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CounterPunch
August
30, 2002
War on Iraq
Debate
Ultra-Hawks
v. Moderate Hawks
by Robert Jensen and
Rahul Mahajan
The question dominating the news: When will we
go to war against Iraq?
The answer: We are already at war with
Iraq.
The debate over the Bush administration's
call for war is usually described as hawks v. doves -- those
for the war pitted against those opposing war. In fact, the debate
in mainstream news is hawks v. hawks; the question isn't whether
or not to wage war, but what form that war should take.
Bush and the ultra-hawks want a full-scale
war as soon as feasible, to secure control over Iraq and its
oil. The hawks at the moderate extreme argue
for continuing "containment," a euphemism for devastating
economic sanctions and regular bombing in the so-called "no-fly
zones."
Sanctions, imposed after Iraq's 1990
invasion of Kuwait, are administered through the United Nations
but in place only because the United States insists; most of
the rest of the world has condemned them. The embargo has helped
cause the deaths of more than 500,000 children under the age
of 5, according to a UNICEF study. That's why two former U.N.
humanitarian coordinators in Iraq -- Denis Halliday and Hans
von Sponeck -- have resigned in protest, calling the sanctions
immoral and even genocidal.
Though the sanctions have strengthened
Saddam Hussein's control over Iraq while punishing ordinary people,
the United States insists they remain.
Starting with a complete ban on oil sales
and frequent restrictions even on basic medicines, the sanctions
have gone through stages. Currently, there is no limit on total
oil sales and most medicines are allowed in, but there are still
major problems with funding projects to repair critical infrastructure
and foster economic development.
Combined with the almost complete (and
quite deliberate) destruction of Iraq's civilian infrastructure,
particularly water- and sewage-treatment plants, by U.S. forces
during the Gulf War, the sanctions have meant increased malnutrition,
disease and death -- not for Saddam but for the Iraqi people.
U.S. official blithely claim that the
so-called "smart sanctions" approved by the Security
Council in July would solve these problems. But instead of feeding
Iraqis, the changes mostly helped confuse the public -- which,
according to some U.S. officials, was the original intent of
smart sanctions.
Now, as worldwide attention to the effects
of sanctions has decreased, the humanitarian situation has worsened.
Even as cumbersome bureaucratic procedures for approving imports
were supposedly streamlined, the monetary value of "holds"
(contracts held up by some nation on the Sanctions Committee,
almost always the United States) is at $4.7 billion, higher than
before smart sanctions were proposed. Worse, because of a retroactive oil-pricing scheme recently
implemented by the United States (oil companies don't know what
price they'll pay for Iraqi crude until after it is loaded),
Iraqi oil exports are way down; in August, exports averaged 800,000
barrels per day, compared with more than 2 million at earlier
points. This funding shortfall means Iraq is unable to pay even
for some approved humanitarian imports.
U.S. officials blame all this on Saddam,
and certainly the Iraqi government has made some questionable
allocations of resources. But Tun Myat, the current U.N. humanitarian
coordinator in Iraq, has described Iraq's food distribution as
"second to none," echoing evaluations by other UN officials.
While the sanctions kill slowly, the
United States continues to patrol the no-fly zones in the northern
and southern parts of Iraq, bombing at will and killing civilians
-- at least 27 attacks by U.S. planes in 2002. The most recent,
on Sunday (Aug. 25), killed eight, according to Iraq.
When challenged, U.S. officials robotically
repeat that they bomb only when threatened by Iraqi air defenses.
However, despite U.S. claims, there is no U.N. Security Council
authorization for this violation of Iraqi sovereignty. U.S. journalists
rarely mention the obvious point -- that if the United States
ceased its illegal patrols, Iraqi radar would not "light
up" U.S. planes, making U.S. attacks unnecessary.
While not militarily significant, these
attacks serve to terrorize the Iraqi people and remind everyone
that the United States exempts itself from international law.
Combined with the sanctions, they constitute a war on the people
of Iraq.
While the fanatical hawks argue with
the moderate hawks about the way in which a war against Iraq
should proceed, virtually all the world opposes a full-scale
war. It's time for us to realize that most of the rest of the
world also wants to stop the containment war, end the suffering
of the Iraqi people and begin the diplomatic process necessary
for regional peace.
Robert Jensen
is a professor of journalism at the University of Texas and author
of Writing
Dissent: Taking Radical Ideas from the Margins to the Mainstream.
He can be reached at rjensen@uts.cc.utexas.edu.
Rahul Mahajan
is a member of the Nowar
Collective and the Green Party candidate for Governor
of Texas. His book, "The New Crusade: America's War on Terrorism," (Monthly Review Press, April 2002) has
been described as "mandatory reading for anyone who wants
to get a handle on the war on terrorism." He is currently
writing a book on Iraq titled "Axis of Lies: Myths and Reality
about the U.S. War on Iraq."
He can be reached at rahul@tao.ca.
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2002
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