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June
19, 2003
What's Next?
You
Call This Security?
By DAVID LINDORFF
The last 21 months certainly have been wild and
crazy. We've seen the vaporization of the World Trade Center,
a successful attack on the Pentagon, the transformation of George
Bush from a bumbling laughing stock to an awe-inspiring tyrant,
the overnight creation of a mammoth global peace movement, a
lightning war of aggression and conquest by the U.S., and the
simultaneous shattering of a half-century-old alliance and of
the United Nations.
Now it's time to look ahead at what may
be coming, which could prove to be crazier and scarier still.
A lot, I suspect, will depend upon what
America's enemies decide to do next, and where they decide to
act.
If Osama Bin Laden and his supporters
decide to target the U.S. and manage to pull off another high-casualty
terrorist attack within the United States, on the scale of what
they did in Manhattan, it could spell the end of democratic government
and of our civil liberties tradition. The growing backlash against
the government's post 9/11 assault on civil liberties, and the
tentative questioning
of the integrity and competence of the Bush administration that
has begun more recently, would be swept away in a wave of new
anti-terror fervor and Gestapo-like tactics that would be irresistible.
On the other hand, if the Iraqi resistance,
with or without the help of outside organizations like al Qaeda,
manages to move from isolated attacks on American soldiers in
Iraq to a major massacre of American troops in that country,
it could have a reverse effect back in the U.S., much like the
Tet Offensive in the Indochina War--leading Americans to demand
a pull-back from what will be widely viewed at that point as
a hopeless quagmire. With the U.S. having kept its casualties
so astonishingly low through the duration of the war, it might
seem hard to imagine Iraq's rag-tag guerrillas pulling off such
a feat. Recall, however, that occupation is a lot different from
invasion. An attacking army has all the advantages of mobility
and surprise--and in America's case, of massive aerial support.
An army of occupation, in contrast, is a sitting duck, can make
little use of air support, and moreover has to struggle against
low morale, boredom and lack of attention. Moreover, the more
aggressively the U.S. occupiers employ seek-and-destroy tactics
against the Iraqi resistance, the more hostile they are likely
to make the populace, thus creating an environment all the more
favorable to the guerrillas.
It seems a safe bet that the Iraqi resistance
and its allies throughout the Middle East are contemplating just
such a major attack on American troops. They have to know that
American public opinion has little patience for foreign adventures,
that much of the occupying army is composed of reservists with
families, jobs and lives that they want to get back to, and that
heavy casualties are generally not politically tolerated. Thus,
it seems only a matter of time before a Lebanon-style attack
occurs.
What about a new major terror attack
within the U.S.?
Sadly, it would seem such a terrible
event is becoming increasingly likely, too. Even under the best
of circumstances, the U.S. invasion of Iraq virtually assured
that whatever experimental chemical or biological horrors Saddam
Hussein might have been cooking up, plus the nuclear waste materials
in Iraq, would find their way into the hands of terrorists. But
beyond that, the incredible ineptness and disinterest demonstrated
by the invading U.S. and British armed forces, which waited weeks
to try to secure dangerous weapons and waste materials, handed
such hostile groups a golden opportunity. Not only were the materials
available--there was a broken enemy motivated to sell whatever
it could, both to punish the U.S. and to raise cash to escape
Iraq.
On top of that, beyond creating a ludicrous
color-coded alarm system and arresting, terrorizing and deporting
hundreds of hapless Islamic immigrant visa violators, it turns
out that the Bush Administration has done almost nothing concrete
to protect the U.S. against terrorism. The fraudulently promoted
Iraq war was a huge diversion not just of attention, but of domestic
security forces and financial resources. Whole state police and
urban police departments, as well as fire departments, have been
gutted, thanks to a legacy of programs which have encouraged
people in those jobs to sign up as reservists or in the National
Guard. Moreover, Rand Beers, the top Bush counter-terrorism advisor
who resigned in disgust in March, says that the Bush administration
has been "making us less secure, not more secure,"
because of a pattern of neglect and homeland security budget
cutting, for example in the area of port security or border security.
A conspiracy theorist could have a heyday
speculating on whether it's actually in the Bush administration's
interest to have the U.S. suffer an occasional terror hit. Certainly
the current resident of the White House--whose claim to the title
"President" has always been rather tenuous--was not
winning any popularity contests until he was able to start calling
himself Commander-in-Chief instead of Chief Executive. His whole
reelection campaign appears to be premised upon his running dressed
in khaki.
Whatever the White House's real motives,
we have the ironic situation of a military establishment resorting
to all manner of aggressive actions in a desperate bid to avoid
a calamitous attack on its troops in Iraq, and an administration
at home offering , as Beers puts is, "only a rhetorical
policy" for protection against a domestic terror attack.
The near certainty of large-scale bloody
attacks on Americans both in Iraq and in the U.S. presents Democrats,
liberals, progressives and the whole opposition movement with
a dual challenge: to prepare now for both eventualities.
In the case of domestic terrorism, now
is the time to forcefully remind Americans that terror attacks,
however awful, do not in themselves threaten America's existence;
that it is, rather, the unthinking, panicky and jingoistic response
to acts of terror--for example sweeping arrests, detentions without
trial, hasty passage of laws like the USA PATRIOT Act, and the
like--which pose the real threat. If the newsmedia, political
leaders and other opinion makers make that argument powerfully
and often now, before terror strikes again, it will be far easier
to challenge the inevitable push towards a police state that
will follow any major act of terror.
At the same time the peace movement needs
to lay the groundwork now for a major campaign to recall American
troops from Iraq, in order to be able to capitalize on the inevitable
loss of support for the occupation that will follow any large-scale
attack on American troops in that country.
Dave Lindorff
is the author of Killing
Time: an Investigation into the Death Row Case of Mumia Abu-Jamal.
A collection of Lindorff's stories can be found here: http://www.nwuphilly.org/dave.html
Yesterday's Features
Wendell
Berry
Small Destructions Add Up
Elaine
Cassel
Dark Star Chambers: Secret Trials,
Nameless Defendents, Veiled Threats to Defense Lawyers
Col.
Daniel Smith
Iraq's WMDs: Integrity, Ethics and
Intelligence
Chris
Fagen
Ignoring the World's Bloodiest War
Rick
Fantasia and Kim Voss
Bush's Low Intensity War on Labor
Sam
Hamod
Theater of Deception: Bush, Sharon,
Abbas
M.
Shahid Alam
Illuminating Tom Friedman
Jon
Brown
Greens & Dems: a Reply to Publius
Steve
Perry
Bush's Wars
Web Log, 6/18
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