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Alexander Cockburn's India Journal: Travels with Sainath Fakers and fakirs of the Indian neoliberal disaster, from the Indian elites to Bill Gates to Bill Clinton to the New York Times; heroes and villains of the Indian press; 5,000 suicides in Andhra Pradesh and the rise and fall of Chandrababu Naidu, World Bank posterboy; what the British did to India, from Warren Hastings to the Falkland Road; what Indians did to architecture, from the Taj Mahal to the dawn of concrete; making weight in upland Kerala; why America needs south Indian cooking; homage to the great peasant rebellion of 1857; can India recover from "reform"? Get the answers you're looking for in the latest subscriber-only edition of CounterPunch... CounterPunch Online is read by millions of viewers each month! But remember, we are funded solely by the subscribers to the print edition of CounterPunch. Please support this website by buying a subscription to our newsletter, which contains fresh material you won't find anywhere else, or by making a donation for the online edition. Remember contributions are tax-deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now! or write CounterPunch, PO BOX 228, Petrolia, CA 95558 |
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Other Lands Have Dreams: From Baghdad to Pekin Prison by KATHY KELLY ![]() Today's Stories June 10 / 12, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn
Len
Colodny Christopher
Brauchli Ron
Jacobs Dave
Lindorff Katrina
Yeaw / Alex Schmaus Alan
Farago Saul
Landau June 8, 2005 Jim
Hougan Alan
Maass Jason
Leopold Niranjan
Ramakrishnan Dave
Zirin Derrick
O'Keefe Diana
Johnstone Website
of the Day
June 7, 2005 Forrest
Hylton Greg
Moses / Susan van Haitsma Lenni
Brenner Col.
Dan Smith Joshua
Frank Dave
Lindorff Margot
Veranes / Adrian Navarro Michael
Neumann June 6, 2005 Stew
Albert Paul
Craig Roberts Nicole
Colson Ali
Khan Jason
Leopold Charles
Walker Poff Ramzy
Baroud Rep.
John Conyers Evelyn
Pringle Gary
Corseri Website
of the Day June 4 / 5, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn James
Petras Robert
Fisk Patrick
Cockburn Rev.
William Alberts Saul
Landau Mario
Lamo Jimenez Dave
Lindorff Lance
Selfa Tom
Crumpacker Joshua
Frank Fred
Gardner Michael
Dickinson Roger
Martin Reza
Fiyouzat Ben
Tripp Graeme
Greenback Poets'
Basement
June 3, 2005 Paul
Craig Roberts Joseph
Massad Jeff
Halper Tom
Barry Bruce
K. Gagnon Joshua
Frank Mickey
Z. Gary
Leupp Website
of the Day
June 2, 2005 Paul
Craig Roberts Forrest
Hylton Mike
Whitney Brian
Cloughley Mazin
Qumsiyeh Russell
D. Hoffman Norman
Madarasz Norman
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Price Website
of the Day
June 1, 2005 James
Petras Justin
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Jay Epstein Omar
Barghouti / Lisa Taraki Dave
Lindorff Kevin
Zeese Jason
Leopold William
S. Lind
May 31, 2005 Sen.
Mike Gravel David
Krieger Tad
Daley Joshua
Frank Richard
Gott Norman
Solomon Tom
Segev Walter
Brasch Diana
Johnstone
May 28 / 30, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Richard
Lichtman Sharon
Smith Paul
Craig Roberts Dave
Lindorff Ramzy
Baroud Brian
Cloughley Fred
Gardner Lee
Sustar Joshua
Frank Justin
E.H. Smith Jackie
Corr Michael
Kimaid Toufic
Haddad Justin
Taylor Amir
Butler Ben
Tripp Poets'
Basement
May 27, 2005 Gary
Leupp Daniel
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Fisk Dave
Zirin Website
of the Day
May 26, 2005 Yuki
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McGovern Arthur
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Random Britt
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Rush Jorge
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May 25, 2005 Camilo
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Ross Website
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May 23, 2005 Esther
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Whitney Ramzy
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Zeese Website
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al-Saud Elaine
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de Rooij Christopher
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Gordon Michael
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Strickler Andrew
Freedman Paul
Craig Roberts
May 18, 2005 Jean
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Garcia, Jr. Dwight
D. Eisenhower Dave
Lindorff
May 17, 2005 Mickey
Z. Petuuche
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Craig Roberts Ramzy
Baroud Robert
Jensen / Pat Youngblood Stan
Cox Dave
Zirin Diana
Barahona Website
of the Day May 16, 2005 Michael
Gillespie Jason
Leopold Jesse
Muldoon Norman
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Cray Patrick
Cockburn Website
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Cockburn Saul
Landau Gary
Leupp JoAnn
Wypijewski Ben
Tripp Brian
J. Foley Tom
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Verter Mike
Ferner Dan
Smith Mark
Scaramella Don
Fitz Diane
Farsetta Michael
Dickinson Ron
Jacobs Fred
Gardner Farrah
Hassen Douglas
Valentine Poets'
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of the Weekend May 13, 2005 Tom
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Cockburn Mike
Whitney Chris
Floyd Jenna
Orkin Dave
Lindorff Joshua
Frank Website
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May 12, 2005 Paul
Craig Roberts Uri
Avnery Greg
Moses Carolyn
Baker Pat
Williams William
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Random Gary
Leupp
May 11, 2005 Patrick
Cockburn Kevin
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Brauchli Zalman
Amit Robert
Shull Mike
Whitney Dr.
Teresa Whitehurst Norman
Solomon
May 10, 2005 Richard
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Zirin Jackie
Corr Dave
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Parkin Stephen
Babcock Alan
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Weekend Edition Buy This Book!A Review of Jose Maria Sison's "At Home in the World"By GARY LEUPP Just last week, Gen. Jovito Palparan, of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) told the "Defense" Committee of the House of Representatives of the Philippines: "The enemy is everywhere in Samar Island." By "enemy" he meant the Maoist guerrillas of the New People's Army (NPA). Fifty to sixty percent of the population of Samar sympathize with the NPA, added Palparan, explaining army killings of civilians on this island jutting out of the archipelago between Luzon and Leyte. He might understate NPA support. Mao Zedong famously stated that the relations between the Chinese People's Liberation Army and the masses of people should be like the relationship "between fish and water." The Filipino communists seek to replicate the Chinese experience, by establishing limited control over liberated zones that transform peasant life in ways that broaden support for the revolution and allow the guerrillas to operate among the people as easily as fish swim in the sea. The ultimate goal is to combine urban insurrection and the surrounding of the cities by the peasant-based army to accomplish the seizure of power and begin building socialism. Gen. Palparan, known locally as "the butcher of Mindoro," must find the Maoists' successes on Samar deeply frustrating. Samar's just one island, out of seven thousand islands in the Philippines populated by 88 million people. All over the sprawling multi-ethnic archipelago, the former U.S. colony that during its "insurrection" against U.S. rule (1899-1913) lost one-tenth its population, Gen. Palparan's enemy flourishes. At present, according to the NPA, the Maoists operate "in more than 130 guerrilla fronts covering significant portions of nearly 70 provinces, in around 800 municipalities and more than 9,000 barrios." The CIA concedes that the movement has been growing in recent years. The NPA has been around since 1969, experiencing ups and downs, learning, making mistakes followed by "rectification campaigns." At present it looks strong and healthy. Between March 27 and May 15 it responded to an AFP offensive in Surigao Del Sur, designed to clear the way for logging and mining, by killing over 60 AFP troops. It successfully attacked the Army's 77th IB detachment in Tugo, Abra June 3 and seized at least 30 high-powered firearms. On June 5 Joel Escubido Geollegue, a police intelligence officer with 28 years of service, defected to the revolutionary forces. The NPA seems in some respects on the cutting edge; it's probably the first communist military, for example, to recognize and celebrate gay marriages. (An AFP spokesman condemns such unions as "propaganda" and confirmation of the communists' rejection of religion.) The NPA is the military wing
of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), Appropriately, the announcement was made by Colin Powell, then Secretary of State, formerly an Army captain who'd covered up the My Lai Massacre. The same sorry figure who was chosen to trumpet the deliberate lies, assembled and arranged by the neocons' Office of Special Plans, building the case for the blitzkrieg attack and occupation of Iraq blazing new frontiers in terrorist achievement. Powell's announcement met with
opposition even within the Philippines government leadership.
Vice President Teofisto Guingona challenged it, noting "One
needs to make a distinction between a rebel who is fighting because
of hunger and perceived injustice, and a terrorist who seeks
to sow terror and violence." But the European Union (although
without enthusiasm) under U.S. pressure added Sison to its own
terror list. The Dutch government cut off the modest privileges
Sison had enjoyed as a refugee. Many in the Netherlands and in
the European Parliament protested these actions, but the Bolton
style of bullying once again paid off. (The ability of Washington
to strong-arm the Europeans was demonstrated again earlier this
year when just as Hizbollah was staging massive demonstrations
in Lebanon and showing its popular appeal, the EU decided to
declare Hizbollah a terrorist group. It had earlier deferred
to the position of the Lebanese government that regards Hizbollah
as a mainstream political party.) That's enough to bring him into the crosshairs of those who wish to control the entire world. Washington contends that the charismatic Sison remains the leader of the Communist Party of the Philippines, bears responsibility for the actions of its military wing, and that NPA killings of U.S. soldiers or intelligence operatives are "terrorist" by definition. U.S. agents have attempted, rather clumsily, to pin responsibility on Sison for the Plaza Miranda bombing in 1971, which killed nine and seriously injured eight senatorial candidates of the anti-Marcos Liberal Party. But Marcos's own defense minister Juan Enrile himself stated in an 1986 interview was ordered by the former Philippines president, and the CIA's own investigation ruled out the Maoists' involvement in the attack on Liberal Party leaders. The discredited charges recur anyway, and in the post 9-11 climate, the neocons in power seem to think they can fix any "facts" around their policies. The policy on Sison is: Get him! Sison tells Rosca that a high Philippines official, House Speaker Jose de Venicia (who calls himself a friend of the rebel leader), contacted him soon after 9-11 (November 2001) to warn him that the U.S. would vilify the party and its allies and proclaim them terrorists if they did not accept a Manila-dictated "final peace agreement." As I pointed out in June 2002, the new situation allowed Washington to attack "red targets in the Terror War"---targets with no relation to al-Qaeda or Islamist terrorism but still on that politically skewed blacklist and subsumed under a general category of "evil" that a frightened U.S. public trusted its leaders to accurately identify and fight. When the Maoists refused to capitulate, Washington redoubled its efforts to have Sison expelled from his home in exile. This is a bit of a problem, since the Netherlands has certain laws that allow Sison safe haven. Sison has reason to avoid returning to his homeland. He's had really bad experiences with the security forces there. Captured by the AFP on November 10, 1977, he was brought on that very day before the dictator Ferdinand Marcos and a score of generals. He later recalled the interview in a poem: I am brought to the center
of hell As if midnight, the tight
manacles Sison spent nine years in prison, including a year and a half in solitary confinement strapped to a cot. He was released following the "People Power Revolution" in 1986 when Ferdinand Marcos was toppled after an obviously rigged election produced popular outrage. (This same Ferdinand Marcos had been toasted by the current U.S. president's father in 1981---as Sison languished in prison---for "adherence to democratic principle and to the democratic process") Marcos' successor, Corazon (Cory) Aquino, widow of a Benigno Aquino, Marcos' top mainstream political rival assassinated at his order in 1983, freed Sison and began negotiations with the Maoists for a peace agreement. These negotiations have continued intermittently in Europe during ensuring Philippines administrations. But embattled by right-wing military challenges, and pressured to prosecute the war, Aquino must have come to regret freeing the Maoist leader. Soon after his release, the
Maoist leader embarked on a world lecture tour, receiving from
the Crown Prince of Thailand the Southeast Asia WRITE award in
Bangkok in October 1986. While visiting the Netherlands three
months later, Sison learned that his passport had been revoked
and that charges had been filed against him under the Anti-Subversion
Law of the Philippines. (These were later dropped, and Sison
presently faces no formal legal charges anywhere.) Fearing arrest
if he were to return home, and hearing reports of an assassination
plot, Sison requested permission from Dutch authorities to remain
in Holland. Responding to arguments by Amnesty International,
the UN High Commission on Refugees, and Sison's lawyer, the Dutch
government allowed him to remain in the Netherlands and receive
a small stipend. But in the mid-1990s the US pressured the normally
tolerant and humanitarian Dutch to expel Sison. The State Council
(Raad van State), however, has upheld his legal right
to be in the country, even though the Netherlands also now in
compliance with U.S. demands officially lists him as a terrorist! The Bush administration has no interest in such talks, facilitated by the Netherlands, Belgium and Norway, which since 1992 have born some fruit in the form of twelve different agreements, and a draft Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law. It merely wants to smash the Maoist insurgency. Plainly the Bush administration takes seriously the threat of Maoism in the world; the U.S. ambassador to Nepal has stated, "the threat [Nepali Maoists] represent is terrific" and raised the possibility that guerrillas might actually take the capital. The same thing could one day happen in the Philippines, a country of much greater geopolitical interest to the U.S. Hence the necessity to destroy this man, who despite the incessant legal threats, vilification and surveillance remains (in the words of one of his poems) "at home/ In his own country and the world." This book gives us some insight into why he's so at home in varied venues. Son of landlords, privileged by education and family connections, he had become an anti-government and anti-imperialist activist by age 20. Acquiring a post at the University of the Philippines, he became deeply committed to Marxism and to student organizing. He worked hard to restore the PKP (the Communist Party of that time) to the revolutionary path it had trodden in the 1940s, when the "Huks" had fought first the Japanese then the neocolonial administrations that followed formal independence. Blacklisted, he was forced to leave academe for trade union work. Sison obtained a grant to study in Indonesia, where he learned the Indonesian language and forged ties with what was then the largest Communist Party outside the socialist bloc. (This was before Indonesian strongman Suharto crushed the Communists in a massacre of perhaps 700,000 Indonesians in the mid-1960s.) In the classroom, courtroom or on guerrilla patrol in the forest, he has been at home. Sison has always cultivated a wide circle of friends. While critical of the Catholic biases in the university curriculum, Sison established ties with progressive Christians in the Philippines. High-ranking prelates are among his admirers and supporters in the west. When he applied for a U.S. visa, repeatedly between 1987 and 1992, in order to accept invitations to speak to Harvard's Human Rights program, the San Francisco Bar Association and other audiences, the presiding bishop of the Episcopalian Church attempted to intercede with Secretary of State James Baker. His friends range from ranking mainstream Filipino politicians to former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark to communist and progressive activists in Europe. Quotes from Clark and Philippine Senate Majority Floor Leader Loren Legarda defending Sison appear on the book cover. Sison writes and lectures tirelessly about Filipino realities, this month delivering a lecture to the International Peace Research Institute in Oslo, Norway. Truly a dangerous man, not least because of the respect he commands in so many circles. This book replicates some of the biographical details of The Philippine Revolution: The Leader's View, published in the U.S. in 1989 and based on interviews with Rainer Werning, which remains a more thorough biographical source. But the present book updates the record, as Sison responds to Rosca's pointed questions about the course of Filipino politics up to the present regime of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, the restoration of capitalism throughout what was once the socialist bloc, the "rectification movements" within the CPP which have allowed its growth in recent years, the "war on terrorism," and Sison's own designation as a terrorist and his protests about that issue to the European Court of Human Rights. A comparison of these two works reveals most significantly the evolution in the CPP's views of the Soviet bloc. Cautiously reconciliatory towards the latter in the late 1980s, while disinclined to yet condemn the anti-Maoist leaders in China, the CPP now shares the view of Maoists elsewhere: both Gorbachev's USSR and Deng Xiaoping's China had abandoned the socialist road. Discussion of this issue and its implications for the Filipino movement was one of the main objectives of the rectification campaign in the early 1990s. Punctuated with Sison's poetry and numerous photographs, this book suffers from a somewhat inadequate index---perhaps an indication of hasty editing. That's understandable, because this material needs to be aired right now. But I confess at this point to a quandary: if I recommend this book to the reader, do I thereby personally incur "terrorist association" charges? I have written fifteen or so book reviews for the American Historical Review, Journal of Asian Studies, Journal of Asian History, Journal of World History, etc., uncontroversial dry academic stuff for the most part, dealing with aspects of Japanese history. But this time I'm writing about a book coauthored by someone the Bush administration in its wisdom, which some believe divinely inspired, has labeled a "terrorist." In these troubled times when academics in general are under attack (for criticizing imperialism, opposing pseudo-science, promoting critical thought, advocating strict separation of church and state, insisting on tolerance for sexual diversity, upholding affirmative action, displaying insensitivity to conservative students and viewpoints, warping young minds, abetting terrorism, what have you), I must submit this to Counterpunch "in fear and trembling." The 1999 law is pretty clear:
One apparent reason for constructing the "terrorist" blacklist is to discourage calm rational discussion about the designated groups (as well as designated individuals like Sison). The State Department gives the Congress the updated list each year for a perfunctory look and (receiving no dissent) makes the American people aware and knowledgeable about what organizations they must hate and fear. Then the people know not to say anything good about or lend "material support" to these targets lest they invite surveillance and even arrest. It's all about intimidation, fran |