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Today's
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March 2, 2004
William Blum
If Kerry's the Answer, What's the
Question?
March 1, 2004
Alexander Cockburn
Morris
Thanks War Criminal in Front of Billions
Richard Oxman
Oscar's
Obit: Thanking Bob McNamara
Elaine Cassel
Writing and Reading as "Terrorism"
Mickey Z
Thomas Friedman's Education
Mike Whitney
George Will and Anti-Semitism: a Cul-de-Sac of Prejudice
Heather Williams
Haiti
as Target Practice: How the US Press Missed the Story
Cathy Crosson
Chanson d'amour haïtienne
Website of the Day
God Hates Shrimp
February 28 / 29, 2004
Stephen Green
Serving
Two Flags: Neo-Cons, Israel and the Bush Team
Gary Leupp
Another Senseless Bush Battle: Defining and Protecting Marriage
William A. Cook
Israel:
America's Albatross
Ron Jacobs
Kucinich: Good Fight; Wrong Battlefield
Ben Tripp
A Nosegay of Posies: Queer Weddings at Last!
Leilla Matsui
Dances with Crucifixes
Mike Whitney
Dismantle
the Military Goliath
Yoel Marcus
Down and Out in the Hague
Uri Avnery
The Dancing Bear
Linda S. Heard
Britons and Americans Condemned to a Hobson's Choice
Al Krebs
Unmasking a Secret American Empire: Land, Water & Cotton
Stan Cox
Life (Pat. Pend.): Genetic Commandeering
JG
The Haiti Boomerang: "After The Looting & Pillaging,
Your Hunger Will Remain"
Rick Giombetti
Censorship at the Seattle P-I on Forced Psychiatry
Keith Hoeller
The Bankruptcy of Mental Health Insurance Parity
Dave Zirin
Colorado Football: Buffalo Swill
NADERAMA
Alan Maass
Nader and the Politics of Lesser
Evils
Michael Donnelly
Regime
Rotation: Anybody But Bush...Again?
Niranjan Ramakrishnan
Exeunt Serenaders; Enter Nader
Doug Giebel
So Nader's Running? Get Over It
Bruce Jackson
An Open Letter to Naderites
CounterPunch Wire
Stalinists for Kerry! and Other Roars from the Crowd
Poets' Basement
Davies, Scarr, Kearney & Albert
February 27, 2004
Thomas C. Mountain
A
White Jesus During Black History Month?
Laura Carlsen
Americans
Abroad: Bush is Persona Non Grata
John B. Anderson
Nader's Campaign Brings Back Memories: Creating an Open Electoral
Process
Jason Leopold
Spying
on Kofi Annan
John Chuckman
Nader,
Risk and Hope
Standard Schaefer
An
Interview with Michael Hudson on Putin's Russia
Ray McGovern
Punished
for Honest Intelligence
Saul Landau
The
Haiti Redux
Website of the Day
Bush: Why I'm Running for Re-election
February 26, 2004
Brandy Baker
Is Nader
on to Something?
Jacques Kinau
AEI
to Colombia: "Can't Give You Anything But Guns, Baby"
Norman Solomon
Bugging Kofi Annan: UN Spying
and the Evasions of US Journalism
Greg Weiher
A Purloined Letter: the Zarqawi Gambit
Walt Brasch
Janet Jackson, Bush & No. 542: There are No Halftime Shows
in War
Shadi Hamid
The Music World Explodes in Anger
Norman Madarasz
As Canadian as Corruption
Chris Floyd
Bullets and Ballots
Virginia Tilly
The
Deeper Meaning of the Wall
Amy Goodman / Jeremy
Scahill
Haiti's
Lawyer Says US is Arming Haiti's Anti-Aristide Paramilitaries
Website of the Day
Clear Channel Sucks
February 25, 2004
Dr. Susan Block
Saddam's
Sex Therapist and the Rape of Free Speech
Bruce Anderson
Treacherous Bastards: The Greens and the Dems and Nader
Ron Jacobs
Our Power is on the Streets and
in Our Hearts
Mike Whitney
Bush
and Gay America: the Politics of Duplicity
Sam Husseini
Jesus in 100 Words
John L. Hess
Kick Off or Flub?
Sam Hamod
Bush's Newest Red Herring
Cockburn / St. Clair
Winning
with Nader
Website of the Day
VotePact
February 24, 2004
Ralph Nader
Why
I'm Running for President
Greg Moses
Rally
the Mob! Bush, Gay Marriage and the Constitution
Douglas O'Hara
The
Merchants of Fear: Smearing Nader
Phillip Cryan
Frozen in Time: The WSJ's Paranoid
Lens on Latin America
David Lindorff
John Kerry's China Connection
Jason Leopold
Cheney's Shame: Halliburton Faces New Charges
Gary Younge
Haiti: Throttled by History
Kromm, Masri & Purohit
Why No Democracy in Iraq?
Steve Perry
Tangled Up in Red and Blue: Beware the Electoral College
February 23, 2004
Neve Gordon
Israel's Apartheid Wall on Trial
at The Hague
Kurt Nimmo
Richard Perle, Executioner: "Heads Should Roll"
Jonathan Franklin
US Soldier Seeks Refugee Status in Canada
Al Krebs
The Liberal "Intelligentsia" v. Nader
Josh Frank
Nader's Nadir? Not a Chance
Bruce Jackson
Nader, Another View: "He's as Evil as Bush"
Gary Leupp
A Misguided
Attack, The Passion, Rabbi Lerner and the Gospels
February 20 / 22, 2004
Cockburn / St. Clair
Kerry:
He's Peaking Already!
Derek Seidman
Chasing
Judith Miller from the Stage: Watch Her Run!
Ghada Karmi
Sharon is not the Problem
Vanessa Jones
This Week in Redfern, a Boy Dies, Chased by Cops
Ben Granby
Anatomy of a Night Raid on Balad, Iraq
John Holt
An Air That Kills: Greed, Apathy, Dead People
Saul Landau
Entry from a White House Diary
Tom Jackson
Why They Couldn't Wait to Invade Iraq
Frederick B. Hudson
Slave Power and the Constitution: Jefferson, Slaves, Haiti and
Hypocrisy
Roger Burbach
Argentina Fights Back
Kate Doyle
Lessons on Justice from Guatemala
Mike Whitney
Operation Enduring Misery: the Afghanistan Debacle
Greg Moses
What Gives Texas A&M the Right to Trample the Civil Rights
Act?
David Krieger
US Elections: an Opportunity to Debate Nuclear Weapons
Sam Bahour
Palestinian Issue Riddles Bush's Budget
David Grenier
You Could Get 10 Years in Prison Just for Reading This
Charles Sullivan
Corporatism vs. Single Party Politics
Poet's Basement
Hilda White, Larry Kearney & Stew Albert
Website of the Weekend
The Rumsfeld Fighting Technique
February 19, 2004
Cecilie Surasky
Anti-Semitism
at the World Social Forum? That's Not What I Saw
Ray McGovern
Iraq
Hawks and Deceptive Intelligence: Did They Really Think They'd
Get Away With It?
Tariq Ali
How Far
Will Bush Go in Iraq?
Ralph Nader
Whither
the Nation?
Wayne Madsen
Would Kerry Purge the Neo-Cons?
Norman Solomon
The Collapse of Dean's Cyber-Bubble
Christopher Brauchli
Cheney, Halliburton and the NYT
Mike Whitney
Bush's Iraq Strategy: "I Hope They Kill Each Other"
Lewis Carroll
Bush the Mighty Helmsman from Yale
Website of the Day
Sex Toy Horoscope
February 18, 2004
William Wilgus
Bush:
AWOL and Dereliction of Duty
William Blum
Mush-Minded
Liberals
Dave Lindorff
Bush's China Syndrome
Greg Weiher
Why
is Kerry Getting a Pass?
Mike Griffin
Killing the Messenger: the AFL-CIO's Attack on Harry Kelber
Mark Hand
Kerry Tells Peace Movement to "Move On"
February 17, 2004
Mike Ferner
The
Countryside Murders in Iraq
Mokhiber / Weissman
Corporation
as Psychopath
Marjorie Cohn
DrakeGate:
a Victory for Free Speech
Kurt Nimmo
Bush's
Endgame: a Review of Chalmers Johnson's "Sorrows of Empire"
Greg Bates
Nader Ambush: a New Low for The
Nation
Ximena Ortiz
A Bush
Doctrine, of Sorts
Gary Leupp
Whatever Happened to Gen. Khazraji?
Sen. John Kerry
"The Cause of Israel is the Cause of America"
Steve Perry
Kerry
1, Drudge 0
February 16, 2004
James Johnston
Huddling
with the Cheeseheads in a NASCAR World
Sara Eltantawi
To
Wear the Hijab or Not
Bruce Anderson
Kevin
Cooper and the Midnight Needle
Elaine Cassel
Feds
on Campus: the Drake Subpoenas
Rahul Mahajan
Bush,
Is the Tide Finally Turning?
Kevin Cooper
The Ritual of Death
Stan Cox
Goodbye, Howard Dean
Larry David
My War
Steve Perry
Bush and the Guard: the Cover-Up's the Thing
Website of the Day
Prison Patriots: Help This Vital Film Get Made
Hot Stories
Alexander Cockburn
Behold,
the Head of a Neo-Con!
Subcomandante Marcos
The
Death Train of the WTO
Norman Finkelstein
Hitchens
as Model Apostate
Steve Niva
Israel's
Assassination Policy: the Trigger for Suicide Bombings?
Dardagan,
Slobodo and Williams
CounterPunch Exclusive:
20,000 Wounded Iraqi Civilians
Steve
J.B.
Prison Bitch
Sheldon
Rampton and John Stauber
True Lies: the Use of Propaganda
in the Iraq War
Wendell
Berry
Small Destructions Add Up
CounterPunch
Wire
WMD: Who Said What When
Cindy
Corrie
A Mother's Day Talk: the Daughter
I Can't Hear From
Gore Vidal
The
Erosion of the American Dream
Francis Boyle
Impeach
Bush: A Draft Resolution
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for More Stories.
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March
2, 2004
How Liberal Interventionism
Ran Off the Rails
Haiti:
the Dangerous Muddle
By CON HALLINAN
In 1994, when President Bill Clinton sent 20,000
American troops into Haiti to restore Jean-Bernard Aristide to
the presidency, there was widespread support for a mission aimed
at restoring democracy and relieving the misery of the Haitian
people. It also seemed to herald a new day in the post-cold war
world, when American invasions were not automatically synonymous
with supporting some Latin American caudillo or South East Asian
despot.
With the exception of the isolationist
Right, virtually every voice in the political spectrum cheered
the policy of "liberal intervention." The use of American
power to make good things happen was a heady drug.
Unfortunately, an addictive one.
Although there is no question that the
1994 intervention was good for Haiti , military intervention
has turned out to be fraught with problems, particularly when
it is wielded by one country.
Liberal Interventionism
Ran Off the Rails
There is no question that the 1994 intervention
was good for Haiti , but military intervention has turned out
to be fraught with problems, particularly when it is wielded
by one country. Liberal intervention ran off the rails in Yugoslavia
when the Clinton administration sidelined the United Nations
and used the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) instead.
Modern wars are not won or lost on battlefields, they are won
or lost in the streets and byways of everyday life.
It is tempting to pin the problematical
aspects of the policy on the Bush administration and its coterie
of aggressive, neocon policymakers. But the fissures in "liberal
intervention" began showing up long before the Republicans
took control of the White House.
The Yugoslav war is a case in point.
On the surface the rationale for an intervention
seemed straightforward. Serbia's President, Slobodan Milosevic
was a thug who was oppressing Albanians in the Serbian province
of Kosovo . Or at least that was how the war was sold. On the
ground things were a little more complex, as they often are in
the Balkans.
Milosevic was certainly a thug, but so
was Croatia's President, Franjo Tudjman, and we were fine with
him. Milosevic did, indeed, oppress Albanians in Kosovo, but
the Kosovo Liberation Army was hardly representative of goodness
and democracy. Many KLA members--including most the leaders--were
no less thuggish than Milosevic, and according to Interpol, deeply
engaged in Europe's largest drug ring.
Was there cause for military intervention?
Could there have been a resolution short of war? We will never
know, because the Serbs were presented with an ultimatum at Rambouillet
designed to start a war.
The Americans demanded that Serbia surrender
its sovereignty, exactly what the Austro-Hungarian Empire demanded
of Serbia following the assassination of the Archduke Ferdinand
in 1914. Back then the Serbs said no and the Austrians launched
World War I.
"Rambouillet," argues Dan Goure
of the conservative Center for Strategic and International Studies,
"was not a negotiation, it was a setup, a lynch party."
Was Yugoslavia "liberal intervention"
like Haiti? Questionable. There was a human rights crisis in
Kosovo, but it was the war that kicked off the worst aspect of
it, the forced expulsion of Albanians from Kosovo. And unlike
Haiti, in Yugoslavia the U.S. and NATO went for the jugular.
Power plants and water pumping stations were bombed. The electrical
grid and energy systems were flattened, and transportation networks
were systemically destroyed. The bombing campaign was a direct
violation of articles 48, 51, and 54 of Protocol I, Part IV,
of the Geneva Conventions. In short, a war crime.
The allies also saturated the country
with depleted uranium and cluster bombs. Needless to say, the
victims of the war were primarily Serbian civilians.
The Yugoslav war was where "liberal
intervention" ran off the rails. The first sign of that
was when the Clinton administration sidelined the United Nations
and used the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) instead.
The U.S. dominates NATO in a way that it could never hope to
dominate the UN, and that fact allowed the U.S. military to carry
out the kind of war it wanted, a war the UN might well have put
the brakes on.
Not a NATO or UN War,
But Another U.S. Affair
In the end it was hardly even a NATO
war. The U.S. picked all the targets, carried out upwards of
90% of the air attacks, and excluded its allies from the operational
aspects of the war. It was, pure and simple, a U.S. affair. It
was also a dry run for a new kind of war, one that maximized
destruction and minimized casualties.
Was it successful? Well, the Albanians
have largely cleansed Kosovo of the Serb and Roma minority populations.
NATO still occupies Kosovo. The humiliation of the war, and its
painful aftermath, continues to stoke the fires of Serbian nationalism.
Serbia refuses to give up its war criminals. Success? War has
never produced "success" in the Balkans before, why
anyone thought it would this time is a mystery.
The most troubling aspect of the Yugoslav
war was the exclusion of the UN. It has been downhill ever since.
Afghanistan is a case in point. Yes, it was very nice to rid
Afghanistan of the Taliban (although we nursed the pinion that
impelled that steel), and it certainly struck a blow at al Qaeda,
the organization which carried out the 9/11 attacks.
But again, it was a U.S. operation. The
UN was sidelined, and even NATO was brought in after the fact.
Our ally in Afghanistan was the homicidal Northern Alliance ,
steeped in violence and drug dealing. And as in Yugoslavia ,
the war was a high tech, slice-and-dice air operation that killed
lots of civilians. There was an uncomfortable feeling that the
war might be about Central Asian oil and gas, but it was hard
to protest freeing Afghan women and ending the rule of the Mad
Mullahs.
Yet Afghanistan reflects the dangers
of "liberal intervention" by one country. The U.S.
certainly "won" the war, although the outcome was hardly
in doubt. But the war is not over. Indeed, it appears to be getting
worse, in part because the Bush administration spent tens of
billions busting up the place, but not a whole lot putting it
back together. Modern wars are not won or lost on the battlefield
s, they are won or lost in the streets and byways of everyday
life. Fix what you break or the bill gets dear.
This is hardly a new observation. For
800-plus years the English won every major "battle"
in Ireland. In the end they lost the war. It is a lesson the
Israelis should pay some attention to.
Haiti Illustrates
Failures of Single-Power Intervention
Seven weeks after the 1994 invasion of
Haiti, the Republicans took control of Congress and systematically
dismantled aid to the impoverished, war-torn country. The opposition
forces that converged on Port au Prince are the very thugs and
murderers the U.S. invaded to get rid of in 1994. Whether through
enmity or indifference, U.S. fingerprints are all over the overthrow
of Aristide.
The 1994 Haiti intervention illustrates
the problem of single power intervention even when authorized
by the United Nations.
Seven weeks after the invasion, the Republicans
took control of Congress and systematically dismantled aid to
the impoverished, war-torn country.
The cuts meant there was no effort to
rebuild roads, ports, airports, or infrastructure. When Aristide's
opposition cried foul over eight contested seats in the 2000
election, the U.S. froze the final $500 million in aid.
The aid was never very substantial. Per
capita, the U.S. was giving Haiti one fifth what it was spending
in Bosnia, and one tenth what it was distributing in Kosovo.
After 1996, U.S. aid to Haiti was the same as what it had given
the dictatorship that deposed Aristide. Aid did flow, but not
to Aristide. Instead, U.S. organizations like the National Endowment
for Democracy (NED) funneled hundreds of thousands of dollars
to the opposition.
Shortly after the demonstrations and
attacks on Aristide began, the U.S. State Department made it
clear it would do nothing to impede his overthrow. In early February,
an anonymous State Department official told the New York Times
that the U.S. was not adverse to replacing Aristide, "When
we talk about undergoing change in the way Haiti is governed,
I think that could indeed involve changes in Aristide's position,"
the official said. This past week, shortly before Aristide was
driven out, U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell, and President
George W. Bush, essentially called for him to step down.
There is no question that the Aristide
government was a troubled one, and some of the opposition was
composed of former supporters alienated by corruption, violent
pro-Aristide gangs, and the contested 2000 election. Most of
this group was non-violent, and based mainly among Haiti 's elites
and the business community. But the forces that converged on
Port au Prince are the very thugs and murderers the U.S. invaded
to get rid of in 1994.
Louis-Jodel Chamblain, one of the principal
leaders of the armed opposition, is a former death-squad leader
and one of the founders of the brutal Front for the Advancement
of Progress in Haiti (FRAPH) that killed thousands of people
between 1991 and 1994.
The shady nature of people like Chamblain
and Andre Apaid of Group 184, has deeply worried human rights
groups, and generated some anger in Washington. U.S. Representatives
Barbara Lee (D-Ca) and Maxine Waters (D-Ca) have both challenged
the "neutrality" of the U.S. State Department. In a
recent letter to Powell, Lee wrote, "with all due respect,
this looks like regime change." It would appear that Lee
was right on target.
There is certainly reason to suspect
the two men in charge of diplomacy in the region. Otto Reich
, U.S. Ambassador to the Organization of American States (OAS),
played an important role in the coup attempt against Venezuelan
President Hugo Chavez, and U.S. Assistant Secretary of State
Robert Noriega, has been a long-time critic of Aristide.
Whether through enmity or indifference,
U.S. fingerprints are all over the overthrow of Aristide.
Single-Power Intervention
Responds to Single-Power Interests
If one could turn back the clock, and
transform the 20,000 American troops into a UN peacekeeping force,
working from the beginning in close conjunction with the OAS
and the Caribbean Community (Caricom), the outcome might have
been different. The Republicans would still have sabotaged the
U.S. part of the aid package, but international aid would have
kept flowing since there would have been a real regional and
international commitment to the liberal intervention. As it was,
the U.S. insisted from the beginning on total control of the
peacekeeping venture. When U.S. political will for the peacekeeping
and nation-building missions waned, there was no multilateral
commitment to ensure that the democratic transition was consolidated.
Which brings us back to the initial problem
with "liberal intervention." It may be a good idea
at times, but there are caveats.
First, intervention by one country, or
even a group of countries dominated by one country--NATO in Yugoslavia--is
a bad idea. Individual nations have their own interests. Take
the recent Iraq War. Maybe some people invaded Iraq to get rid
of Saddam Hussein. Others might have deluded themselves into
thinking there were weapons of mass destruction, but anyone who
thinks it had nothing to do with Middle East oil simply needs
to do the math.
In 2001, Vice-President Dick Cheney's
National Energy Policy Development Group recommended that the
U.S. "make energy security a priority of our trade and foreign
policy." It is hardly a surprising conclusion. U.S. oil
demands will increase by one third over the next 20 years, and
two thirds of that will be imported. Since 65% of the world's
oil reserves lie in the Middle East, one doesn't need a crystal
ball to predict American policy in the region.
So was Iraq just about oil? No. Was it
about oil? Of course.
Second, an intervention that isn't willing
to invest in raising living standards will fail. No single country
has the resources. Only international organizations can spread
out the costs necessary for the long-term work needed to rebuild
a country and to deflect the very natural suspicion that "liberal
intervention" is really "occupation" by another
name.
The Republicans call this "nation-building,"
and everywhere but in Iraq the Republicans hate it.
But it isn't nation-building, it's payback.
Afghanistan is indeed poor and backward,
but it would have been less so if the colonial powers (and then
the cold war) had not played the "great game" at the
expense of its people.
Haiti is unquestionably a basket case.
And don't the French who colonized it and the Americans who occupied
it and exploited it bear some responsibility for that condition?
Colonialism smashed up the world, deliberately
squelched economic progress by the colonized, drew arbitrary
lines on maps, and sowed the dragon's teeth of ethnic division
and uneven development. Do we now get to shake our heads over
"failed states," wash out hands, and walk away?
From the Caribbean to Africa, the great
imperial powers loaded the dice for nations, and the world can
ill afford to let the consequences of this rigged game go on.
Does this mean military intervention on occasion? Yes. But not
under one flag, only under the auspices of international organizations
like the UN.
This strategy will have to confront the
heart of the Bush administration and its Praetorian Guard of
think tanks: the Heritage Foundation, the National Institute
for Policy Study, the American Enterprise Institute, the Project
for New American Century, and the Center for Security Policy.
For these ideologues, international organizations--and
particularly the UN--are the anti-Christ. Last March, neoconservative
guru Richard Perle hailed the Iraq war as an opportunity "to
take the UN down."
It is interesting to note, however, that
obituaries about the UN's imminent demise fall off in direct
relationship to the number of American casualties and roadside
bombs in Iraq. Back in February of last year, President Bush
warned the UN General Assembly that its "last chance"
to prove "its relevance" was to adopt a war resolution
against Iraq . For the past two months the administration has
literally begged the UN to bail it out from the morass in which
it is now entrapped.
A cynic might point out that the mills
of God grind slowly, but they do grind most exceedingly fine.
Key Solutions
Unilateral "liberal intervention"
is not only a bad idea politically, it doesn't work. International
intervention isn't successful all the time either, but its chances
are better. Neocon historian Max Boot describes the UN as a bunch
of "Lilliputians," which is exactly what is needed:
power restrained by laws, rules, and treaties. The U.S. should
immediately take the crisis in Haiti to the UN Security Council,
with a parallel effort in the OAS and Caricom. The Haitian opposition
members--both nonviolent and violent--should understand that
they have no automatic claim to political legitimacy. The hasty
departure of the country's duly elected president Jean-Bertrand
Aristide was the sad result of the threat of massive political
violence by feared former members of Haiti's security forces
and intense U.S. pressure. Haiti's interim government should
call quickly for new elections under multilateral supervision.
Not only is unilateral "liberal
intervention" a bad idea politically, it doesn't work. International
intervention isn't successful all the time either, but its chances
are better. Neocon historian Max Boot describes the UN as a bunch
of "Lilliputians," which, suggests Jorge Castenada,
Mexico's former foreign minister, is exactly what is needed:
power restrained by laws, rules, and treaties. Successful intervention
doesn't demand centralized command control, it requires legions
of doubting Thomases. In the case of Haiti, the U.S. should immediately
take the matter to the UN Security Council, with a parallel effort
in the OAS and Caricom. The Haitian opposition members--both
nonviolent and violent--should understand that they have no automatic
claim to political legitimacy. The hasty departure of the country's
duly elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide was the sad result
of the threat of massive political violence by feared former
members of Haiti's security forces and intense strong-arming
and political pressure by the U.S. government. If President Aristide
did resign as has been widely reported, then Haiti's interim
government should call quickly for new elections under multilateral
supervision. What's more, all U.S. aid should be released immediately,
and the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank should
back off from their austerity prescriptions, which would only
serve to further impoverish the poorest country in the hemisphere.
There are some who dismiss the OAS, and
even the UN, as little more than cat's paws for U.S. policy,
and certainly both organizations have served as its hand maidens
in the past. Supporting the criminal sanctions against Iraq was
a shameful blot on the UN's history, and the OAS should have
suspended the U.S. for supporting the military coup in Venezuela.
But both organizations have independent
streaks that appear to be strengthening. In any case, they are
the only game in town, and the UN has scored some notable successes.
It helped end the Iran-Iraq war, facilitated the Soviet withdrawal
from Afghanistan, and has overseen elections in El Salvador,
East Timor, and Eritrea. It also had disastrous failures in Rwanda
and Bosnia. In the long run, however, it is the only serious
solution to international crises.
Sir Brian Urquhart, author of A Life
in Peace and War, and a longtime UN diplomat who has served from
the Congo to the Middle East, recently put his finger on why
the UN still represents the best hope for the world: "The
world is a dangerous place," he says, "and when governments
find themselves into another dangerous muddle, they will come
back."
Conn M. Hallinan
is a provost at the University of California, Santa Cruz, and
an analyst for Foreign Policy
In Focus, where this report originally appeared. He can be
reached at connm@ucsc.edu.
Weekend
Edition Features for February 28 / 29, 2004
Stephen Green
Serving
Two Flags: Neo-Cons, Israel and the Bush Team
Gary Leupp
Another Senseless Bush Battle: Defining and Protecting Marriage
William A. Cook
Israel:
America's Albatross
Ron Jacobs
Kucinich: Good Fight; Wrong Battlefield
Ben Tripp
A Nosegay of Posies: Queer Weddings at Last!
Leilla Matsui
Dances with Crucifixes
Mike Whitney
Dismantle
the Military Goliath
Yoel Marcus
Down and Out in the Hague
Uri Avnery
The Dancing Bear
Linda S. Heard
Britons and Americans Condemned to a Hobson's Choice
Al Krebs
Unmasking a Secret American Empire: Land, Water & Cotton
Stan Cox
Life (Pat. Pend.): Genetic Commandeering
JG
The Haiti Boomerang: "After The Looting & Pillaging,
Your Hunger Will Remain"
Rick Giombetti
Censorship at the Seattle P-I on Forced Psychiatry
Keith Hoeller
The Bankruptcy of Mental Health Insurance Parity
Dave Zirin
Colorado Football: Buffalo Swill
NADERAMA
Alan Maass
Nader and the Politics of Lesser
Evils
Michael Donnelly
Regime
Rotation: Anybody But Bush...Again?
Niranjan Ramakrishnan
Exeunt Serenaders; Enter Nader
Doug Giebel
So Nader's Running? Get Over It
Bruce Jackson
An Open Letter to Naderites
CounterPunch Wire
Stalinists for Kerry! and Other Roars from the Crowd
Poets' Basement
Davies, Scarr, Kearney & Albert
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