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Today's Stories January 18, 2008 Allan Nairn Ralph Nader Alan Farago
January 17, 2008 Paul Craig
Roberts Christopher
Brauchli Robert Fantina Patrick Irelan Paul A. Moore Stephen Lendman Beena Sarwar Walter Brasch Brenda Norrell Adam Federman Website of the Day
January 16, 2008 Jeffrey St.
Clair Franklin Lamb Julian Sanchez Sharon Smith Allan Nairn Ayesha Ijaz
Khan Andy Worthington Richard Behan Website of the Day
January 15, 2008 Andrea Peacock Wajahat Ali Joe Bageant Ralph Nader John Ross Elaine Cassel Peter Morici Beena Sarwar Robert Weissman Binoy Kampmark Dave Zirin Website of
the Day
January 14, 2008 Ishmael Reed Roger Morris Uri Avnery Mike Whitney Allan Nairn William Blum Alan Farago David Macaray Eva Liddell Zoe Blunt Website of the Day
January 12 / 13, 2008 Andrew Cockburn Saul Landau Corey D. B. Walker Col. Dan Smith Eric Toussaint Ron Jacobs Fred Gardner Stan Cox Jacob G. Hornberger Ramzy Baroud Joseph Grosso David Díaz-Arias Stacey Warde Dan Bacher Michael Dickinson Website of
Weekend
January 11, 2008 Dave Lindorff Paul Craig
Roberts Andy Worthington Kenneth Couesbouc Jeff Ballinger Christopher
Brauchli Manuel Garcia, Jr. Andrew Silverstein Marwan Bishara Robert Weissman Patrick Irelan Website of
the Day
January 10, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Bob Wing Michael Donnelly David Macaray China Hand Ayesha Ijaz Khan Rannie Amiri Website of the Day
January 9, 2008 Cockburn /
St. Clair Dave Lindorff John Chuckman James Bovard Alan Farago Russell Mokhiber William S. Lind Peter Morici Josh Reubner Mike Roselle Website of the Day
January 8, 2008 Paul Craig
Roberts Russell Mokhiber Robert Fantina Dave Zirin Shamako Nobel John Ross Brenda Norrell Laura Carlsen Patrick Irelan Evelyn J. Pringle Jonathan M.
Feldman Michael Dickinson Website of
the Day
January 7, 2008 Chris Floyd John Blair Uri Avnery Andy Worthington Binoy Kampmark David Macaray Ralph Nader Michael Donnelly Ron Jacobs Gideon Levy Dave Lindorff Website of
the Day
January 5 / 6, 2008 Douglas Valentine Kevin Young Richard Rhames Saul Landau Marc Lynch Robert Fantina Donna Volatile Jelle Bruinsma Bob Sutcliffe Harvey Wasserman Missy Beattie David Swanson Jacob Hornberger Shepherd Bliss Ron Jacobs Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend
January 4, 2008 Cockburn /
St. Clair Jonathan Cook Paul Craig Roberts Stan Goff Dave Lindorff Niranjan Ramakrishnan Allan Nairn Joshua Frank Peter Morici Mary McInnis Website of the Day
January 3, 2008 Fatima Bhutto Pam Martens Joanne Mariner Zoltan Grossman David Domke Norman Solomon Nikolas Kozloff Jacob G. Hornberger Martha Rosenberg Russell Means Website of the Day
January 2, 2008 Jeff Taylor M. Shahid Alam Gary Leupp Paul Craig Roberts Heather Gray Fred Gardner David Macaray Benjamin Dangl
January 1, 2008 Iain A. Boal B. R. Gowani Shahid Mahmood Linn Washington,
Jr. Harvey Wasserman John Ross Website of the Day
December 31, 2007 Alexander Cockburn Tariq Ali Liaquat Ali Khan Wajahat Ali Robert Fisk Ajai Sahni Marwan Bishara Uri Avnery Mark T. Harris Brenda Norrell Website of the Day
December 29 / 30, 2007 Alexander Cockburn Tariq Ali Fawzia Afzal-Khan Gary Leupp China Hand Jacob Hornberger John Chuckman Missy Beattie Ralph Nader Fidel Castro Robert Fantina Greg Moses Catherine Lutz Kristin Van
Tassel Kim Nicolini Phyllis Pollack Poets' Basement Website of
the Weekend
December 28, 2007 Farzana Versey Wajahat Ali Binoy Kampmark Ayesha Ijaz
Khan Anthony DiMaggio Ray McGovern Jim Goodman Ron Jacobs Russell Hoffman John Murphy Website of the Day
December 27, 2007 Dilip Hiro Murtaza Shibli Stephen Soldz Bill Quigley Paul Craig Roberts Omer Subhani Marjorie Cohn Allan Nairn Jacob G. Hornberger Norman Solomon Patrick Irelan Ben Tripp Website of the Day
Charles Tripp Paul Armentano Rannie Amiri Stanley Heller John Walsh Martha Rosenberg Norman Madarasz Website of
the Day
December 25, 2007 Patrick Cockburn December 24, 2007 Andrea Peacock Tariq Ali Uri Avnery Jill Jameson Steve Melendez Mike Whitney Chuck Munson John Walsh Farzana Versey Richard Neville Website of the Day
Alexander Cockburn Ralph Nader Andy Worthington Ahmad Faruqui Bill Moyers Rev. William
E. Alberts Timothy J. Freeman Anthony DiMaggio Fred Gardner Paul Krassner Seth Sandronsky William Loren
Katz Michael Dickinson Ron Jacobs David Vest Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend
December 21, 2007 John Ross Jacob Hornberger Dick J. Reavis Jeff Cohen
Peter Morici Jack McCarthy Raúl Zibechi Steve Early David Macaray Patrick Bond Lakota Freedom Delegation Website of
the Day
December 20, 2007 David Rosen Alan Farago Laura Carlsen Ashley Dawson Wayne Smith Website of
the Day
December 19, 2007 Saul Landau Paul W. Lovinger Norman Solomon Dave Zirin Marjorie Cohn Sen. Russell
Feingold Sonja Karkar Anthony Papa Christopher Ketcham Davey D Website of
the Day
December 18, 2007 R. F. Blader George Wuerthner Steven Higgs Vijay Prashad David Macaray Ralph Nader Eva Liddell Martha Rosenberg Dave Lindorff Peter Morici Website of
the Day
December 17, 2007 Mike Whitney Tom Barry Uri Avnery Greg Moses Allan Nairn Patrick Bond Stephen Lendman Charles Jonkel Laray Polk Stephen Fleischman December 15 / 16, 2007 Peter Linebaugh Howard Zinn Standard Schaefer Raymond J.
Lawrence Alan Farago Saul Landau Jenna Orkin Ahmad Samih
Khalidi Robert Fantina Missy Comley
Beattie Ramzy Baroud James L. Secor Elijah Wald Website of
the Weekend
December 14, 2007 JoAnn Wypijewski John Ross Jacob Hornberger Andy Worthington Allan Nairn Dave Zirin Dave Lindorff Misty MacDuffee Ben Terrall Dr. Mustafa
Barghouthi Website of the Day
December 13, 2007 Paul Craig
Roberts Mike Whitney Ron Jacobs Norman Solomon Peter Morici Sandy Mayes Franklin Lamb Jacob Hornberger Nadim Rouhana Dave Zirin Website of the Day
Allan
Nairn Alan
Farago Ray
McGovern Winslow
T. Wheeler Evan
Jones James
Petras Joel
Hirschorn Joshua
Frank Sherry
Wolf Dan
Bacher Website
of the Day
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January 18, 2008 When the Remedy is as Bad as the AbusesTerrorism and Preventative DetentionBy JOANNE MARINER Since the September 11 terrorist attacks, pressure to combat terrorism effectively, speedily, and decisively has warped--or even rendered unrecognizable--basic legal rules and institutions. Suspects taken into U.S. custody have, in some instances, been "disappeared" and tortured rather than arrested, investigated, and prosecuted. Hundreds of others have been held in indefinite detention at Guantanamo, without explicit congressional or judicial authorization. Ad hoc military commission proceedings have, for some of these people, replaced fair trials. Even some of the proposed remedies for these abuses are worrying. The alternative of preventive (administrative) detention, recommended by some commentators as the best way to deal with terrorist suspects--or, more modestly, as a means of closing Guantanamo without releasing dangerous men--is of particular concern.
Let's quickly run through the possible legal methods for handling suspected terrorists (leaving out disappearance and other methods that have nothing to do with the law). There is the option of prosecution (either in regular courts, in specialized courts, in courts-martial or in military commissions). There is detention as an enemy combatant, prisoner of war, security internee, or in another category whose purported justification is found in the laws of war. And there is the preventive detention option, which does not currently exist under U.S. law. Now, in assessing the various alternative approaches, let's ignore their labels, and even put aside their theoretical frameworks (backward-looking vs. forward-looking, wartime vs. peacetime, etc.). Let's simply examine what, concretely and specifically, each approach offers in terms of the process by which detention decisions are made. Criminal prosecutions, whatever the court, have certain common characteristics. First, the burden is on the government to prove guilt, and guilt must be shown beyond a reasonable doubt. Second, while rules of evidence vary from court to court, in general the evidence relied upon by the prosecution must be disclosed to the defendant: convictions cannot be based on secret evidence. And third, the assistance of counsel must be allowed. So-called enemy combatants held at Guantanamo (like security internees held in Iraq) have a very different--and quite inferior--set of procedural rights. First, the Combatant Status Review Tribunal proceedings, or CSRTs, held at Guantanamo effectively place the burden of proof on the detainee. Second, secret evidence is not just allowed; it plays a determinative role in all of the proceedings. Third, although detainees at Guantanamo now have access to legal counsel for proceedings in federal court, lawyers are not allowed to represent detainees at CSRT proceedings. (Moreover, most detainees had not yet seen their lawyers at the time they underwent their first round of CSRTs.)
So where does preventive detention fit on this scale of procedural rights? Obviously, it varies according to the specific detention scheme at issue, and most commentators who have recommended the option have not fleshed out their proposals in any great detail. Yet it's possible to sketch out a basic outline of the option based on how it has been used in other countries, and also judging by the objections that proponents of preventive detention have made to the option of a criminal trial. (Presumably any preventive detention proposal would not include the criminal justice guarantees that they have singled out as problematic.) First, a clear difference from the CSRT system is that most proponents of preventive detention are willing to accept that detainees be granted the assistance of counsel. While there may be varying views as to when this right would attach--many proponents would permit an initial interrogation period during which a detainee's lawyer is barred--the right to counsel during the actual adjudicative proceedings seems secure. Second, a clear difference from the criminal justice system lies in the standard of proof. Preventive detention, almost by definition, implies a standard of proof short of "beyond a reasonable doubt." In large part, this is a basic consequence of preventive detention's forward-looking character. No one has an accurate crystal ball, and without one it is difficult to prove anyone's future behavior beyond a reasonable doubt. The past is stable; the future is always contingent. Reflecting this (but also evidencing the distressing lack of certainty associated with preventive detention), standards of proof in preventive detention proceedings tend to be low. In the U.K., for example, the preventive detention scheme introduced in the 2001 counterterrorism law, passed after the September 11 attacks, allowed the Home Secretary to order a person's detention if he had a "reasonable belief" that the person was a threat to national security and a "suspicion" that the person was an international terrorist or had links with an international terrorist group. "Reasonable belief," a standard that is effectively synonymous with probable cause, is only sufficient under normal criminal justice rules to support an arrest, not to justify indefinite detention for years. Finally, although other procedural safeguards may vary as well, a key distinction between preventive detention schemes and the criminal justice model is in the rules of evidence. The rules are typically much looser under the preventive detention model, and, of greatest concern, secret evidence may be used. The crucial problem is that defendants cannot meaningfully challenge evidence that they are not allowed to see. Detention Based on Thin and Unreliable Evidence In an op-ed published in the New York Times last Sunday, former New Jersey Attorney General John Farmer criticized the prosecution of Jose Padilla, suggesting that the case demonstrated how relying on the criminal justice system to handle terrorist suspects threatens to stretch the system beyond its limits. His sense of the intense pressures attending high-profile terrorism cases may be correct. But his solution--to switch to preventive detention--does not remedy any of the unfairness that he perceived in Padilla's treatment. As he describes it, Padilla was prosecuted on a vague charge, and only a smidgen of evidence. But if the system failed (if it was unjust to hold Padilla on this basis), why would changing the label applied to the system--calling it preventive detention and not a criminal trial--magically make it alright? It may be true that unlike the criminal justice system, preventive detention schemes don't need to be stretched in order to detain people unjustly. But whether they call it preventive detention, or an unfair trial, or Guantanamo plus, the problem is essentially the same. Joanne Mariner is a human rights attorney based in
New York.
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