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July
8, 2003
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July
8, 2003
Nights of Anger, Fire
and Rage
Police Abuse
& Chronic Poverty Fueled Benton Harbor Riots
By ALAN MAASS
and KEEANGA-YAMAHTTA TAYLOR
Terrance Shurns's death was the final straw. But
the explosion of anger in Benton Harbor last month was years
in the making. One ingredient was the latest outrage committed
against another Black victim by an overwhelmingly white police
force. But equally important was a long history of economic neglect
in a once-prosperous industrial town in southwestern Michigan
that has sunk into a permanent depression.
"People didn't even know about Benton
Harbor until all this happened," says Evette Taylor, who
has lived here all of her 31 years. "If you put something
on the shelf, and you don't pay any attention to it, pretty soon,
it gets deteriorated. You forgot about it. And that's how we
are. We're forgotten about, we're nothing."
* *
*
BITTERNESS AT police and poverty fueled
two nights of rioting after Shurn was killed in a motorcycle
crash on the night of June 16. The 28-year-old--known as "T-shirt"
to the many people who knew him in Benton Harbor--collided with
a building after being pursued by white cops from the Benton
Township police force, which is separate from the city force.
The cops' version is that Shurn and another
motorcyclist were riding at speeds of over 100 miles per hour,
and officers chased them at a safe distance. Benton Harbor residents
tell a different story.
Some say that a squad car rammed Shurn,
causing him to lose control and crash. Friends say that Shurn
often complained of being singled out for harassment by police--and
that he was arrested in February and spent time in jail for carrying
one prescription pain tablet in his pocket. And why, residents
ask, did police continue a high-speed chase in a residential
area--especially after a 7-year-old boy was killed in the same
neighborhood because of a police chase several years ago?
But no one disagrees about what happened
next on the night Shurn died. When a group of 50 people gathered
for a prayer vigil, police moved in and ordered them to disperse.
"We weren't loud," 23-year-old
Latonya Doss told a reporter. "We were singing church songs."
The cops threatened to make arrests, and tensions escalated.
Some in the crowd began throwing bottles and bricks, driving
the police away.
That's when residents snapped, says Taylor.
"This is just years and years of being abused and treated
like you're nothing," Taylor said, "getting pulled
over, going to jail, drug cases pending on you, getting set up.
We're tired of it." That night and the next, crowds of hundreds
of people set fire to buildings in Benton Harbor's South Side--and
then met fire trucks and police cars with a hail of stones.
True to form, mainstream media reports
of the rioting focused on the nearly three dozen buildings that
were destroyed by arson. But F. Russell Baker, pastor of the
First Congregational United Church of Christ, stresses that only
two of the houses were inhabited. The others were abandoned buildings,
which can be found in large numbers in Benton Harbor--a daily
reminder to residents of how their town has been left to rot.
"The rioting was focused in two
areas," Baker said. "One was anger at the police. The
other was at the abandoned houses. The reaction of those who
were rioting was against the neglect. But it was a focused riot."
After two nights of disturbances, local
and state authorities responded with a show of force, sending
hundreds of police in riot gear to take back the streets. Religious
leaders from Benton Harbor organized their own patrols to try
to ease tensions.
After a few nights, it was clear that
authorities had put a lid back on--yet equally clear that the
discontent remained. One image said it all--a menacing police
armored personnel carrier parked on the broken pavement of a
lot in front of a long-closed K-Mart store.
* *
*
MEDIA ACCOUNTS of the rioting often asked
why Benton Harbor residents would destroy "their own town."
The answer is simple--many feel, and with good reason, that "their
own town" has already been devastated.
Benton Harbor was once an industrial
city with numerous union jobs connected to the steel industry--as
well as the flagship factory of appliance maker Whirlpool. Whirlpool
still has its corporate headquarters in Benton Harbor. But the
factory is long gone, along with almost all of the good-paying
industrial jobs in the area. Today, one-third of Benton Harbor's
households have annual incomes of less than $10,000, and unemployment
is nearly 40 percent.
Meanwhile, across the St. Joseph River
is Benton Harbor's "sister city"--the beach town of
St. Joseph. Located on the shores of Lake Michigan, St. Joe is
a weekend getaway destination for Chicagoans two hours away--and
has enjoyed a boom as the Chicago elite bought up vacation homes.
The contrast couldn't be greater. Benton
Harbor is 92 percent Black; St. Joseph is 95 percent white. Unemployment
is endemic in Benton Harbor; it barely exists in St. Joseph.
The median home value in Benton Harbor is less than $40,000;
it's more than $100,000 in St. Joseph.
"You go to St. Joe, and there's
not an abandoned house, there's not a bad street, nothing,"
says Evette Taylor. "They call it the twin cities. If I
had a twin that looked like that, I wouldn't admit it."
The racial and class tensions between
the two towns is an essential part of the background to last
month's rioting. For the last two years, a small group of Benton
Harbor residents has held a weekly protest march, crossing the
bridge into St. Joseph to demonstrate outside the Berrien County
Courthouse--with its staff of mostly white judges and attorneys
that regularly deals out injustices to African American victims.
And etched into the memory of everyone
in Benton Harbor is the death of Eric McGinnis, a 16-year-old
Black youth who was found dead in 1991 in the St. Joseph River
with rope burns on his neck. As journalist Alex Kotlowitz chronicled
in his book The Other Side of the River, many Benton Harbor residents
believe that McGinnis was lynched--possibly with St. Joe police
participating--for dating a white teen in St. Joseph.
There have been other deaths, too--and
no doubt about who was responsible. Two months ago, Benton Harbor
resident Arthur Partee died in a struggle with police after they
came to arrest him at his home--on an outstanding traffic warrant.
The cops say Partee resisted. Witnesses insist police used a
chokehold on a man who was already subdued.
In the aftermath of the rioting, the
Benton Township police chief said that his officers would stop
chasing Blacks into Benton Harbor...probably. But few people
expect that anything at all will be done about the deeper problems
of racism or the ongoing economic depression in Benton Harbor.
Michigan Gov. Jennifer Granholm may have
said that the "underlying issue of hopelessness must be
addressed," but the state government has shown its priorities--locating
the money to hire more cops for the area, while coming up short
on funds to create jobs and cutting away at social services.
"So many want to get their lives together," said Rev.
James Atterberry, of the Brotherhood of All Nations Church of
God. "We just don't have the resources. Most just slip through
the cracks."
After the 1992 Los Angeles Rebellion,
the issues of racism and economic devastation afflicting the
African American community suddenly became front-page news, and
politicians started to discuss the problems that people from
South Central LA dealt with every day. George Bush Sr.'s reelection
campaign was put on the defensive--and he eventually lost to
Bill Clinton with one of the lowest shares of the vote for any
incumbent in the 20th century.
Still, the media attention eventually
went away, and little concrete came from the politicians' rhetoric.
As a much smaller disturbance, Benton Harbor is already disappearing
from the news, leaving the town's festering crisis unaddressed.
We have to show why the riots in Benton
Harbor are symptoms of a hidden crisis suffered by poor African
Americans--and by working people generally--in cities across
the country. And we have to take part in all the struggles that
will rebuild a movement that can offer a real alternative to
a system that breeds racism and poverty.
The crisis of Black
America
THE RIOTS in Benton Harbor are an expression
of the anger and frustration that exists beneath the surface
in every city in America. The bitterness is especially clear
among African Americans, who have been hit harder because of
the sluggish economy--and stand to lose even more as George W.
Bush pursues his Robin Hood in reverse policies of stealing from
the poor to give to the rich.
Since Bush took over the White House,
the national unemployment rate has jumped to 6 percent. Joblessness
for African Americans is nearly twice that--at 11 percent. For
young Black men, the situation is even more desperate. Unemployment
for 16- to 19-year-old African Americans topped out at more than
30 percent, double that of young white men in the same age range.
For anyone who might think this is a
case of bad luck, a University of Chicago study conducted last
fall found that job applicants with "Black-sounding"
names were twice as likely not to be called back for an interview
as applicants with "white-sounding" names. And to add
insult to injury, the Bush administration is planning on slashing
urban job training programs--already poorly funded to begin with--by
70 percent, from $225 million to just $45 million.
This combination of racism and poverty
underpins the social catastrophe that shapes the lives of millions
of African Americans. The statistics alone are shocking:
--Some 23 percent of African Americans
have no health insurance.
--Black women, who account for slightly
more than 6 percent of the U.S. population, make up 68 percent
of all new AIDS cases among women. About 63 percent of all new
pediatric AIDS cases are Black children.
--For every one Black male who graduates
college, 100 more are jailed.
--Among first-time youth offenders, African
Americans are six times more likely to be sentenced by juvenile
courts to prison than whites. Black youth are 48 times more likely
than whites to be sent to prison for drug offenses.
The list of inequities could go on and
on. And what's more, the crisis of Black America isn't something
that began when Bush took office.
Some statistical indicators got better
during the 1990s under the Clinton administration. Black unemployment,
for example, dropped to 7.2 percent--the lowest level since records
were first kept, though it remained nearly twice the overall
rate. And the number of Blacks living in poverty dropped from
about one in three to less than one in four.
Nevertheless, throughout U.S. society,
the rich got richer at a much faster pace during the Clinton
years--and this dynamic played itself out among African Americans,
too. By the mid-1990s--well before the boom was finished--fully
one-seventh of Black families made more than $50,000 a year,
more than at any other period in history.
The gap between this layer of better-off
African Americans and the bottom half of the Black community--still
suffering the effects of racism and economic stagnation, especially
in poor urban neighborhoods--grew larger and larger. Today, the
prominence of Colin Powell, Condoleezza Rice, Clarence Thomas
and a range of others highlights the fact that the a small but
significant number of African Americans have benefited from the
system--while the majority of Blacks have not.
Meanwhile, many of the Clinton administration's
most loudly hyped policies had a disproportionate impact on African
Americans. For example, Clinton exploited the "tough on
crime" hysteria to promote two crime bills that contributed
to the massive incarceration boom. Under Clinton, the U.S. prison
population swelled to nearly 2 million--with minorities the main
victims.
Clinton also ended "welfare as we
know it" with the 1996 welfare "reform" bill.
The booming economy of 1990s hid the worst impact of this law
as former recipients were forced into sub-minimum wage "workfare"
jobs in order to get benefits. But the onset of recession as
Clinton left office hit workfare workers hard--and welfare "deform"
left them with nowhere to turn when the economic bottom fell
out.
Black America is a pressure cooker. With
rising unemployment, little hope for the future and police nationally
emboldened by greater powers because of Washington's "war
on terror," the ingredients are there for more explosions
of anger like Benton Harbor.
Many Black political leaders have set
their sights on electing a Democrat in 2004 as the way to address
this crisis. But this is no real answer for the majority of Blacks.
We need to organize a struggle at the grassroots against racism
and poverty--and link it to all the other fights against the
Bush agenda.
Alan Maass
is the editor of the Socialist
Worker. He can be reached at: alanmaass@sbcglobal.net
Weekend
Edition Features
Patrick
Cockburn
Dead on the Fourth of July
Frederick
Douglass
What is Freedom to a Slave?
Martha
Honey
Bush and Africa: Racism, Exploitation
and Neglect
Jeffrey
St. Clair
The Rat in the Grain: Amstutz and
the Looting of Iraqi Agriculture
Standard
Schaefer
Rule by Fed: Anyone But Greenspan in 2004
Lenni Brenner
Jefferson is for Today
Elaine
Cassel
Fucking Furious on the Fourth
Ben Tripp
How Free Are We?
Wayne
Madsen
A Sad Independence Day
John Stanton
Happy Birthday, America! 227 Years of War
Jim
Lobe
Bush's Surreal AIDS Appointment
John Blair
Return to Marble Hill: Indiana's Rusting Nuke
Lisa
Walsh Thomas
Heavy Reckoning at Qaim
David Vest
Wake Up and Smell the Dynamite
Adam
Engel
Queer as Grass
Poets'
Basement
Christian, Witherup, Albert & St. Clair
Website
of the Weekend
The Lipstick Librarian
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