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Today's Stories

March 20 / 21, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Gay Marriage: Sidestep on Freedom's Path

March 19, 2004

Jeffrey St. Clair
Zapatero to Kerry: Back Off, Senator, Our Troops are Coming Home

Ann Harrison
So Protesters, How Well Do You Know Your Rights?

William MacDougall
Fortress Britain's War on "Economic Migrants"

Greg Moses
Sold American: Cowboy Nation Gets Ready to Vote

Cynthia McKinney
Haiti and the Impotence of Black America: Roll Back This Coup, Mr. Bush

Norman Solomon
Spinning the Past; Threatening the Future

John L. Hess
"Missing" Evidence and the NYTs

Vicente Navarro
The End of Aznar, Bush's Best Friend

Website of the War
Naming the Dead


March 18, 2004

Gila Svirsky
Rachel Corrie, One Year Later: She Never Lost Faith in Decency

Christopher Brauchli
Drilling a Hole in the Sanctions: How Halliburton Made $73 Million from Saddam

William Kulin
Report from Iraq: Just Another Baghdad Car Bombing

Mike Whitney
Resistance: a Moral Imperative

Rep. Ron Paul
Broadcast Indecency Act: an Indecent Attack on the First Amendment

Josh Frank
The Nader Question

Jack Random
They Lied & They Lost: Madrid and the Lessons of Democracy

Greg Bates
What Makes a Nader Voter Tick? A Survey

Sam Hamod / Alfredo Reyes
Contempt of the World: Hastert, Bush and Cheney on Spain

Gary Leupp
The Madrid Bombings: the Chickens Come Home to Roost

Website of the Day
Privatizing Armageddon: Buy Your Own Doomsday Key

 

March 17, 2004

Marjorie Cohn
Spain, the EU and the US: War on Terror or Civil Liberties?

David MacMichael
Untruth and Consequences

Michael Donnelly
Wear the Green, But Skip the Green Beer

Tom Stephens
"Steady Leadership": Let the Buyer Beware

Wayne Madsen
Sen. Kerry, Let Me Help You Out

Karyn Strickler
Who Owns the Sierra Club? Anonymous Donors and Rigged Elections

Peter Linebaugh
Bush: Blanc Blanc

 

March 16, 2004

Lenni Brenner
James Madison: the Anti-Clerical Father of the Bill of Rights

Scott Boehm
Madrid Diary: How to Change World Order in Four Days

Alexander Lynch
From Franco to Aznar: the History Behind the Spanish Elections

Sam Hamod and Alfredo Reyes
The Truth About the Spanish Elections: Aznar Was Going Down Anyway

Elizabeth Weill-Greenberg
You Wouldn't Do a Dog This Way: Executing David Clayton Hill

Mike Whitney
The Case for a Nuclear Iran

Robert Fisk
The Bloody Price of the "War on Terror"

Bill Christison
The Aftershocks from Madrid

CounterPunch Photo Wire
The Passion of St. Teresa

Website of the Day
Join the War on Art!

 

March 15, 2004

Harry Browne
Terror Nothing New to Europe

Mike Whitney
Justice Not Murder: the Tragic Symmetry of Terrorism

Lidice Valenzuela
Haiti: a Coup without Consultation

Greg Moses
Lessons from the Texas Primaries: Looking for a Coalition with Legs

Mickey Z.
Depraved Indifference: C-Sections, Patriarchy & Women's Health

Asaf Shtull-Trauring
AWOL in New York: From Refusenik to Organizer

CounterPunch Wire
Gen. Gramajo Executed by Bees!

 

March 12 / 14, 2004

Gabriel Kolko
The Coming Elections and the Future of American Global Power

Saul Landau
Oh, Jesus...It's the Movie!

William Blum
Neo-Con(tradictions)

William S. Lind
Why They Throw Rocks

Rahul Mahajan
The Meaning of Madrid: War on "Terrorism" Makes Us All Less Safe

Neve Gordon
Demographic Wars

Kurt Nimmo
Kerry and the Progressive Interventionists

Mickey Z.
The "New" UN Blames the Poor

Mike Whitney
War Games: the American Media Leads the Charge

Helen Scott and Ashley Smith
Aristide's Fall: What Led to the Coup?

Justin E.H. Smith
Loïc Wacquant: Against a Sociodicy of the American Prison

Brandy Baker
Him Again? Al Gore Needs to Move On

Robin Philpot
Nobody Can Call It a "Plane Crash" Now: the Report on the Assassination of Rwandan President Habyarimana

Mokhiber / Weissman
The Meat Monopoly Takes a Rare Pounding

Dave Zirin
She Turned Her Back on the War: an Interview with Toni Smith

Daniel Wolff
The Lord's Pier

 

 

March 11, 2004

Ron Jacobs
Bedtime for Democracy

Bill Kauffman
Hey, Ralph! Why Not Another Party of the People?

James Hollander
Slaughter in Madrid: Consolidating an Ally?

Norman Solomon
They Shoot Journalists, Don't They?

Patrick Gavin
The Salvation of Dan Quayle: Family Values Return

Becky Burgwin
You're Messing with the Wrong Generation

John Sugg
The FBI is on My Trail

March 10, 2004

Hammond Guthrie
Read This Book!: "Who the Hell is Stew Albert?"

Chris Floyd
Operation Enduring Sweatshop: Another Bush Brings Hell to Haiti

Elizabeth Corrie
Remembering the Death of Rachel Corrie

Mike Whitney
US Press Torpedoes Aristide

M. Junaid Alam
An Anti-Civilizational War?

Bob Feldman
The Occupation of Haiti: Recalling 1915-1934

John L. Hess
An Overload of Crises

Gary Leupp
On Abu Musab al-Zarqawi and the Uses of al-Qaeda "Links"

 

March 9, 2004

Greg Weiher
The Zarqawi Gambit, Part 2

Ben Tripp
Word Up! Let's Have a Conversation

Tom Barry
Neo-Cons Target Syria

Sharon Smith
The Hypocrites in the Catholic Church

Robert Fisk
The Same Old Iraq

Doug Giebel
The Bush Strategy: Laughing All the Way

Ralph Nader
Pension Rights, the Trail of Broken Promises

Daniel Estulin
In Memory of Ricardo Ortega: a Great Journalist, Killed in Haiti

Dave Lindorff
Martha Stewart's Cloudy Day

Saul Landau
Will the Filthy Rich Dump Bush?

Website of the Day
Imperial Armies in the Garden

 

March 8, 2004

Amy Goodman
An Interview with Aristide

Eric Ruder
An Interview with Robert Fatton on the Coup in Haiti

Robert Jensen
The Presidential Library Terrorist Connection

Mike Whitney
Expel the US from the Security Council

Jason Leopold
How Cheney Helped Cover Up Pakistan's Nuclear Proliferation

Mazin Qumsiyeh
Why is Apartheid Touted as a Solution?

Kevin Alexander Gray
The Legacy of Strom Thurmond

Derek Seidman
Radical Continuity: an Interview with Paul Buhle

Steve Perry
Kerry Fiddles While He Could be Burning Bush

Website of the Day
Patriot Act Game

 

March 6 / 7, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Understanding the World with Paul Sweezy

Robert Pollin
Remembering Paul Sweezy

Jeffrey St. Clair
The Politics of Timber Theft

Tom Reeves
Bush's Mass Deportations: 63,000 and Counting

Charles Lewis
Who Mugged Howard Dean in Iowa: Kerry, Torricelli and a Mysterious Frontgroup

Tom Jackson
My Breakfast with Sen. Judd Gregg

Kurt Nimmo
Is Venezuela Next?

Alan Cisco
A Report from Caracas

Jack Random
Haitian Democracy be Damned

Colin Piquette
Oh, Canada: the Coup Coalition

Lee Sustar
Labor's State of Emergency

William D. Hartung
Iraq and the Costs of War

David Sally
Rebuilding Amérique

Mark Scaramella
When God Mooned Moses: Test Your Bible Knowledge

Mickey Z.
What We Can Learn from Ashcroft's Gallbladder

Ron Jacobs
Politics and Baseball

Dave Zirin
The Longest Jump: the Blackballing of Phil Shinnick

Poets' Basement
John Holt and Larry Kearney

Website of the Weekend
National Day of Action for Rachel Corrie

 

 

Hot Stories

Alexander Cockburn
Behold, the Head of a Neo-Con!

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The Death Train of the WTO

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Hitchens as Model Apostate

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Israel's Assassination Policy: the Trigger for Suicide Bombings?

Dardagan, Slobodo and Williams
CounterPunch Exclusive:
20,000 Wounded Iraqi Civilians

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Prison Bitch

Sheldon Rampton and John Stauber
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Wendell Berry
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Weekend Edition
March 20 / 21, 2004

The Plot Against Syria

An Irresponsible Accountability Act

By SAUL LANDAU and FARRAH HASSEN

The United States has made a terrible error in its Middle East policy. On December 12, 2003, with little fanfare, George W. Bush signed the Syria Accountability (and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration) Act SAA -- which empowers the president to place economic and diplomatic sanctions on Syria as punishment for its policies of "harboring terrorists," "developing weapons of mass destruction" and "occupying Lebanon." Administration officials on March 5, 2004 confirmed of an "imminent" announcement regarding what type of sanctions Bush would impose and when.

Reminiscent of the Administration's earlier campaign to invade Iraq, the charges have no factual basis. Indeed, the Bush Administration did not even present evidence to Congress about Syria's supposed accumulation of WMDs; nor did it support the allegation accusing Damascus of occupying Lebanon. The Administration did, however, commit a sin of omission by not presenting documentation about Syria's delivery to US authorities of valuable intelligence on anti-American terrorists in the post 9/11 period.

Instead of rewarding Syria for cooperating, Bush and Congress punished the Damascus regime with the SAA and then deceitfully labeled the Act a tool to "strengthen the ability of the United States to conduct an effective foreign policy."

In fact, the SAA retarded the war against terrorism by moving a strategically cooperative Damascus into the realm of non-cooperative. This discreditable legislation does, however, constitute a victory for Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's Likud government and, indirectly, for the Al-Qaeda gang that no longer has to worry about Syria delivering information to Washington as to its plans and whereabouts.

Syrians use the Likud-Bush connection to explain the declining state of US-Syrian relations following the Iraq invasion. In a December 2003 interview, Syrian Minister for Emigrant Affairs Dr. Bouthaina Shabaan called the Syria Accountability Act "a new obstacle in the way of Syrian-American relations." US Middle East policy "underestimates the intelligence of people and their right to a better life," she said. "Arab people see US policy in the region totally informed by Israeli sources and what Sharon really wants to do."

By making Syria a pariah nation, Bush has helped to realize a goal of current Israeli policy: to secure US help in weakening its unfriendly neighbors. In addition, by getting Congress to condemn Syria for alleged weapons development, Israel refocused attention away from its own nuclear arsenal.

Indeed, Syria had tried to expose Israeli nukes as the threat to regional stability. On December 29, 2003, in a little publicized Security Council resolution, Syria called for a Middle East nuclear weapons-free zone. Washington will assuredly veto the resolution given its half century old "defend Israel" posture.

Nonetheless, International Atomic Energy Agency chief Mohamed el-Baredei saw "a lot of frustration in the Middle East due to Israel sitting on nuclear weapons ... while others in the Middle East are committed to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty."

Israel's nuclear capacity has provided its government with the confidence to attack its weaker neighbor. On October 5, 2003, Israel bombed an alleged Palestinian camp near Damascus, an event that occurred the same day the US Congress began deliberating the SAA. Minister Shabaan dismissed Israeli charges that the base was being used to attack Israeli settlements and noted that Washington's failure to condemn Israeli aggression showed the "green light by the US government," as well as Israel's demonstration of unchallenged military power in the region. Instead of retaliating futilely against a more powerful military, Syria took its case to the UN Security Council, where the US blocked a resolution condemning the strike from reaching the floor.

The Israeli and US governments won the diplomatic and media battles. Syria enjoys little international support--even less in the press. But the battle for Middle Eastern hearts and minds proceeds less than splendidly for the Bush administration.

In July 2003, in a lush field in Bosra, near the Jordan border renowned for its centuries old Roman ruins, we met Syrian Bedouins carrying loads of cucumbers on their heads. The women pickers talked of high numbers of Iraqi casualties in the US-led war and showed surprisingly keen awareness of the deteriorating political situation in the Middle East.

One middle aged woman showing off her basket of freshly picked cukes called Bush "crazy." Another decried him as anti-Arab. On the Damascus and Aleppo streets and with academics and professionals alike, people reiterated their disdain for US policies in the region. "How could the United States align itself with a small country like Israel, which has such peculiar and narrow interests in a region where Americans have a major strategic stake?" asked an engineer at a Damascus dinner party. "I know the American people," he said, "because I go to the United States to visit my children in the university. Americans would not approve the policy if only they knew how the Israeli lobby twists them."

A Catholic priest in Maloula, just outside Damascus where villagers still speak Aramaic, called US policy cruel. "Syrians sympathize with the plight of the Palestinians. The US government has done a very foolish thing to follow the lead of Israel."

More sophisticated policy analysts have read Seymour Hersh's July 28, 2003 New Yorker article ("The Syrian Bet"), which details Syria's unreciprocated cooperation with US intelligence. In one instance, according to Hersh, "Syrians learned that Al Qaeda had penetrated the security services of Bahrain and had arranged for a glider loaded with explosives to be flown into a building at the U.S. Navy's 5th fleet headquarters." Former National Security Council staffer Flynt Leverett also confirmed to Hersh that Syria "let us thwart an operation that, if carried out, would have killed a lot of Americans."

US policy has also marginalized some of the very people who stand for western democracy and free market ideas. In July 2003, University of Damascus British-educated Professor Amr-Al Azm conceded that Syria might need a shove to unglue it from its decades-old status quo, but questioned the value of invading Iraq or passing the Syrian Accountability Act. Such measures, he opined, "distract attention away from the need to reform."

Syria has little to lose economically from the sanctions since annual trade with the US is less than $300 million. But some entrepreneurs hope to free themselves from the outdated state heavy economy and thus bemoan such policies that vitiate progress toward opening the society and economy.

By focusing on the "terrorist-weapons" issue, as he did in Iraq, Bush's rhetoric fits the neo-con scenario for regime change throughout the Middle East. In 1996, leading neo-cons Richard Perle and Douglas Feith had already projected a policy that would allow Israel to shape "its strategic environment...by weakening, containing, and even rolling back Syria." In the report entitled, "A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm," Perle and Feith argued for the removal of "Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq, an important Israeli strategic objective in its own right, as a means of foiling Syria's regional ambitions."

Those who smell the proverbial rat in the push to "get Syria" will correctly look at AIPAC, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, as the source of the stink. This so-called "Zionist lobby," lauded by the New York Times as "the most powerful, best-run and effective foreign policy interest group in Washington," pushed heavily for the SAA.

Just as US Administration officials began to recognize Syrian contributions in support of Bush's war on terror, AIPAC undermined their statements in a July 31, 2002 Memo: "Syria Undermining America's War on Terrorism." Syria worked with Hezbollah and Al Qaeda to "perpetrate terrorist attacks," the memo falsely charged and was "reaching out to Iraq and the other nations the president has said comprise an axis of evil" and "stocking arms and developing weapons of mass destruction that could be used against Israel and other U.S. allies in the region"similar charges cited in the congressional findings of the SAA.

A September 5, 2002 document, "Working to Secure Israel: The Pro-Israel Community's Legislative Goals," later confirmed AIPAC's intention to "sanction Syria for its continuing support of terrorism" by working "with Congress to pass the Syria Accountability Act."

Sure enough, in November 2003, AIPAC successfully convinced an overwhelming majority in Congress to pass the <SAA.AIPAC> has a "remarkable system," said Paul Weyrich, head of the extreme right wing Free Congress Foundation. "If you vote with them, or make a public statement they like, they get the word out fast through their own publications and through editors around the country who are sympathetic to their cause...If you say something they don't like, you can be denounced or censured through the same network. That kind of pressure is bound to affect Senators' thinking, especially if they are wavering or need support."

For decades the United States and Israel have pursued parallel tracks in the Middle East. It is beyond unhealthy to have these tracks converge into an identical policy that serves the temporary goals of a right wing Israeli political party, but has little to do with short, medium or long term US interests in the region.

Saul Landau is a fellow of the Institute for Policy Studies. He teaches at Cal Poly Pomona University. For Landau's writing in Spanish visit: www.rprogreso.com. His new book, PRE-EMPTIVE EMPIRE: A GUIDE TO BUSH S KINGDOM, has just been published by Pluto Press. His new film is Syria: Between Iraq and a Hard Place, now available from the Cinema Guild. He can be reached at: landau@counterpunch.org

Farrah Hassen is a senior Political Science student at Cal Poly Pomona University and was associate producer of the Syria film.


 

Weekend Edition Features for March 12 / 14, 2004

Gabriel Kolko
The Coming Elections and the Future of American Global Power

Saul Landau
Oh, Jesus...It's the Movie!

William Blum
Neo-Con(tradictions)

William S. Lind
Why They Throw Rocks

Rahul Mahajan
The Meaning of Madrid: War on "Terrorism" Makes Us All Less Safe

Neve Gordon
Demographic Wars

Kurt Nimmo
Kerry and the Progressive Interventionists

Mickey Z.
The "New" UN Blames the Poor

Mike Whitney
War Games: the American Media Leads the Charge

Helen Scott and Ashley Smith
Aristide's Fall: What Led to the Coup?

Justin E.H. Smith
Loïc Wacquant: Against a Sociodicy of the American Prison

Brandy Baker
Him Again? Al Gore Needs to Move On

Robin Philpot
Nobody Can Call It a "Plane Crash" Now: the Report on the Assassination of Rwandan President Habyarimana

Mokhiber / Weissman
The Meat Monopoly Takes a Rare Pounding

Dave Zirin
She Turned Her Back on the War: an Interview with Toni Smith

Daniel Wolff
The Lord's Pier


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