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Today's
Stories
July
5, 2004
Kathy
Kelly
"Two Days an' a Wake-Up"
July
3 / 4, 2004
Elaine
Cassel
Bush's Police State and Independence
Day
Stan
Goff
ABC of Opportunism: "Progressive"
Latin American Leaders Support the Coup in Haiti
Snehal
Shingavi
"We Want Real Justice for Bhopal": Two Survivors Speak
Out
Bruce
Anderson
The Cheney-Leahy Metaphor and the Greens
Sharon
Smith
Twilight of the Greens: the Chokehold of "Anybody But Bush"
Josh
Frank
Ralph Nader's Revolt: an Interview with Greg Bates
Robert
Fisk
Pentagon Tried to Censor Saddam's Hearing
Joe
Bageant
Sons of a Laboring God: Leftnecks Unite!
Brian
Cloughley
Fortress Bush and the One Law Doctrine
Justin
Delacour
The Anti-Chavez Echo Chamber: Venezuela's Media Tycoons
William
S. Lind
Saudi Spillover
Linda
S. Heard
A Joke Called "Justice"
Greg
Moses
"It's Illegal, But It's Our Right": Korean Labor Won't
Back Down
Ron
Jacobs
"Ain't You Proud to be White on Independence Day?"
Toni
Solo
Weary of Indigenous Resistances? Just Pretend They're Not There
Dan
Nagengast
Chicken Manure as Cattle Food: Safe, But Do We Want to Eat It?
Stew
Albert
Brando, a Personal Recollection
Dave
Zirin
From the Black Panthers to Sacheen Littlefeather: a Eulogy for
Our Brando
Patrick
W. Gavin
The Progressive Case for Dodgeball
Steven
Rosenthal / Junaid Ahmad
The Problem is Bigger Than the Bushes: a Review of F911
Poets'
Basement
Kearney, Ford and Davies
Website
of the Day
Global Peace Solution
July
2, 2004
Jeffrey
St. Clair
Suicide Right on the Stage: the Demise
of the Green Party
Douglas
Valentine
Fahrenheit 911: Mocking the Moral Crisis of Capitalism
Gary
Leupp
"Just Because I Could": On Obscenities and Opportunities
Lee
Ballinger
Illegal People: Kerry Opposes Immigrant Rights
Robert
Fisk
Saddam in the Dock: Confused? Hardly
CounterPunch
Wire
"What Law Formed This Court?": a Transcript of Saddam's
Arraignment
Christopher
Brauchli
Bush's Drug Card Lottery: the Price Ain't Right
Saul
Landau
Buzz Words and Venezuela
July 1, 2004
Katherine
van Wormer
Bush's Damaged Mind: the Madness in
His Method
Joe
Bageant
Is Our President a Whackjob? Does It Matter?
William
James Martin
The Dogma of Richard Perle
Dave
Lindorff
Bush's Evacuation Moment
Robert
Fisk
Bread and Circus Trials in Iraq
Alan
Maass
Green Party in Reverse
Website
of the Day
Michael Moore and Israel: Blind or a Coward?
June
30, 2004
Kurt Nimmo
Nicholson
Baker's Checkpoint: a New Kind of Anger About Bush
Tariq
Ali
Getting Away with Murder in Iraq
Jennifer
Van Bergen
Bush and the Detainees
Douglas
Valentine
Apotheosis of the Psychopaths: Instead of Fahrenheit 9/11, Rescreen
The Quiet American
David
Price
Fahrenheit 9/11 Through the McCain-Feingold Looking Glass
Roger
Normand
America's Criminal Occupation of Iraq
Stan
Cox
Sanitized for Your Protection: Ashcroft's
War on Art
Henry
David Thoreau
On the Futility of Bush v. Kerry: All Voting is a Kind of Gaming
Ben
Tripp
Who Dast Call Him Liar: a Rebuttal to Nicholas Kristof
June
29, 2004
Patrick
Cockburn
The Cloak-and-Dagger Handover
Robert
Fisk
Alice in an Iraqi Wonderland
Troy
Selvaratnam
New York Times Boosts Pet Developer
Harry
Browne
Bush in Ireland
Ray
McGovern
The CIA According to Anonymous
Elaine
Cassel
Hamdi, Padilla & Rasul: Who Really
Won?
June
28, 2004
Patrick
Cockburn / Leyla Linton
Grisly Rituals in Iraq
Amira
Hass
Confronting Myths and Deadly Power
June
26 / 27, 2004
Alexander
Cockburn
Venezuela: the Gang's All Here
Patrick
Cockburn
Iyad Allawi, the CIA's New Stooge
in Iraq
Dennis
Hans
Once They Were Sweethearts: Cheney,
the NYTs and the Myth of an Iraq Link to 9/11
Ben
Tripp
Adventures in Fuel Efficiency
Dave
Lindorff
That State Department Terrorism
Report: What They Knew, But Didn't Tell You
Chris
Floyd
Cold Irons Bound: the Russian Gambit
Ali
Tonak
Contamination at Berkeley: Profit Motives,
Academic Freedom and the Case of Ignacio Chapela
Keith
Rosenthal
The Withering of the Anti-War Movement
Bryan
Sacks
The Failure of the 9/11 Commission
Wayne
Madsen
Another Case of Blowback
Thomas
St. John
L. Frank Baum, Racist: Indian-Hating
in the Wizard of Oz
Niranjan
Ramakrishnan
American Swadeshi
June
25, 2004
Stephen
Gowans
US to North Korea: "Trust Us"
Saul
Landau
2006 Pentagon Budget as Sacrilege:
Bush Invests the National Treasure in Death and Destruction
Amir
Butler
Iraq: the Deadly Embrace
Jack
McCarthy
Another Times Plagiarism Scandal?
Did Maureen Dowd Lift from the World Weekly News?
Greg
Bates
Chomsky and Zinn Plan to Vote Nader
June 24, 2004
Gary Leupp
John
Lehman on the Iraq / al-Qaeda Links
Patrick Cockburn
A
Day in the Life of Col. Abu Mohammed: Defusing Bombs, Facing
Death Threats
Harry Browne
On
the Rebound: Bush Bounces Back...in Europe
Bill Kaufman
Another
Marxist for Kerry: Joel Kovel's Sad Smear of Ralph Nader
Christopher
Brauchli
Bush,
Cheney and the 9/11 Commission: What Did They Know? What Did
They Tell?
Rick Gioimbetti
Andrea Yates: Victim of Psychiatric Violence?
John Chuckman
Call Center ID Hypocrisy
Diana Johnstone
Kerry
and Kosovo: the Lie of a "Good War"
June 23, 2004
Laura Carlsen
Bush
and Castro Face Off
Dave Zirin
Barry
Bonds vs. Boston: "A Flea Market of Racism"
Kurt Nimmo
From
Saddam, With Love
Patricia Wolff
Foundation Wars
Mahboob A. Khawaja
"They Had Me Arrested and Shackled My Son"
Patrick Cockburn
The
Pretense of an Independent Iraq
Website of the Day
The Road to Abu Ghraib
June 22, 2004
Dave Lindorff
The
Meaning of Putin's Pronouncement: Mutually Assured Pre-emption
Ron Jacobs
Nuclear Plants in US Protectorate of Iraq?
Vanessa Jones
Coogee, Peter Garrett and Valium Earrings
Mickey Z
An Open Letter to the People of Iraq
John L. Hess
Clinton Exhales
Pedro Marset/Ex-Solidarity
Committee for Pacho Cortés
An Exchange on the Case of Pacho Cortés
Bruce Jackson
Saying
No to Prosecutors: Why Steve Kurtz's Colleagues Refused to Testify
Website of the Day
From Boot Camp to Boot Hill
June
21, 2004
Gary
Leupp
Putin's Helpful Remarks
Lucson
Pierre-Charles
Haiti After the Press Went Home: Chaos
Upon Chaos
Cockburn
/ Khan
Saddam May Face Death Penalty
Uri
Avnery
Irreversible Mental Damage
June
19 / 20, 2004
Patrick
Cockburn
Inside the Green Zone: US is Paranoid
and Isolated
Bruce
Anderson
Frozen Gringos
Diane
Christian
Morality and Death: a Meditation
on Bush and Blake
Walter
A. Davis
Passion of the Christ in Abu Ghraib
Josh
Frank
How Democrats Helped Bush Rape Mother
Nature
Col.
Dan Smith
Respectable Genocide?: the Crisis
in Sudan
Brian
Cloughley
A Profound Disruption of the Senses
Christopher
Brauchli
Bush and the Timken Plant, a
Year Later
Prudence
Crowther
Mr. Ashcroft, Deport Me!
Poets'
Basement
Iqbal/Alam, Krieger and Albert
Kathy
Kelly
Dying to See Their Kids
June
18, 2004
Chris
Floyd
Blood Victory
Dave
Zirin
Danielle Green, Basketball Player
& Disabled Vet, Speaks Out Against War
Justin
E.H. Smith
The Christian Question in American
Politics
Gary
Leupp
The "Long-Established" Link?:
Iraq, al-Qaeda, and al-Zarqawi
June
17, 2004
Noel
Ignatiev
Zionism, Anti-Semitism and the People
of Palestine
Kurt
Nimmo
The Bush-Kerry Conundrum
Ed
Cardoni
The Persecution of Steve Kurtz
Ron
Jacobs
Power Relations: Rounding Up Everyone Who Knows More Than They
Do
Dave
Lindorff
Philly Daily News: "Four Wasted Years"
Greg
Moses
Geneva Ignored
Norm
Dixon
How Reagan Armed Saddam with Chemical
Weapons
June
18, 2004
Noel
Ignatiev
Zionism, Anti-Semitism and the People
of Palestine
Kurt
Nimmo
The Bush-Kerry Conundrum
Ed
Cardoni
The Persecution of Steve Kurtz
Ron
Jacobs
Power Relations: Rounding Up Everyone Who Knows More Than They
Do
Dave
Lindorff
Philly Daily News: "Four Wasted Years"
Greg
Moses
Geneva Ignored
Norm
Dixon
How Reagan Armed Saddam with Chemical
Weapons
June
16, 2004
Lenni
Brenner
A Question for Kerry Supporters
Davey
D
Hip Hop Reflections on Reagan
Daniel
Wolff
Why Did Michael Moore Withhold Video Evidence of US Prisoner
Abuse?
Bruce
Jackson
Harry Levin and the Penultimate Manuscript of Finnegans Wake
Patrick
Cockburn
Boom! Boom! Out Go the Lights: Bombings Target Oil and Power
Facilities
Gary
Handschumacher
Mourn Ben Linder, Not His Killer: Reagan's Death Squads
JG
Turning Haiti into One Big Sweatshop
Mario
Benedetti
Obituary with Cheers
Vicente
Navarro
Meet the New Head of the IMF: Who
is Rodrigo Rato?
Website
of the Day
Iraqi Oil Revenue Watch
June
15, 2004
Harry
Browne
Ireland Adds a Brick to Fortress Europe
Neve
Gordon
The Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited
David
Palmer
Richard Armitage, Abu Ghraib and CACI
John
Blair
Lovelock's Misguided Call: Nukes Are No Solution to Global Warming
Dave
Lindorff
God Wins in TKO
Bill
Quigley
Blood-Pouring Peace Activists: State Charges Dropped; Feds Step
In
Patrick
Cockburn
Carbombs and Street Dances: 13 More Killed in Baghdad Blast
John
Chuckman
John Kerry, Political Placebo
Hot Stories
Alexander Cockburn
Behold,
the Head of a Neo-Con!
Subcomandante
Marcos
The
Death Train of the WTO
Norman Finkelstein
Hitchens
as Model Apostate
Steve Niva
Israel's
Assassination Policy: the Trigger for Suicide Bombings?
Dardagan,
Slobodo and Williams
CounterPunch Exclusive:
20,000 Wounded Iraqi Civilians
Steve
J.B.
Prison Bitch
Sheldon
Rampton and John Stauber
True Lies: the Use of Propaganda
in the Iraq War
Wendell
Berry
Small Destructions Add Up
CounterPunch
Wire
WMD: Who Said What When
Cindy
Corrie
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The
Erosion of the American Dream
Francis Boyle
Impeach
Bush: A Draft Resolution
Click
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July
5, 2004
US
Imperialism in Latin America
September
11, July 4 and Systematic Torture
By
FORREST HYLTON
Having been asked to comment on the
US and the meaning of its power in Latin America, I begin with
a triptych of historical references. When John F. Kennedy, Jr.,
was assassinated more than forty years ago, Malcolm X saw it
as a case of chickens coming home to roost. If I understand him,
he meant that the US government could not systematically promote,
employ, and/or condone violence against African Americans at
home and colored peoples abroad, and expect to remain
immune from its effects. Speaking at a press conference the
year after Martin Luther King, Jr., had been assassinated, H.
Rap Brown, a spokesperson for "the sons [and daughters]
of Malcolm X," the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense,
said, "Violence is as American as cherry pie." The
foundational facts of US history-- the genocide of Native Americans
and the enslavement and terrorizing of Africans and their descendents
--preceded the subjugation of the Philippines and the Caribbean
by more than two centuries. Hence, as Rap Brown implied, US imperial
violence needs to be viewed in proper historical context. The
final reference points not to words, but deeds. As tanks rattled
through Santiago streets and people were herded into stadiums
by the thousands, on September 11, 1973, Salvador Allende committed
suicide in the presidential palace, having refused to renounce
his democratic socialist principles. Thus began what later became
a worldwide transition to neoliberal capitalism under US imperial
auspices.
When the World Trade Centers
fell on the morning of September 11, 2001, my initial thought
was that chickens had come home to roost with greater vengeance
and destruction than anyone had expected. After watching images
of people jumping from collapsing, burning buildings on TV, from
my rooftop, I gazed at the endless clouds of smoke billowing
over Brooklyn, in shock. Even for most of us living in Manhattan
at the time, only Hollywood disaster movies-- many of them little
more than allegories of late imperial anxiety --offered a set
of referents with which to interpret what had happened. One suspects
that a majority of US residents, far from the material sites
of destruction, experienced the events of September 11 with the
same immediacy as a combination Hollywood disaster movie/Reality
TV show. After hearing a young African American woman blame the
attacks on Palestinians, I thought, "It doesn't matter who
did it. Sharon will use this as a way to implement his plan for
a Greater Middle East, and may try to drive the Palestinians
out of the West Bank altogether, while the bulldogs of the Bush
administration will get their war with Iraq. In Colombia, Uribe
will convince the Bush administration that he is the hemisphere's
firmest ally in the fight against 'terrorism' and will help shift
the phony focus on the 'war against drugs' to 'the war against
drugs and terror.'" I wish I had been wrong. However, like
Rumsfeld and the neoconservatives (Feith, Wolfowitz) to whom
Sharon is so close politically, Sharon has encountered difficulties
on the road to realizing his insane goals. Uribe has been much
more successful.
Excepting Venezuela, Latin
America has all but dropped off the radar screen of the US media
and policy debate (such as it is) since September 11. Since no
one appears to be watching, Uribe has a free hand in dealing
with social protest in Colombia, which has been even more thoroughly
criminalized, and linked-- with or without evidence --to "terrorism."
Mass detentions are now the norm, particularly in Arauca, where
most of US Special Forces troops are deployed to train an elite
battalion to protect a petroleum pipeline that belongs in part
to Occidental Petroleum. Paramilitary activity has taken off
exponentially alongside Colombian and US army presence in Arauca,
and though the military-controlled and run zones of "rehabilitation
and consolidation" (ZRCs) were declared unconstitutional
last April, they continue to operate as before, along the pipeline's
route to the Caribbean. At the other end of the pipeline, and
similar to the rest of the Atlantic coast, Coveñas is
a paramilitary paradise. No need for US Special Forces there:
the zone has been (and continues to be) "cleaned" of
"subversives" and "terrorists" in order to
save "democracy." Perhaps that explains the recent
massacre, in which children were burnt alive, of the Wayúu
in the upper Guajira?
In Colombia, unlike Turkey,
the cleansing is not ethnic/national, although ethnic and racial
minorities, like women and children, suffer a disproportionate
amount of the violence. The "cleaning" is political
and economic, and designed to a) rid the country of communities
that stand in the way of proposed highways, canals, dams, and
natural resource extraction; and b) criminalize a broad spectrum
of thought and action so that the population will accept the
institutionalization of impunity, the deepening of the neoliberal
model, and the tightening authoritarian discipline of the government
and its paramilitary allies. Never before have trade unionists
(especially in the public sector), indigenous and Afro-Colombian
movements, human rights activists, students and teachers, neighborhood
organizations, and peasant communities come under such sustained
assault, and proposed anti-terrorism legislation will make things
worse-- in a country where the military already exercises
police powers.
With firm US backing, however,
Uribe will seek a second term in 2006 (constitutional niceties
aside). The "peace process" with AUC paramilitaries--
which, along with the "bandit extermination" campaign,
forms the centerpiece of Uribe's administration -- appears to
have stalled for the time being, though some reports (narconews.com,
eltiempo.com) suggest that war criminal Carlos Castaño,
former leader of the AUC, is in Israel. He may have been aided
in his escape by the US government, even though Colin Powell
declared the AUC a terrorist organization on September 10, 2001,
and in spite of the fact that Castaño is wanted for extradition
to the US on charges of cocaine trafficking.
For Castaño, exile in
Israel would represent a return to the source: following a brief
stint in the Colombian army, Castaño received training
in Israel in 1983, the year after Ariel Sharon's most notorious
massacres in Lebanon. Carlos Castaño's "disappearance,"
like his older brother Fidel's, may only heighten the power of
the paramilitaries-- led by Salvatore Mancuso, José Vicente
Castaño, and 'Don Berna' --to "negotiate" their
insertion into a state against which they have never struggled.
There has been much infighting among paramilitary factions of
late, which is to be expected, as they are immersed in, and emerged
from, the enormously powerful criminal underworld (one of many
perverse fruits of US anti-drug policy that have ripened since
the days when then Vice-President George H.W. Bush's principal
occupation was prosecuting the drug war). The FARC and ELN guerrillas,
meanwhile, who number at least 25,000, are more isolated from
the urban majority than ever, but have suffered few major military
defeats, having chosen a tactical retreat in the face of government
offensives, which have been successful in terms of media representation,
but not on the ground. News of paramilitary atrocities has disappeared,
but in Arauca, the Guajira, and across the country, massacres,
assassinations, and disappearances continue, and would remain
unknown to the world except for the work of courageous journalists
and human rights activists. In contrast, when the FARC massacred
more than thirty coca workers on a paramilitary plantation, it
made headlines worldwide. The disparity of media coverage is
even more striking than the brutality of the massacres, 70% of
which are committed by paramilitaries, and 27% by guerrilla insurgents
(almost exclusively FARC).
As Alexander
Cockburn pointed out, with respect to Venezuela, it's the
same guys with the same plan: Reagan redux. Roger Noriega and
Otto Reich are inveterate conspirators closely connected to anti-Castro
Cubans. If a democratically elected government-- Allende in 1973
in Chile; the Sandinistas after 1984 in Nicaragua; Chávez
after 1998; Aristide in 2004 in Haiti --responsive in any way
to the demands of its most exploited and disenfranchised citizens,
comes to power in the Western Hemisphere, it must be overthrown
"by any means necessary" to prevent the threat of a
bad example. If a country begins to overcome the legacy of centuries
of racism, poverty, and colonial/neocolonial inequality by regaining
some measure of national sovereignty in the US's "backyard,"
the peoples of the hemisphere could get the wrong idea about
democracy. They might interpret the concept as meaning direct
popular participation in the taking of decisions that affect
their daily lives, and they, rather than US or European multinationals,
might decide to exercise control over territory and natural resource
extraction, processing, and marketing. (Just look at Bolivians.)
From the perspective of US imperial planners, this must never
be allowed to happen again, especially because between them,
Latin American countries (Mexico, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador)
supply more oil to US markets than the Middle Eastern countries
combined. Only the threat of a bad example explains the longevity
of the US stranglehold of Cuba. Judging from John Kerry's public
declarations, counter-insurgent visions for Latin America and
the Caribbean will not change if George W. Bush loses November's
presidential election.
Along a border which may be
militarized with forty-six new tanks that former president of
Spain, José María Aznar, donated to Uribe, Venezuelan
President Hugo Chávez Frías faces the most rightwing,
pro-US regime in South America, and if there's another coup before
or after the August recall referendum, do not be surprised if
Colombia sends troops at US insistence, possibly alongside US
marines or Special Forces, or if AUC units, replete with Colombian
soldiers, are deployed. After all, AUC troops were recently discovered
on the ranch of a prominent anti-Castro Cuban in Venezuela; an
incident which has yet to be clarified, but suggests a possible
Miami connection between the rightwing Venezuelans, Colombians,
and anti-Castro Cubans.
While resisting the overall
thrust of US trade policy-- designed to monopolize Latin American
resources and markets through free trade agreements --Lula, the
last great hope of parliamentary Leftists and anti-globalizers
worldwide, agreed to share high-tech border surveillance equipment
with Uribe in 2003 and again in 2004. Unlike Chávez, Lula
also signed the "Declaración de Asunción"
on July 15, 2003, pledging allegiance to the imperial agenda
of the "war on drugs and terror." So far, Lula has
shown no signs of having an independent foreign, as opposed to
trade, policy. In spite of Chávez's efforts and the struggles
of vibrant people's movements from Patagonia to Panamá,
Latin America remains firmly in the grip of US imperial control,
though the consensus in Washington is that Venezuela and the
Andean countries have become "trouble spots" where
"democracy" is in danger of giving way to "terrorism"?
Plan Colombia and its successor, the Andean Regional Initiative,
are clear signs of how Washington intends to bring its southern
neighbors into line. Compared to the Alliance for Progress, which
converted Latin American militaries from "hemispheric defense"
to "national security" and emphasized "civic action,"
current policy is all iron fist and leather glove.
To close with torture: in contrast
to some parts of the world, I suspect that most Latin Americans
were not shocked by the revelations from Abu Ghraib. To a greater
extent than elsewhere, in Latin America and the Caribbean, successive
US administrations helped institutionalize torture, along with
"disappearance," as preferred methods of dealing with
dissent during the Cold War. The CIA torture manuals from the
1970s-an era of criminal military dictatorships purportedly designed
to fight "communism"-are widely remembered in Bolivia,
where people were never disappeared and tortured on the scale
of Argentina, Uruguay, or Chile. The only surprise about the
images from Abu Ghraib was that they made it into the media.
Though influenced in some measure by Israeli policy in the occupied
territories, the worldwide gulag system established in Afghanistan,
Iraq, Guantánamo, and the oceans of the world, was pioneered
in Latin American "National Security States" during
the Cold War. Here, US-sanctioned torture is old news. What stands
out about US foreign policy when viewed from La Paz (and, I imagine,
other parts of Latin America and the Caribbean) is not the changes
since September 11, but the remarkable continuity of imperial
domination since World War II. Until that continuity is broken,
and until the semantic distinction between "democracy"
and "dictatorship" can plausibly be upheld, the 4th
of July will provide no cause for celebration in the Americas.
Forrest Hylton is conducting doctoral research in
history in Bolivia. He can be reached at forresthylton@hotmail.com.
Weekend
Edition Features for June 12 / 13, 2004
Peter
Linebaugh
Remembering the Common Hood: Soweto
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CP's Favorite Albums
Jeffrey
St. Clair
Troy, Now and Then
Gary
Leupp
Not Really a Puppet Government in Iraq?
Brian
Cloughley
US Military in Crisis
Antonio
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Iraqi Prisoner Abuse: the Connecticut Connection
Ben
Tripp
The Polls Get Stupider
Joe
Bageant
Mash Note to the "Girl with the Leash"
Ron
Jacobs
The Return of the Hip Hop Insurgency
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Hylton
Object Lessons from the Case of Francisco Cortés
Christopher
Brauchli
Federal Bureau of Errors
Kurt
Nimmo
Going After Qaddafi, Again
Wayne
Madsen
Israel's Slap at Reagan
Anthony
Loewenstein
Al Jazeera Awakens the Arab World
Michael
Donnelly
A Lightship in the Forest: Greenpeace Docks in the Siskiyous
Greg
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Who Will Tell Us More About the Workers of Nasiriyah?
Susan
Davis
Harry Potter & the Prisoner of Azkaban
Joseph
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Weather Report: a Review of The Weather Underground
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The 18th Brumaire in the 21st
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Poets'
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Richey, Ford, La Morticella, Albert
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