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CounterPunch
October
9, 2002
Why Is the US
Scaring Me?
by
BARUCH KIMMERLING
Although I am an Israeli academic, I have long
and deep ties to America. I have spent several years on both
coasts of the United States. American publishers have published
all of my books and most of my professional papers. Almost all
of my non-Israeli professional networks are American. Moreover,
since the very beginning of my adulthood I have been a great
admirer of your country and the American tradition of democracy
and self-government.
The writings of Alexander Hamilton, James
Madison and John Jay, despite their anachronism and incompatibility
with the Israeli situation, became a part of my personal "holy
writ." Their strong advocacy of personal freedom and their
uncompromising stance in favor of civil liberties and citizen's
rights captured my imagination much more than the collectivist
vision of the French Revolution, that was never implemented,
or the utopian (and bloody) promises of the Bolshevik Revolution.
This is not to say I became a pro-American
zealot. I was fully aware of the country's genocidal policies
against Native Americans, its unacceptable attitude toward nonwhite
races, its wild capitalism, the ineradicable stain of McCarthyism,
and the weird ideological wars waged in Korea and Vietnam. Yet,
I still adopted Alexis de Tocqueville's approach - that America
is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon whose negative aspects
are relatively negligible compared with he promises embodied
in it.
However, following the events of September
11, 2001, which were tragic and traumatic indeed, I am increasingly
disappointed by the American government and its unbearable willingness
to jettison the basic principles of American liberalism and enlightenment
both domestically and abroad. The American political system has
always included strong elements of chauvinism, militarism, arrogance
and xenophobia combined with a deep Amero-centrism. Fortunately,
these elements were usually counterbalanced by a strong belief
in the importance of constitutional government and a commitment
to liberal and humanitarian values.
After September 11, most of these counterbalancing
values collapsed and the watchdogs of American democracy, including
the printed and electronic media, surrendered their traditional
role and supported the government uncritically. Even if these
values and institutions are slowly recovering, their disappearance
during a period of crisis is a symptom of a deep-seated malaise
in the American political system. This is a cause of anxiety,
not only for the American people, but for people in the "rest
of the world," because the United States is the world's
only hegemonic superpower, a country whose military, economic,
political and cultural might shapes the lives of billions of
people.
In my position as a critic of my own
political system and culture - the Israeli one - I have always
argued that the quality of a democratic regime is measured and
tested not during routine or happy times, but mainly during periods
of crisis, stress and anxiety. Using this criterion, the American
leadership, including its political, intellectual, and moral
elites, completely failed after September 11.
My argument is not so much with the headlong
rush of the Bush administration and the military-industrial complex
to define the situation as a "War Against Evil." They
had a vested interest in inventing new enemies after the collapse
of the Soviet Union. My puzzlement and disappointment is mainly
with the famous watchdogs that are supposed to be whistle-blowers
in such situations - the mass media, academics and intellectuals
- the vast majority of whom lined up behind the Bush administration's
construction of reality with only the occasional, timid protests
being uttered. That the dissent could be so muted after September
11 is chilling.
I am not anxious about America's fate:
It will recover from this crisis with only a few minor cracks
in its self-confidence as it has several times following spasms
of national paranoia. My concern is with the rest of the world,
including my own minuscule country. Since America became the
Master of the World and leader of the "good guys" in
the supposed clash of civilizations, it has assumed a role as
the world's superego.
What America permits other countries
and regimes to do is considered not only a political act guided
by self-interest but an ultimate moral imperative. Take, for
example, President George W. Bush's long-awaited speech on June
24 about the Middle East conflict. Its rhetoric was very enlightened
and followed President Wilson's doctrine of national self-determination
by promising the establishment, at some unspecified time in the
future, of a Palestinian state with temporary borders. All these
promises were conditioned upon the removal of Yasser Arafat and
the "democratization" of the Palestinian Authority.
Actually, President Bush granted Ariel Sharon the political and
moral authorization to continue the re-occupation the West Bank
and Gaza Strip, to eliminate the Palestinian leadership and to
destroy the political identity of the Palestinian people. Assuming
this will happen, is it, as we used to ask in Israel and America,
good for the Jews? Not at all, my dear American fellow patriot.
It is very bad for the Jews. These policies will prolong the
Arab-Israeli conflict indefinitely and ultimately lead to the
destruction of the Jewish state after radioactive rain has fallen
on the entire Middle East.
After Bush's speech, a Palestinian friend
who, like me, is not an admirer of Yasser Arafat, reminded me
of an old joke. A world survey conducted by the U.N. posed the
following question: "Could you please give us your opinion
about the food shortage in the rest of the world?" This
was a huge failure due to the following reasons. In Africa, no
one knows what "food" is. In Western Europe, no one
knows what "shortage" is. In Eastern Europe no one
knows what "opinion" is. In the United States no one
knows what "rest of the world" means. Neither one of
us laughed.
Baruch Kimmerling is a professor of sociology at the Hebrew University
of Jerusalem. Among his recent books are The
Invention and Decline of Israelieness (University of
California Press) and Palestinians:
The Making of a People (The Free Press and Harvard University
Press) with Joel S. Migdal.
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October 4,
2002
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