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Recent
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April
30, 2003
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Steve
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Bush's War Web Log 4/30
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Disorder and Opportunity: the Results
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April
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Lack of WMD Kills the Case for War
Peter Phillips
Total Information Control
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Jacobs
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Bush's War Web Log 4/28
April
26 / 27, 2003
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Cassel
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Saul
Landau
Iraq War: a Policy of Christian and Jewish Fundamentalism
William
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Sharon Recruits US as Mercenaries Against Syria
William
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Our Ba'athists
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April
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Springtime in Iraq
Steve
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Bush's War Web Log 4/25
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April
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Uri
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Abu vs. Abu: It's Not About Egos
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April
23, 2003
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April
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Edward
Said
The Appalling Consequences of the Iraq
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What's the Deal with This War?
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Shi'a Will to Power
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Oblivious Americans: They Distort,
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Bush's "Christian" Blood Cult
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Creep
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Bush's War Web Log 4/22
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April
21, 2003
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Gary
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Brechin
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Bob Riedel
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Steve
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Bush's War Web Log 4/21
April
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Gary
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The Rape of History
Saul
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Pablo
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Roadmap to Resistance
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Sharon's Bloody Beat
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Animals: the Other Collateral Damage
Will
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When Police Attack Journalists
William
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America's In-Bedded Journalism
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Wal-Mart and Peace
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Albert, Buono, Guthrie
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War Web Log 4/19
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Baghdad to Basra
April
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Operation "Syrian Freedom":
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Jorge
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"They Died Trying to Become
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Support Our Euphemism
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War Web Log 4/18
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April
17, 2003
Jeffrey
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Patriot Gore: the Fatal Flaws in
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Joanne
Mariner
Looting Antiquity: the Legal Implications
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Issam
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Zalmay Khalilzad: the Neocon's Bagman
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Another Sign of the "End Times" for American Journalism
Robert
Fisk
The Army of Occupation
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Virtual Saddam Takes Aim
Biljana
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A Personal View of Iraq: Where
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Dan Brook
Oil War: Fueling the Empire
Stanley
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Bomb and Steal: This is What Privatization Looks Like
Tim Robbins
A Chill Wind is Blowing Through This Nation
Harold
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Iraq After the War
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War Web Log 4/17
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May
Day Edition
May 1, 2003
What About Guantanamo?
About Cuba
By DIANA JOHNSTONE
The so-called "Casey Letter" protesting
repression in Cuba has received numerous signatures and aroused
considerable controversy. I would like to explain here, with
line by line comments, why I would not sign this letter. (Full
text of the letter at the end of my commentary.)
"We are women and men of the democratic
left, united by our commitment to human rights, democratic government
and social justice, in our own nations and around the world.
In solidarity with the people of Cuba, ..."
This is the sort of beginning that inevitably
tempts me to say, "So what?" It smacks of pious self-congratulations.
If the trials in Cuba are unjust, one doesn't need to display
"politically correct" credentials to criticize them.
But perhaps all that is left to an ever more ineffectual "left"
is to claim the right to define who is "left" and who
is not.
"...we condemn the Cuban state's
current repression of independent thinkers and writers, human
rights activists and democrats." Again, what allows these
Americans to define who is "independent" and who is
a "democrat"?
In the Cuban context, this may be somewhat
ambiguous. But again, if the trials are truly unjust, it doesn't
matter whether the thinkers are "independent democrats"
or not. Procedure is procedure.
"For 'crimes' such as the authorship
of essays critical of the government and meeting with delegations
of foreign political leaders, some 80 non-violent political dissidents
have been arrested, summarily tried in a closed court, without
adequate notice or counsel, convicted, and given cruel, harsh
sentences of decades of imprisonment."
Summarily trying anybody in a closed
court without adequate notice or counsel, etc., is bad practice,
period. But I don't see how it is possible to know so much about
what went on since the court was closed. Was it all simply about
innocent meetings with delegations of foreign political leaders?
Not with CIA agents perhaps? As for "non-violent",
I have written another note on that, pointing out that the United
States, with its vast wealth and power, is able to use all methods,
those of the powerful and those of the weak, including "non-violence"
(U.S. agents taught "non-violence" to the well-subsidized
"Otpor" movement in Serbia to get rid of Milosevic...
which did not preclude using violent groups as well). Considering
the Bush administration's campaign of "regime change"
(by no means "non-violent", as illustrated in Iraq),
one may assume that the Cuban authorities have reason to worry
about subversion in their country, possibly in preparation for
invasion. One may also worry that Cuban authorities may be rattled
and make serious mistakes. And it is perfectly reasonable to
point out that principles of justice should be respected even
in dire circumstances.
"These are violations of the most
elementary norms of due process of law, reminiscent of the Moscow
trials of the Soviet Union under the rule of Stalin."
Why this particular analogy? Do people
today really know so much about the Moscow trials that this comparison
is enlightening? History is full of violations of due process
of law, and although the professional human rights defenders
seem not to notice, a current example is going on right now in
The Hague. And right in Cuba, there is Guantanamo, but the Cubans
have no say in what goes on there...
"The democratic left worldwide has
opposed the US embargo on Cuba as counterproductive, more harmful
to the interests of the Cuban people than helpful to political
democratization."
Now wait a minute! "Counterproductive"?
But that depends on the purpose. Did the "democratic left"
enact the sanctions for its own (as declared above) noble purposes?
In that case, perhaps one could call them "counterproductive".
Or were the sanctions enacted by a U.S. government whose purpose,
on the contrary, was to please and eventually return to power
the same largely corrupt "business class" that has
moved to Miami where it exerts disproportionate influence as
a political lobby? In that case, the sanctions have not been
altogether "counterproductive", because they have caused
considerable hardships to the Cuban population, hardships which
can be blamed on the "regime". Such sanctions (as has
been shown already in Serbia or Iraq) cause rising disaffection
and a desire to do whatever is required in order to become a
"normal" country.
The "counterproductive" argument
is one that assumes that the purposes (of sanctions, in this
case) are laudable, but misguided. It is hard to understand the
nature of a "democratic left" which entertains such
an illusion.
"The Cuban state's current repression
of political dissidents amounts to collaboration with the most
reactionary elements of the US administration in their efforts
to maintain sanctions and to institute even more punitive measures
against Cuba."
Well, excuse me, but one could say that
this precise protest at this precise time "amounts to collaboration
with the most reactionary elements of the US administration"...
in their efforts "to institute more punitive measures against
Cuba."
Why not instead express concern that
the Cuban repression (never mind of whom...) risks being "counterproductive"
by giving the Bush administration a fresh pretext to engineer
"regime change"? Such an argument would render more
convincing the claim that the signatories are "in solidarity
with the Cuban people"...
"The only conclusion that we can
draw from this brute repression is that Cuban government does
not trust the Cuban people to distinguish truth from falsehood,
fact from disinformation." Is this really the ONLY conclusion?
A little more effort of the imagination is called for here...
"A government of the left must have
the support of the people: it must guarantee human rights and
champion the widest possible democracy, including the right to
dissent, as well as promote social justice. By its actions, the
Cuban state declares that it is not a government of the left,
despite its claims of social progress in education and health
care, but just one more dictatorship, concerned with maintaining
its monopoly of power above all else."
It is understandable that a "democratic
left", terminally remote from any exercise of power, or
even influence in its own society, can take upon itself the privilege
of excommunicating from such a "democratic left" a
besieged attempt at social revolution such as the one in Cuba.
If "left" means total powerlessness, any government
at all fails to qualify. But we might ask: if it is "just
one more dictatorship", why has the United States government
made such an exceptional effort for over forty years to destroy
it? Because it fails to achieve the standards of the "democratic
left"? Permit me to doubt that. And if the social progress
in education and health care are mere "claims", what
of all the dictatorships which fail to make such "claims"
and are never subjected to sanctions?
Fidel Castro has committed the terrible
impurity of managing to keep a left government in power for forty-four
years. To be pure, he should have kept to the standards of the
"democratic left"... following the example of the democratically
elected Guatemalan reformist Jacobo Arbenz, forced to resign
after three years in office by a U.S.-backed putsch, or Salvador
Allende, murdered by a U.S.-backed putsch. The "democratic
left" was unable to save those leaders, but it still has
the self-confidence to condemn the survivor for displaying such
tenacity. Surrender, Castro! Then perhaps you may gain the approval
of the "democratic left".
Diana Johnstone
is the author of The
Politics of Euromissiles: Europe's Role in America's World
and FOOLS'
CRUSADE Yugoslavia, NATO, and Western Delusions. She can
be reached at: DianaJohnstone@compuserve.com
Today's
Features
Ashley
Smith
Under Uncle Sam's Thumb: a History
of Washington's Occupations
Steve
Perry
Bush's War Web Log 4/30
Gary
Leupp
Shooting Schoolboys: Preliminary Thoughts on the Fallujah Massacre
Robert
Jensen
Fighting Alienation in the USA
Wayne
Madsen
The Four Horsemen of Propaganda
Ahmad
Faruqui
Bush's Strategic Myopia About the Middle East
Gabriel
Kolko
Iraq, the US and the End of the European Coalition
Adolfo
Perez Esquivel
A Nobel Laureat's Letter to Bush:
"You Talk of Freedom; You Detest Freedom"
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