallen
innocents, victims of history. There was a plea in his voice,
a heartbreaking crack. I thought of what he had said when I
heard a soldier say to a reporter on National Public Radio, regarding
waiting in the desert for the ground war to begin: "I'm
so tired of just sitting around here that if I don't get to kill
somebody soon, I'm going to kill somebody." [Published
in CrossRoads, March 1991]
**************
Fast forward to March 2003.
A rare and little read report from Associated Press correspondent,
Ellen Nickmeyer, is telling. Once again we find the armored
scouting vehicles and their troops, reenacting its bloody and
imperialist history:
March 19, 2003: NEAR THE IRAQI
DESERT, KUWAIT (AP)
Tank crews from the Alpha Company
4th Battalion 64 Armor Regiment perform a "Seminole Indian
war dance" before convoying to a position near the Iraqi
border Wednesday, March 19, 2003.
Capt. Phillip Wolford's men
leaped into the air and waved empty rifles in an impromptu desert
war dance. Troops of the 101st Airborne Division ate a special
pre-combat meal of lobster and steak. Soldiers sent e-mails
to loved ones and savored what could be a last good shower for
a long while.
To the ever-louder drone of
warplanes, American soldiers in the northern desert that will
serve as a launch pad for attacking Iraq engaged Wednesday in
some final rituals before a war that seemed inevitable
Upon hearing of the attack,
Marine Lance Cpl. Chad Borgmann, 23, of Sydney, Neb., said:
"It's about time. Today we've been here a month and a week.
We're ready to go."
"It's the right thing
to do. We are going to be part of the liberation of Iraq,"
said a fellow member of the 15th Marine Expeditionary Unit, Lance
Cpl Daymond Geer, 20, of Sacramento, Calif.
With no sign that Saddam and
his sons would heed Bush's order to go into exile, the 20,000
men of the Army's 3rd Infantry Division had received some of
the first orders Wednesday to line up near Iraq.
With thousands of M1A1 Abrams
tanks, Bradley fighting vehicles, Humvees and trucks, the mechanized
infantry unit known as the "Iron Fist" would be the
only U.S. armored division in the fight, and would likely meet
any Iraqi defenses head on.
"We will be entering Iraq
as an army of liberation, not domination," said Wolford
[the commander], of Marysville, Ohio, directing the men of his
4th Battalion, 64th Armor Regiment to take down the U.S. flags
fluttering from their sand-colored tanks.
After a brief prayer, Wolford
leaped into an impromptu desert war dance. Camouflaged soldiers
joined him, jumping up and down in the sand, chanting and brandishing
rifles carefully emptied of their rounds
About 300,000 troops--most
of them from the United States, about 40,000 from Britain--were
waiting Wednesday within striking distance of Iraq. Backing
them were scores of attack helicopters and more than 1,000 airplanes.
Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz is a longtime activist, university
professor, and writer. In addition to numerous scholarly books
and articles she has published two historical memoirs, Red
Dirt: Growing Up Okie (Verso, 1997), and Outlaw
Woman: A Memoir of the War Years, 19601975 (City
Lights, 2002), and is working on a third, Norther: Re-Covering
Nicaragua, about the 1980s contra war against the Sandinistas.
Weekend
Edition Features for September 18 / 19, 2004
Alexander Cockburn
Forgeries,
Fingerprints and Forensic Fakery
Jeffrey St. Clair
High Plains Grifter: Bush's Mask of Anarchy
Patrick Cockburn
Into the Abyss: the Week Iraq's Dream of Peace Fell Apart
Fred Gardner
Pot Shots: Financial Torture (Asset Forfeiture)
Joe Allen
The Comrades Kerry Abandoned: the Real Story of Vietnam Vets
Against the War
George Corsetti
Poletown Revisited: Finally, Some Vindication
Scott Handleman
The Knock-Knock of a Sledgehammer: Sequestered in Nablus
Richard Ward
Two Weeks in Beit Arabiya
Conn Hallinan
Ashcroft and Indonesia
Lori Smith
Health Care in America: And Then I Got Sick...
Dave Zirin
Hold the Booyah!: SportsCenter Out of the Middle East
John L. Hess
Rather Will Take the Heat, As Bush's War Deteriorates
Brian J. Foley
W is for Wimp: So Why do Manly Men Love Him?
Mickey Z.
Pat Tillman and Osama bin Laden: Odd Juxtapositions
Poets' Basement
Vest, Landau & Albert
Website of the Weekend
Eye on the NYTs
/
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