Cockburn
/ St. Clair's Scorching New History of a Decade of War
Now Available!
Today's
Stories
June
12 / 13, 2004
Peter
Linebaugh
Remembering the Common Hood: Soweto
and Runnymede
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11, 2004
Alexander
Cockburn
Reagan in Truth and Fiction
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Jacobs
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Funeral Games
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of the Day
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9, 2004
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8, 2004
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Z.
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Fons
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Leon
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7, 2004
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The Baghdad Bombings: the Pattern
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McLellan
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Blum
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Davis
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A Child's ABCs of Terrorism
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5 / 6, 2004
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Douglas Lummis
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Landau
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Cloughley
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Junaid Alam
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Matt
Siegfried
An American Way of War
Dave
Zirin
The Politics of Charles Barkley
Poets'
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Albert, Krieger, St. Clair
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of the Weekend
Overnight Sensations
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4, 2004
Chris
Floyd
Masked and Anonymous: Inside America's
Animal House
Cornwell
/ Penketh
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Wayne
Madsen
Apprehension & Frustation: Neo-Cons on the Brink
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Moses
Agitating for Workers' Rights in Iraq
Yitzak
Laor
Before Rafah
Ghali
Hassan
Ambassador to Death Squads: Who is Negroponte?
Jane
Stillwater
God, the Rapture and Vera Casey
CounterPunch
Wire
D-Day Reconsidered: Was It Really Worth the Carnage?
John
Borowski
Woo-Wooism v. Meteorites: Why the Dems Are No Match for Bush
Mike
Griffin
Caterpillar's Assault on the UAW
Alexander Cockburn
Has Bush Gone Over the Edge?
Website
of the Day
Aquae Urbis Romae:
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3, 2004
Ron
Jacobs
Iran's Nuclear Dilemma
Dr.
Susan Block
America in tha Hood
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Donnelly
The Bully and the Brahmin
John
Chuckman
Insanity in America: US Ranks Number
One in the Deranged
Christopher
Brauchli
The Return of Cardinal Law: Rome
on $12,000 a Month
Samia
Nassar Melki
Caravaggio in Iraq
Mike
Whitney
Subverting Justice: Pre-Trial Ruminations in the Padilla Case
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Rejman
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Scott
Morris
"WMDs" in Cuba
Paul
de Rooij
Palestinian Misery in Perspective
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2, 2004
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Cloughley
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Ray
McGovern
How Far Would They Go? Beware "Credible
Intelligence"
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Frank
The Anybody But Bush Offensive
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Whitney
The Afghanistan Failure: Bush's Warlord Patriots
Jackie
Corr
Iraq and Ireland: Three Tales from Butte, Montana
Robert
Jensen
The US Lost the Iraq War...and It's a Good Thing, Too
Alexander
Cockburn
"Bye, Bye Boonville!"
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1, 2004
Gary
Leupp
Instant Karma: Bush's Sins Catch Up
with Him
William
A. Cook
Manufacturers of Fear and Loathing in
Rafah
Dave
Lindorff
Will the Times Clean House?
Kevin
Zeese
Inside the Kerry / Nader Meeting: Did
the Kerry Campaign Lie About What Was Discussed?
Jacob
Levich
Coming Soon: Return of the Draft,
a Bipartisan Production
Kathy
Kelly
Voices in the Wilderness v. the US
Government
Website
of the Day
Remind Us
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29 / 31, 2004
Lee
Ballinger / Dave Marsh
The Origins of Memorial Day
Janine
Pommy Vega
Memo for Memorial Day
Mike
Ferner
On Their Way to Abu Ghraib
Alfred
W. McCoy
The Cruel Shadow: the Long History of CIA Torture Research
Douglas
Valentine
An Open Letter to the NYT: Questions, Questions, Questions
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White
First to Fight Culture: a Former Marine on the Marine Motto
Bruce
Anderson
The Awful Injustice to Tai Abreu
David
Vest
Get Ready for Kerry's War: the 100 Year Quagmire
Saul
Landau
Torture: the Logical Outcome of Bush's War for Democracy?
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Nimmo
Abu Hamza al-Mazri, Made in the USA
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Cassel
The Secrets of Surveillance: Ashcroft, Snoops, and Gag Orders
Will
Potter
The New War on "Terror": Protest the Torture of Chimps;
Get Arrested as a "Terrorist"
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Tripp
They Fiddled While Nero Got the Matches
Dr.
Susan Block
Save Abu Ghraib!
Kia
Kojouri
Nukes, the US, Israel and Iran: an
Interview with Sasan Fayazmanesh
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Z
D-Day: 60 Years is Enough!
Jon
Brown
Correcting the Correction at the Times
Patrick
B. Barr
Pre-emptive War Insurance
Stephen
Gowans
Bad Apples in a Bad Barrel
Tom
Gorman
Gore on Bush in Iraq: the Approach May be Exotic, But It's Hardly
New
Dave
Zirin
Fighting for Boxers' Rights: an Interview with Eddie Mustafa
Muhammad
Gregory
Weiher
Bush to Arabs: "Go Get Yourself Some Democracy"
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Cummings
Jung Meets Bush
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28, 2004
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Rodriguez Cruz
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Moses
Bush's Misleading Speech on Abu Ghraib
Dave
Lindorff
Dissing Independent Contractors:
Those Who Do the Dirty Work
Norman
Solomon
Leaping for Lies at the Times
Rep.
Bill Delahunt
Bush's Cruel New Rules on Cuba
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McGeough
Chalabi Baba and the 40 Thieves
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Ramakrishnan
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Cockburn
NYTs: "Maybe We Did Screw Up...a
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27, 2004
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Fatal Errors: the Lies of Our Times
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Valentine
Ragging the Dogs of War at the
NYTs
John
L. Hess
The Times Confesses...Kind Of
Stew
Albert
Dellinger, the Wrestling Pacifist
Dave
Dellinger
a 1993 Interview
Christopher
Brauchli
Tax Breaks for Scions...to Hell with Poor Kids
Rampton
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26, 2004
Ron
Jacobs
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Friend of Ours
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Fisk
The Things Bush Didn't Say in His Speech
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New Draft UN Resolution Permits Perpetual Occupation
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Hallinan
Bush and Sharon: the Oil Connection
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Stephens
2 + 2 is On My Mind: More Morons
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Medley
Protesting Gov. Bigot
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25, 2004
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St. Clair
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Baker
Feminists Stand By Their Man: Abortion, Judges and Kerry
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Weekend
Edition
June 12 / 13, 2004
The
Workers of Nasiriyah
Who
Will Tell Us More About Those Who Refused to Make Way for War?
By
GREG MOSES
Evidence for the story is so scarce
to a Western reader that it seems mythical. As the Mahdi Army
of Moqtada al-Sadr advanced through the city of Nasiriyah, they
came upon an aluminum plant. Commanders of the Mahdi Army ordered
the workers to evacuate. The workers refused.
"Workers of Aluminum Company
and the employees of health sector refuse to evacuate their workplaces
and turn them into battlefields," declared a terse release
signed by the Federation
of Workers' Councils and Unions in Iraq (FWCUI). "They
insisted on remaining inside their factories in order to defend
them."
Something here can be generalized,
and "workers would endeavor to generalize," promises
the FWCUI, "in all areas facing military confrontation between
US troops and armed militias, despite all pretexts and motivations."
"The civilians,"
says the FWCUI, "will make sure to block the armed militias
from turning the peaceful residential areas into centers for
attacking the US, British, and other forces, and also to prevent
the occupying forces from remaining inside the cities and residential
areas."
Journalists in Iraq should
tell us more about these civilians who refuse to make room for
war, who refuse to trade jobs for war, and who apparently place
obstacles, literally, in the way of war. "Not in my backyard,"
is a worthy headline for so many other issues. Why not war?
Spontaneous action of the aluminum
workers could hardly be attributed to love of American occupation.
The civilian population of Nasiriyah had been under fire for
a year. Press reports from the Spring of 2003 speak of a city
along the Euphrates River with two strategic bridges. The road
from Kuwait to Baghdad ran over both those bridges. Civilians
in the strategic city faced death whether they tried to stay
home, flee, or return.
"In Nasiriyah," reported
the
Scotsman of March 31, 2003, "Bodies of men, women and
children, including two babies, lay in a ditch next to the wreckage
of burnt-out vehicles on a bridge being held by coalition forces."
On June 6, 2003, the Iraq Body
Count database documents the killing of a 52-year-old prisoner
at Camp White Horse, near Nasiriyah. Says the website: "US
Marines said to have 'snapped a bone in his throat,' and 'karate-kick[ed]
Hatab in chest.'" Two Marines face courts martial in that
death. On Sept. 13, a demonstrator was shot to death.
Shortly after Jessica Lynch's
convoy got lost in the area, The Washington Post described Nasiriyah
as a "Turkey Shoot" on US soldiers. "Iraqis mounting
the attacks appear to be a mix of Saddam's Fedayeen, a paramilitary
group loyal to President Saddam Hussein, and regular army soldiers,"
wrote Post reporter Peter Baker. "Marine officers said they
have found bodies of regular Iraqi army soldiers with gunshots
to the head, an indication, they believe, that the Fedayeen or
Republican Guard commanders have been forcing soldiers to fight
and killing those who do not."
Republican Guards reportedly
stayed around long enough to instigate fights between Marines
and local civilians, then were quick to retreat once the fighting
started. In early April, US Brig. Gen. Vincent Brooks claimed
that civilians around Nasiriyah, "are now helping U.S. special
forces find troops loyal to Saddam."
So the occupation has been
devastating to the civilians of Nasiriyah, but so has the resistance.
In November, 2003, says Iraq Body Count, children were among
the victims killed in a car bomb outside the headquarters of
the Italian military police headquarters. And in March of 2004,
four police were killed, "rescuing civilians held by militia."
Deaths in
Nasiriyah, it seems, have come from at least three sides.
In late February, 2004, when
an armory in Nasiriyah was apparently broken into, it exploded,
killing perhaps 60 people, according to the Iraq
Resistance Report.
With this on-the-ground, in-the-ditch
experience of death, it is understandable why the FWCUI declares:
"We completely reject the turning of workers' and civilians'
work and living places into reactionary war-fronts between the
two poles of terrorism in Iraq; the US and their allies from
one side, and the terrorists in the armed militias, well known
for their enmity to Iraqi people's interests, from the other."
Whatever hope that anti-occupation,
anti-imperialist partisans may project onto news reports about
armed resistance in Iraq, there are people in Nasiriyah who reportedly
see only more war and death. Concludes the FWCUI statement on
Nasiriyah: "We will confront the attempts of these militias
aiming at disturbing the security and stability of the population,
and curtail their attempts to push society into civil war and
further destruction and pain."
Yet, as I scroll through the
links, searching for more news of these remarkable events, I
wonder, who will further acquaint us with these workers of Nasiriyah?
Will we ever see more than the brief declarations of the FWCUI?
The most obvious account for
why the Western press ignores the reported "refusal"
of Nasiriyah workers might arise from the fact that the FWCUI
is openly affiliated with the Worker Communist Party of Iraq
(not to be confused with the Iraq Communist Party). But there
may be a deeper difficulty than Western anti-communism. How do
you take time out of roiling war coverage to explain the story
of workers who appear to be taking neither side? How do you stop
the locomotion of endless opposites that structure the conflicts
of our evening news?
As the obscure workers of Nasiriyah
confirm for the world, there is no room for reporting peace once
the war drums begin to beat. Peace news is simply too unreal
for the realists of war. Refusals to cooperate with war raise
too many questions, provide too few images, and risk audience
interest. Coverage of al-Sadr, like coverage of the "embedded"
coalition, works better.
Shamal Ali, who writes for
the Workers Communist Party of Iraq, argues that al-Sadr is connected
to a pan-Arabic, political Islamic movement that is not much
different from bin Laden's al-Qaeda. He warns that critics of
the US invasion may have found in al-Sadr's resistance something
to celebrate, because al-Sadr is simply opposed to the invasion,
too. But what al-Sadr represents to the Iraqi people, argues
Ali, may be a cure worse than the disease.
In a plain-speaking
essay of May 22, Ali argues that, "the hidden core of
the shrinking anti-war movement," may be linked to a Western
failure to appreciate the genius of peaceful alternatives posed
by the workers of Nasiriyah. "Very few in the world are
as stupid as the traditional Left," argues Ali, "so
they encourage and support one terrorist against the other in
a conflict like this."
Quoting from a letter that
he recently received from a correspondent in Nasiriyah, "Amidst
the recent fighting, the Mahdi army looted the museum, which
was full of antiquities. Their justification was even worse than
their deed. They say antiquities are earthy treasures, which
belong to Mahdi and his army. Some of the stolen artifacts were
found the following day in the city bazaar."
For Ali, the reported museum
raid, justification, and trafficking, "are trivial incidents
in comparison to what ordinary people in Iraq undergo amid the
domination of these gangs and their impact on the destiny of
Iraqi society and due to the escalation of terrorist conflict
between occupation forces, the Mahdi Army, and other militias."
"The crimes carried out
by these gangs start from launching campaigns against unveiled
women, bombing liquor shops and cinemas, calling on their followers
to kill communists, seculars or simply anyone who opposes their
dominance. The criminal activities of al-Sadr's gangs are becoming
more diverse and have started from the very first day the US
troops entered Iraq."
On the other hand, another
kind of resistance has also been in the making. Clearly it is
an anti-occupation, anti-imperialist resistance, but it is a
resistance that, like the workers of Nasiriyah, would subordinate
the demands of armed struggle to the demands of militant labor.
And it is a resistance that, once again, flies a banner of Worker
Communism.
The Union of Unemployed Iraqis
(UUI), for example, sounds from a distance like a bold experiment
in organized resistance of a militant kind. The demands of the
UUI call for livable wages, either with jobs or without. The
demands of the UUI, in fact, sound very much like the ones made
by the poor people's campaign of 1968, the campaign that Martin
Luther King, Jr. was organizing when he was assassinated in Memphis
trying to help garbage workers.
The Iraqi Resistance Report
of Jan. 15-17, 2004, says that, "300 unemployed people,
most of them former soldiers, rallied peacefully to call for
jobs outside the headquarters of the occupation forces,"
in an-Nasiriyah. "A representative of the demonstrators
read a declaration in which he demanded that government employees
be allowed back to their jobs, that promised stipends be paid
to veterans, and that jobs be provided for all Iraqis."
"In recent days similar
demonstrations of the unemployed in the other southern Iraqi
cities of al-'Amarah and al-Kut have ended in violent clashes
and the deaths of several demonstrators from occupation troop
and puppet police gunfire."
On May 14, 2004, the Mahdi
Militia ordered Nasiriyah closed to occupation troops. The militia
also ordered all civilians to leave the town, so that the militia
might, "deploy there more effectively." US, Italian,
Korean, and Portugese soldiers are still there, some of them
working on reconstruction projects. But political pressures mount
in their homelands for withdrawal.
Worker Communists of Iraq articulate
an interesting position when they argue that sovereignty can
be many things, and US withdrawal may not be the only thing worth
fighting for. Argues Ali, "the US and allied forces withdrawal
probably will mean turning Iraq to another Somalia." Something
besides armed resistance will be needed if everyone is not to
wind up carrying guns.
It is risky business to puzzle
out the clues of militant resistance from internet reports. Ali
concludes his May 22 essay with a direct appeal for support of
the Worker Communists in Iraq, including the strengthening of
"armed capabilities." Unfortunately, in an essay filled
with warnings against the escalation of "armed conflict",
Ali's closing appeal for armaments raises questions that he does
not answer.
Still, I would like to know
more about the workers of Nasiriyah and any other attempts to
organize something besides more warfare in Iraq, whether sponsored
by Worker Communists or not. If that means asking the Western
media to overcome their anti-communist or anti-pacifist biases,
then please lay my request high atop the body count. Stop giving
gunslingers all the headlines.
Greg Moses writes for the Texas
Civil Rights Review. He can be reached at: gmosesx@prodigy.net
Weekend Edition
Features for June 5 / 6, 2004
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