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Other Lands Have Dreams: From Baghdad to Pekin Prison by KATHY KELLY  Today's Stories May 25, 2005 Camilo
Mejia Dave
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Frank Stephen
Dunifer Paul
Craig Roberts
May 23, 2005 Esther
Sassaman / Thomas Nagy Mike
Whitney Ramzy
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Tomchick Norman
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May 21 / 22, 2005 David
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al-Saud Elaine
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D. Eisenhower Dave
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May 26, 2005 Beyond the EU ConstitutionAgenda for a Sustainable EuropeBy ARTHUR MITZMAN In April 2004, some seventy-five friends and colleagues co-signed an appeal for a progressive EU Parliament "For A Different Europe -- drafted by Joep Leerssen, Michael Krätke and myself.* We are now a year further, and the immediate issue before us is the EU Draft Constitution, on which the French electorate will vote at the end of May and the Dutch one on June 1. Some signers favor it, others do not. Although I am opposed to the draft, for reasons I shall indicate, I am not vehemently so, believing as I do that the proposed constitution will not change a great deal in the ways Europe is developing, nor in the possibilities of the Left for bending those ways in a social and ecological direction. I thus reject the hyperbolic predictions of catastrophe both of the supporters and opponents of the constitution if their position is defeated. However, whether or not the Constitution is accepted, the Left is in dire need of a program that can appeal to citizens of Europe on the basis of a realistic assessment of our short and medium-term prospects. I shall discuss such a program, an "agenda for a sustainable Europe," after an analysis of the EU's global context and of the reasons for supporting, or rejecting, the draft constitution.
I The global context The world of the future with which Europeans, united or disunited, will have to cope is now shaped by a global economy based on neoliberal principles of free trade. This economy has been doubly destructive of planetary welfare: It threatens us with the catastrophic ecological consequences of industrial modernity's fetishizing of growth: global warming and global pollution of air, earth and water. And, celebrating individual freedom, it destroys human solidarities; it augments the economic inequalities and insecurities that enrich the few and impoverish the many
The ecologically disastrous effects of neoliberal globalization have been abundantly documented. Even the Pentagon has accepted the likelihood of a dangerous climate change following on warming as a result of greenhouse gasses. A report issued by a Pentagon think tank last year argued that the anticipated weakening of the gulf stream as a result of melted arctic ice would dramatically reverse the warming, creating a climate 5-6 degrees (fahrenheit) cooler than the present in Europe and North America. The Pentagon report's scenario for Europe in next two decades includes the following:
Even more catastrophic scenarios are emerging from the computer models of climatologists and the research of archaeologists, who see in past climate change the source of the abrupt decline of some ancient civilisations. Extensive drought precipitating continent-wide famines is predicted as one consequence of current climate change and the geopolitical consequences, including nuclear resource wars, are incalculable. Independently of climate change, within the EU air pollution resulting from the burning of fossile fuels in industry, air transportation and road traffic has become so bad that EU guidelines on permissible carbon dioxide levels are blocking many new road and industrial building projects in Germany and the Netherlands.
As to the social and economic effects of the global economy, Günter Grass, in a recent New York Times article commemorating the 60th anniversary of the defeat of "a system of power and terror", wrote on the failure of both reunification and parliamentary democracy in Germany in terms that are relevant for Europe as a whole:
Rejection of the Constitution will not, as some Social Democrats have menaced, doom European integration that is embodied in earlier treaties, which will remain in force whatever the fate of the draft constitution. Nor will acceptance, as others on the Left have warned, definitively strangle any hope of the social and ecological Europe we all want. For the Constitution is actually misnamed. To gain the support of those opposed to a European federal state, and who would see in a genuine constitution evidence of one, It has become simply a super-treaty, incorporating most of the existing international treaties between the nations of the Union. Its name -- "Treaty Establishing A Constitution for Europe" -- makes this explicit, as is the stipulation that it, like other EU treaties, must be approved by all member states to be validated. What this means is that the
new "Constitutional" treaty has to be seen in the long
line of such treaties that have marked the path of European integration
every since the founding Treaty of the European Communities of
1958 (to which a great many articles of the new document -- in
its penultimate draft of Mixed, because on the one hand, this integration has given Europe's capitalist elites an excellent reason to avoid the fratricidal international conflicts that have cost the lives of tens of millions of Europeans and twice turned most of Europe's cities into rubble; on the other, it has blocked the way to a social and ecological solution to the manifold problems raised by Günter Grass in particular, the outsourcing of manufacturing and service jobs, concomitant unemployment, and wage decline. Nonetheless, to placate the Social Democrats and Greens who participated in its drafting, a number of important progressive items were inserted in the new draft treaty. Let's examine some of these before looking at the downside of the Constitution.
The forty page "Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Union", which was a fine document to begin with, has been strengthened by its inclusion in the Constitution. Legal proceedings based on appeal to the Charter could until now only be undertaken in the Strassburg "European Court of Human Rights", whose findings, although of moral significance for national courts, are in no way binding or enforceable. If the constitution were to be accepted, such cases could be tried in the European Court of Justice in Luxemburg, whose decisions are binding and which can impose financial penalties on states or other public instances for non-compliance: a major gain. Article I-47 on the principle of participatory democracy offers unprecedented possibilities for citizen action on a European wide scale including the right of initiative and referendum. It reads as follows:
A separate paragraph on transparency stipulates that in general the Union's "Institutions, bodies, offices and agencies shall conduct their work as openly as possible," and in particular that "The European Parliament shall meet in public, as shall the Council when considering and voting on a draft legislative act". This paragraph furthermore ensures all citizens the possibility of obtaining full information on all aspects of EU procedures and actions. For NGOs as well as for the national parliamentary committees authorized to review the actions of the legislative and executive organs of the EU, this permits easier control of and intervention in EU policy-making.
The environmental paragraph (article III-129) clearly places the EU on the side of the angels. It reproduces article 174 of the Treaty of the European Communities, a 1958 founding document of European integration, which was amended to include environmental matters by the "single act" of 1987, which advanced the principle of preventive action, and by the Maastricht Treaty of 1992, which brought in the "precautionary principle" (if it might be harmful, don't do it). This paragraph defines the environmental objectives of the Union as follows:
It further defines the aim of Union policy on the environment as
One cannot overestimate the importance of this paragraph: On the basis of it, the European Court of Justice and the highest national courts have enforced environmental safeguards and standards of pollution control that make the EU a beacon for everyone on the planet concerned with creating a sustainable future. The Constitution, however, only reestablishes in the new unified framework an existing treaty article. And the very Maastricht Treaty that gave us the precautionary principle which puts protection of the environment against possible harm before individual or corporate self-aggrandizement as a Union goal -- also gave us the articles on the internal market that advance the neoliberal shibboleths of growth, privatisation and deregulation as the Union's highest aims. The framework for these shibboleths, mostly taken over unchanged from existing treaties, together with the other institutional elements of a market-driven society, appear as chapters one and two of the Constitution's Part III, Title III on "Internal Policies and Action" -- the same title III that contains, in its chapter III, the environmental paragraph.
In other words, after a promising start the Constitution reveals in its ninety pages on internal policies a Jekyll and Hyde personality. This schizophrenia is implicit in the conflict between the environmental and the economic goals. In the promising but nebulous paragraphs on employment and social policies presumably the substitute for the long-delayed "Social Europe" it is explicit: all policies are subordinated to "the need to maintain the competitiveness of the Union Economy." (Article III-209) The same conflict between the neoliberal goal of free trade and the ecological one of sustainability appears in Chapter I Title III of Part V, where we find these contradictory goals in three successive points concerning the external policies of the Union, which is to:
Many Social Democrats and Greens acknowledge this contradiction but nonetheless make three main arguments:
I am impressed by this reasoning, but not convinced. To begin with, if the constitution is voted down in France, it will not be because of the strength of the anti-Brussels protectionist Right or because of right-wing Islamophobia -- for more of the Right will be mobilized to vote for the document than of the Left -- but because a large part of the pro-European Left realizes the menace to ordinary citizens of the neoliberal free-market mechanisms enshrined in the document. A French government official trying to sell the Constitution in the provinces told his superiors, according to an account in the Financial Times (FT 2-5-05) that the topics they had expected him to have to debate Turkey and laïcité hardly came up. "Instead, people want to know how the treaty will affect their own lives: unemployment, social protection, and business moving abroad are the subjects he says people most frequently ask about." Secondly, inasmuch as the Constitution finally gives us the opportunity of voting our approval or disapproval of the neoliberal bases of the European construction, it would be foolish for those who oppose those bases to vote for the document which incorporates them all unchanged. We were not asked to vote on the Maastricht Treaty. Most of us would have voted against it if we'd had the opportunity. Now we are given the chance of doing so, and we should take it. In fact, considering the harmful effects on living standards of neoliberal policies, understood by a large part of the citizenry, their further implementation through a "yes" vote will sour many ordinary people not only on the Union but on the Social Democrats who pushed it through. Third, the diminution of American global influence is already occurring and will continue, regardless of whether Europe opts for this constitution. Shifts to the Left have occurred in so many South American countries, that the U.S. could not even impose its own man for head of its chosen instrument of imperial control, the O.A.S. Moreover, India, China, Russia and some Latin American states are already finding common ground outside the American hegemony on a number of geopolitical issues, and some believe that it will be easier for European states to join them outside the EU framework than inside. Fourth point: the fact that European Social Democrats supported the formation of the Union's common market base from its inception does not mean that it is reasonable for them to continue doing so. The post-war cooperation of Socialists and trade unionists with European capitalism made sense to the extent that the Keynesianism and Fordist production method underlying the post-war capitalist economy became the ideological and material bases of the welfare state, which for decades reduced social inequalities in Europe. It also provided for government controlled public services, widespread health protection, a relatively high level of unemployment compensation, pensions and paid vacations for the ordinary working people of Europe. But from the 1980's on, the combination of capitalism's increasing exploitation of global investment and market resources with job-eliminating computerized technology, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the bureaucratization of the Welfare State fostered the ruthless anti-Keynesian ideology of Thatcherian neoliberalism. The latter, with its virulent attacks on all aspects of state ownership and control of public services, its execration as coddling of the protections given since WW II to working men and women, has eliminated or reduced many welfare state measures on the pretext that they impede European competition in the global market. Ostensibly to eliminate inefficient government monopolies actually to expand the sphere of private investment -- neoliberalism has wherever possible privatized and deregulated public services. (The latest example of the attack on public services appeared in the EU Commission's happily rejected Bolkestein directive.) In other words, the relatively benign capitalism of the post-war period which was embodied both in the original EU construction and in the welfare state, has given way to a maleficent system which is augmenting inequalities and insecurities and is outsourcing both industrial and service jobs to low wage areas in Eastern Europe and East Asia. The ideological pretence that those who oppose this bitter medicine have nothing more to offer than protectionist xenophobia and a return to the nationalisms that destroyed Europe in two world wars is self-serving nonsense, as is the presumed European idealism which argues that any opposition to it will weaken the economic strength and unity of Europe vis-a-vis the United States. Finally, for the many on the Left who are against this Constitution from a pro-European and anti-Atlanticist position, there is a social-liberal political argument for rejecting the neoliberal supremacy: A sentiment of European identity and solidarity is indispensable for a democratic Europe, but it can only develop as an extension and reaffirmation of existing national, regional and local identities and solidarities. The existing neoliberal economic framework, however, consistently undermines such subsidiary identities by putting individual destinies and local economies at the mercy of profit-oriented multinational corporations which, in their global competition for cheap labour, never hesitate to close offices and factories in Europe and outsource them to less costly Indian and Chinese sites. Thus, insofar as the Constitution consolidates a direction proven harmful both to the economic security and the sub-European solidarities of most Europeans, it will turn more and more citizens against the very idea of European integration, unless those in favor of it can come up with a form of it less destructive of their welfare.
Such alternatives exist: Many NGOs have opposed to the "free trade" mantra of the EU and the WTO the idea of Fair Trade, which, without rejecting international trade, would, as a condition of reducing or eliminating import duties, ask of trading partners the basic elements of a European wide system of social and ecological protections: minimum wages, prohibition of child labor, a decent work week, universal schooling, protections for the old and the infirm, environmental protection, etc. Until now, the fair trade concept has largely been maintained by NGOs (or NGO-driven retail outlets like Simon Leyfelt in the Netherlands) that encourage small producers in agricultural products in Asia, Africa and South America, but there is no reason why the idea cannot be expanded to industrial production as well and used as a comprehensive substitute for the free trade idea. Indeed, although the EU economic structure as it now stands is clearly neoliberal, there is no reason to assume it necessarily has to remain that way. In fact, there are several reasons for assuming that the sea change in European social policy and economic structure that has occurred in the last twenty years is on the point of being undermined by tsunami-sized subterranean shocks. The source of this coming economic earthquake is three-fold: First, there is the imminent exhaustion of fossile fuels as oil and gas reserves deplete and production declines. Secondly, there are the disastrous results of industrial capitalism's growth fetishism on the planetary environment and their backlash influence on the economy . We are witness to the dramatic effects of this fetishism in a potentially fatal climatic change as well as in a degree of air pollution that threatens the urban population and the vegetation of many parts of the planet. Finally, there is the inherent instability of a world economic order in which most policies are determined by short-term goals of increasing profit. A number of establishment economists are so worried by the present direction that they predict a prolonged depression on the lines of the 1930s or 1880s. This leads me to my second main point: that, regardless of the fate of the present draft constitution, the response of the Left to this coming collision between neoliberal utopia and material reality must be a program for a fundamental restructuring of our existing industrial society, one which will involve the tradeoff of a better and sustainable social order against a diminution of the amenities and mobilities currently enjoyed by a minority of humankind.
III A green-social agenda for a sustainable Europe. One of the arguments advanced by the European Greens for supporting the new constitution is the possibility for amending it, which they propose to do in the same resolution in which they support it. While they advocate a strengthened parliament and a "European social order" that will be a "social market economy [with] full employment...common social standards and minimum standards in business taxes...", they do not indicate the environmental content of their proposed amendment. The "agenda for a sustainable Europe" proposed here posits a strategic environmental and social perspective within which the tactic of such an amendment might be formulated. There is an obvious discrepancy between the democratic values of the peoples of the developed world and the advanced industrial economies that provide them with their present high standard of living. As Günter Grass argued in the essay I quoted above, the banks, multinational corporations and lobbyists who actually control our elected parliaments are in no way subject to democratic restraint. Not only are the parliaments often powerless: the dependent workers of our remaining factories and offices have nowhere the possibilities of control over their personal destinies and identities that the early theorists of democratic control ascribed to a pre-industrial society of artisans, shopkeepers and small farmers. And the media control over leisure hours -- taking the place of independent newspapers and neighborhood talk circuits --stimulates commodity desires that only put the average householder on the treadmill of an unending work-and-spend routine. More recently, the incompatibility between democracy and corporate industrialism has been enlarged by the economic results of neoliberal globalization: declining wages, increasing precariousness, disappearing jobs, the transformation of life-time factory and office workers into "flex" workers, house cleaners and gardeners none of this corresponds to the will of the governed. Now conceptualize these existing trends in the light of the planetary future: declining energy supplies, dramatically growing demand for energy and consumer goods in China and India, dangerously rising levels of pollution, and an increasingly shaky world economy. It is not only inconceivable that western standards of an automobile for every family and a protein-rich, high calory diet could be adopted by the 2.5 billion Chinese and Indians whose economy is presently in a take-off phase; it is improbable that Europeans and Americans will be able to continue it very much longer. Nor is it likely that the grain- and beef-centered agro-industry, on which we depend for a planetary supply of vegetables and meats, will survive the oil crunch and the growing awareness of its real costs to the environment. Those costs, now largely hidden from public view, are spread over three large areas. To begin with, the transportation of globally-produced food for daily consumption requires a huge fleet of air freighters and trucks that spew the chemical residues of the fuel they consume into the air we breath, causing, together with the other uses of fossile fuels in transportation and industry, the untenable (and, according to EU directives impermissible) levels of urban pollution, so high that a good many road-building and industrial projects have been halted by court order. Global warming and debilitating sound pollution for the growing number of people living in cities with international airports are additional effects. Secondly, the grain that feeds the livestock we consume daily is grown in huge areas of North America and Europe where a human- rather than profit-oriented agricultural policy might produce vegetables for human consumption. In Europe, according to José Bové, "More than 75% of cereal production is destined for animal feed." Inasmuch as the evolution of agriculture from small holdings to giant agro-industrial corporations has fostered powerful lobbies in the west's political centers, both the EU and the U.S. support this system with massive subsidies. Our current policies thus abet the atrocious global imbalance between those with a protein-heavy, high-calory western diet that induces epidemic obesity and the millions in Asia and Africa who often starve to death from malnutrition and periodic famines. It also contributes largely to the surplus exploitation of the natural world by humankind: the exploitation of natural resources beyond their replacement level that threatens the impoverishment of future generations. Thirdly, the animals produced
in the course of the slow march to the slaughterhouse are themselves,
through their excrements, a source of immense pollution of earth
and water as well as a danger to human health through the mode
of their industrial production. The profitability problem of
the beef industry becomes the problem of all meat consumers,
when we consider that corn-based animal feed is frequently supplemented
by three dangerous additives that get into our own bodies: the
dead bodies of other animals, which ruminant livestock were not
made to consume and which, if diseased, have been known to provoke
E. Coli, salmonella and mad cow disease; the doses of antibiotics
which, intended to protect livestock from disease, tend to build
up resistance to antibiotics in human consumers, and the growth
hormones often injected in livestock to accelerate their growth.
In short, if there is to be any measure of civilised existence for our children and grandchildren, the exhaustion of fossile fuels and the increasing dangers of a polluted environment will impose a surrender of several aspects of the life-style to which many Europeans and Americans have become accustomed the private automobile, the second home, the airborne leisure travel to distant continents, the high-protein meat diet and the wide variety of fruits and vegetables in all seasons from far-off countries. These things will, in any case, become increasingly scarce and expensive, and unless there is a serious return to a saner way of life and a more modest standard of living, our minimally democratic polities will degenerate into a war of all against all for the retention of such amenities. In fact, a growing number of people, "downshifters" in the parlance of Juliet Schor , have already opted out of the consumer treadmill, but the phenomenon will remain marginal until major parties place it on their agendas. The task of the Left is to transform our bleak future into a challenge and an opportunity: to break out of the cage of unfulfillable desires in which today's consumer society has placed us. Whatever the future, ecological imperatives alone dictate that it cannot continue to be the unregulated, "free" market society which neoliberal ideology claims to be the best of all possible worlds. In a sense, that claim was always spurious, since the "free trade" and "democracy" rhetoric were transparent veils for the unfreedom of corporate domination. Indeed, as an economic system, Free Trade was proven an unworkable utopia when its first incarnation under the British commercial hegemony in the middle of the 19th century led to the great depression of the 1870s. Its return in a neoliberal, Thatcherite mold was billed as the ineluctable wave of the future in the 1980s and 90s, but the end of the hi-tech boom in 2000 and the events of September 11, 2001 have signalled the end of that future. Since the turn of the century and the apparent menace of Islamic terrorism, American neoliberalism has metamorphosed into neoconservatism (free trade plus geopolitically motivated regime change by military means). This new and brutal ideology, underlying the unilateralism of the current American administration, has probably been adopted by the conservative oil barons now in power because of their realization that the continued hegemony of corporate elites over a potentially rebellious populace could be preserved only at the cost of American geopolitical domination of the oil and gas fields of the middle east, and thereby the continued arrogation to American consumer society of the lion's share of the world's resources. This strategy will not work. The discontent of most of the nations of Europe with the American demarche is slowly turning into rage against the European corporate clones of the "American way", as the return of the rhetoric of class conflict in France and Germany makes clear, and even across the Atlantic the Bush administration is encountering increased resistance from senators emboldened by the discontent of their constituents with the president's reactionary social program. In South America, the hold of pro-American oligarchies has been replaced in one country after another by leftist regimes, now powerful enough to deny the U.S. for the first time its preferred candidate for presidency of the O.A.S. But on both sides of the ocean, the last refuge of those in power will be to manipulate popular fears of Islam to bolster support for military-industrial complexes and authoritarian regimes. In any case, a return to regulation some form of neo-Keynesianism or "war Keynesianism" -- is inevitable. If there is no breakthrough by the Left, it will take the form of the corporations regulating themselves at the expense of all of us, further selling out our livelihoods to the contractor offering the lowest bid in the suburbs of Shanghai. Both in labour standards and welfare provisions, the race to the bottom accelerates on both sides of the Atlantic, as social dumping and the lowering of corporate tax rates -- driven by national needs to attract or retain large companies become the norm. In Europe, and to an increasing degree in the United States, impoverishment will dictate increasing sobriety on the part of an overworked population. I would suggest an alternative to this grim scenario: that European progressives begin systematically to work out and explain to the peoples of Europe a different future, in which sobriety, sustainability and social regulation cohere with the elaboration of new democratic identities. The challenge will be to find a democratic construction that will balance, on the one hand, ecologically mandated limits on production and consumption and socially mandated limits on economic concentration with, on the other hand, advances in social solidarity, cultural and political participation and personal rights and identity. The combination of such limits and advances is not utopian. The goal will be to create a European world that lives within its ecological means and can serve as a global model for a successful alternative to today's wasteful consumer society. In creating such a new democratic ideal, we shall have to debate and define four kinds of distinctions:
Energy Until now, even the Green programs have been nibbling around the edges of the problem, focussing mainly on ways of increasing fossile fuel efficiency, and secondarily on sustainable energy sources. While radical compared with the minimal approach of most other political groupings, they have not confronted the clear need for a major reduction in the amount of power utilized. Such reduction can come only through a shift from private to public modes of transportation, a reduction in ecologically harmful intercontinental transportation of goods, and a scaling back of the unlimited consumption horizons of contemporary society. Since the private exploitation of energy resources creates vested interests in the retention of harmful and unsustainable fossile fuels, a European energy program should create a public trust for the researching and development of sustainable, non-polluting energy sources: wind, sun, water and biomass. A complete transfer of electric power supplies from fossile fuel sources to renewables should be planned for the coming decade in a detailed program that specifies amounts, modes of research and optimum rates of utilisation in the different states of the EU. Mobility Both the coming exhaustion of fossile fuel supplies and the planetary menace of noxious pollutants from internal combustion engines suggest that a sustainable future will depend on severe reductions in long-distance air, truck and auto transport. Most leisure travel as well as commuting will have to adjust to significantly cleaner rail, tram and bicycle networks. There should be a European transportation policy to induce people, through a combination of carrots and sticks, into moving from the more to the less polluting modes of transportation. It is not merely a question
of "greening" the energy supply and the auto industry.
George Monbiot has indicated the parameters of the problem in
an article on the planned extension of wind power through a major
project in England. This project would provide current for 47,000
homes while eliminating 178,000 tons of carbon dioxide emissions
(that would otherwise come from fossile fuel consumption for
their electricity) per year. While this sounds like a major
improvement, Monbiot points out that a single jumbo jet flying
back and forth daily from London to Miami "releases the
climate-change equivalent of 520,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide
a year. One daily connection between Britain and Florida costs
three giant wind farms." Moreover, the UK government predicts
a rise in British air passengers over the coming quarter century
from 180 million to 476 million. Similar problems arise with
continued and expanded automobile traffic. Hydrogen-powered autos
based on a wind-power supplied electricity grid would "require
a doubling of the national grid." Monbiot concludes that
"there is no sustainable way of meeting current projections
for energy demand. The only strategy in any way compatible with
environmentalism is one led by a vast reduction in total use." Severe cutbacks to the auto industry of course mean more unemployment. But the European economy and European employment can compensate by a large-scale construction of rail and tram lines to take the place of both the auto and the airliner. While the residual automobile and airplane production might be left in private hands, the construction of a more extensive rail and tram network could be considered a matter of such public importance that it should be undertaken as a public trust. In both areas, of course, the existing levels of technological and informational prowess should be utilized, artisanal production being non-existent. In any case, rapid rail transport can bring Europeans faster to most continental destinations than the auto and almost as quickly as air travel, when we calculate the amount of time needed to reach airports, check in, then check our luggage out again and reach cities 20 kilometers away. Given the reduction of flying, most airports near major cities could probably be replaced by a few mainports for essential intercontinental traffic constructed in the North Sea and the Mediterranean and connected to the mainland either by rail tunnels or high speed ferries. Intra-European air routes can be scrapped, replaced by high speed rail lines. This, together with the sharp reduction in auto travel would go far to clean Europe's air and eliminate much of the noise pollution currently fraying nerves in most of our large cities. Housing and social organization Since adequate housing is a human necessity, one of the goals of the EU should be to ensure that everyone has it. As to how it might be provided, there are large gains in productivity possible from the design and production of pre-fabricated units. There should be a production trust at the European level, supported by public subsidies, with a wide variety of choices suitable to different climates and cultural possibilities. Nonetheless, the proliferation of |
