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March 8, 2004
Kevin Alexander Gray
The Legacy of Strom Thurmond
March 6 / 7, 2004
Alexander Cockburn
Understanding the World with
Paul Sweezy
Robert Pollin
Remembering Paul Sweezy
Jeffrey St. Clair
The Politics of Timber Theft
Tom Reeves
Bush's Mass Deportations: 63,000 and Counting
Charles Lewis
Who Mugged Howard Dean in Iowa:
Kerry, Torricelli and a Mysterious Frontgroup
Tom Jackson
My Breakfast with Sen. Judd Gregg
Kurt Nimmo
Is Venezuela Next?
Alan Cisco
A Report from Caracas
Jack Random
Haitian Democracy be Damned
Colin Piquette
Oh, Canada: the Coup Coalition
Lee Sustar
Labor's State of Emergency
William D. Hartung
Iraq and the Costs of War
David Sally
Rebuilding
Amérique
Mark Scaramella
When God Mooned Moses: Test Your Bible Knowledge
Mickey Z.
What We Can Learn from Ashcroft's Gallbladder
Ron Jacobs
Politics and Baseball
Dave Zirin
The Longest Jump: the Blackballing of Phil Shinnick
Poets' Basement
John Holt and Larry Kearney
Website of the Weekend
National Day of Action for Rachel Corrie
March 5, 2004
Chris Floyd
Uncle
Sugar: How the WMD Scam Put Money in Bush Family Pockets
Ron Jacobs
Chaos
Reigns: Haiti and Iraq
Lisa Viscidi
Guatemalan
Refugees: a Difficult Return
Yves Engler
Canada and the Coup in Haiti
Mike Legro
Those Bush Ads: Some Dead Bodies Are Worth More Than Others
Javier Armas
A Night of Inspiration: Oakland Benefit for Grocery Workers Strike
Bennett Hoffman
"Who Cares About Haiti, Anyway?"
Bill Christison
Faltering Neo-Cons Still Dangerous
Website of the Day
Haiti Support Group
March 4, 2004
Diane Christian
Sex
and Ideals
Sen. Robert Byrd
Stop the Stonewalling, Mr. President: Fairy Tales, Bush and the
9/11 Commission
Norman Solomon
Assuming the Right to Intervene: The US Press and Haiti
Jack Brown
A Fragrant Saga of Mexico's Greens
Hal Cranmer
The
John Kerry Experience
David Lindorff
Greenspan's Pension
Sam Smith
The Election is Over, We Lost
Christopher Brauchli
Goin'
to the Chapel: The Gay and the Dead
Brian D. Barry
The "Perfect" World of E-Voting: A Computer Scientist
Reports from the Polling Booth
Richard Oxman
Arsonists for Haiti?
Peter Phillips
Haitian
Fantasies: Mainstream Media Fails Itself, Again
Tariq Ali
Notes on Anti-Semitism, Zionism and
Palestine
Website of the Day
What If Boeing Ads Told the Truth?
March 3, 2004
Heather Williams / Karl
Laraque
Marines
Retake Haiti
Jack McCarthy
Guy's
Our Guy: "I am the Chief. My Hero is Pinochet."
Robert Sandels
The
Purloined Label: The Struggle Over the Havana Club Trademark
Juliana Fredman / James Davis
Israeli Organized Crime
JG
The Yuppie Silence on Haiti
Emilio Sardi
The
Colombia/US Free Trade Deal: It's About More Than Trade
Alan Farago
Swimming in Sewage
Mike Whitney
"Blood
Will Have Blood": 143 Murdered in Liberated Iraq
CounterPunch Wire
Nader's Legislative Record in the 1960s
Steve Perry
Kerry
Advisory: Remember Lena Guerrero
Nelson George/ Marcus Miller
Miles Davis & Hip Hop: a Conversation
Website of the Day
$10,000 Is Yours for the Taking: The USS Liberty Challenge
March 2, 2004
William Blum
If Kerry's
the Answer, What's the Question?
Conn Hallinan
Haiti:
the Dangerous Muddle
JoAnn Wypijewski
The Bravo
H-Bomb Test: One WMD They Couldn't Hide
Mike Whitney
Regime Change in Haiti: the Bush Dominos Keep Falling
Ra Ravishankar
Afghanistan, the Liberation That Isn't: an Interview with Mariam
from RAWA
Dan Bacher
Merle Haggard & the Politics of Salmon: "Clearcutting
is Rape"
Greg Moses
Oscar White
Brandy Baker
Mel Gibson's Minstrelsy Show
Little Tucker Carlson
What I Did on My Vacation
Robert Fisk
All This
Talk of Civil War, Now This
Merle Haggard
Kern River
Website of the Day
Rebel Edit
March 1, 2004
Alexander Cockburn
Morris
Thanks War Criminal in Front of Billions
Richard Oxman
Oscar's
Obit: Thanking Bob McNamara
Elaine Cassel
Writing and Reading as "Terrorism"
Mickey Z
Thomas Friedman's Education
Mike Whitney
George Will and Anti-Semitism: a Cul-de-Sac of Prejudice
Heather Williams
Haiti
as Target Practice: How the US Press Missed the Story
Cathy Crosson
Chanson d'amour haïtienne
Website of the Day
God Hates Shrimp
February 28 / 29, 2004
Stephen Green
Serving
Two Flags: Neo-Cons, Israel and the Bush Team
Gary Leupp
Another Senseless Bush Battle: Defining and Protecting Marriage
William A. Cook
Israel:
America's Albatross
Ron Jacobs
Kucinich: Good Fight; Wrong Battlefield
Ben Tripp
A Nosegay of Posies: Queer Weddings at Last!
Leilla Matsui
Dances with Crucifixes
Mike Whitney
Dismantle
the Military Goliath
Yoel Marcus
Down and Out in the Hague
Uri Avnery
The Dancing Bear
Linda S. Heard
Britons and Americans Condemned to a Hobson's Choice
Al Krebs
Unmasking a Secret American Empire: Land, Water & Cotton
Stan Cox
Life (Pat. Pend.): Genetic Commandeering
JG
The Haiti Boomerang: "After The Looting & Pillaging,
Your Hunger Will Remain"
Rick Giombetti
Censorship at the Seattle P-I on Forced Psychiatry
Keith Hoeller
The Bankruptcy of Mental Health Insurance Parity
Dave Zirin
Colorado Football: Buffalo Swill
NADERAMA
Alan Maass
Nader and the Politics of Lesser
Evils
Michael Donnelly
Regime
Rotation: Anybody But Bush...Again?
Niranjan Ramakrishnan
Exeunt Serenaders; Enter Nader
Doug Giebel
So Nader's Running? Get Over It
Bruce Jackson
An Open Letter to Naderites
CounterPunch Wire
Stalinists for Kerry! and Other Roars from the Crowd
Poets' Basement
Davies, Scarr, Kearney & Albert
February 27, 2004
Thomas C. Mountain
A
White Jesus During Black History Month?
Laura Carlsen
Americans
Abroad: Bush is Persona Non Grata
John B. Anderson
Nader's Campaign Brings Back Memories: Creating an Open Electoral
Process
Jason Leopold
Spying
on Kofi Annan
John Chuckman
Nader,
Risk and Hope
Standard Schaefer
An
Interview with Michael Hudson on Putin's Russia
Ray McGovern
Punished
for Honest Intelligence
Saul Landau
The
Haiti Redux
Website of the Day
Bush: Why I'm Running for Re-election
February 26, 2004
Brandy Baker
Is Nader
on to Something?
Jacques Kinau
AEI
to Colombia: "Can't Give You Anything But Guns, Baby"
Norman Solomon
Bugging Kofi Annan: UN Spying
and the Evasions of US Journalism
Greg Weiher
A Purloined Letter: the Zarqawi Gambit
Walt Brasch
Janet Jackson, Bush & No. 542: There are No Halftime Shows
in War
Shadi Hamid
The Music World Explodes in Anger
Norman Madarasz
As Canadian as Corruption
Chris Floyd
Bullets and Ballots
Virginia Tilly
The
Deeper Meaning of the Wall
Amy Goodman / Jeremy
Scahill
Haiti's
Lawyer Says US is Arming Haiti's Anti-Aristide Paramilitaries
Website of the Day
Clear Channel Sucks
February 25, 2004
Dr. Susan Block
Saddam's
Sex Therapist and the Rape of Free Speech
Bruce Anderson
Treacherous Bastards: The Greens and the Dems and Nader
Ron Jacobs
Our Power is on the Streets and
in Our Hearts
Mike Whitney
Bush
and Gay America: the Politics of Duplicity
Sam Husseini
Jesus in 100 Words
John L. Hess
Kick Off or Flub?
Sam Hamod
Bush's Newest Red Herring
Cockburn / St. Clair
Winning
with Nader
Website of the Day
VotePact
February 24, 2004
Ralph Nader
Why
I'm Running for President
Greg Moses
Rally
the Mob! Bush, Gay Marriage and the Constitution
Douglas O'Hara
The
Merchants of Fear: Smearing Nader
Phillip Cryan
Frozen in Time: The WSJ's Paranoid
Lens on Latin America
David Lindorff
John Kerry's China Connection
Jason Leopold
Cheney's Shame: Halliburton Faces New Charges
Gary Younge
Haiti: Throttled by History
Kromm, Masri & Purohit
Why No Democracy in Iraq?
Steve Perry
Tangled Up in Red and Blue: Beware the Electoral College
February 23, 2004
Neve Gordon
Israel's Apartheid Wall on Trial
at The Hague
Kurt Nimmo
Richard Perle, Executioner: "Heads Should Roll"
Jonathan Franklin
US Soldier Seeks Refugee Status in Canada
Al Krebs
The Liberal "Intelligentsia" v. Nader
Josh Frank
Nader's Nadir? Not a Chance
Bruce Jackson
Nader, Another View: "He's as Evil as Bush"
Gary Leupp
A Misguided
Attack, The Passion, Rabbi Lerner and the Gospels
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Alexander Cockburn
Behold,
the Head of a Neo-Con!
Subcomandante Marcos
The
Death Train of the WTO
Norman Finkelstein
Hitchens
as Model Apostate
Steve Niva
Israel's
Assassination Policy: the Trigger for Suicide Bombings?
Dardagan,
Slobodo and Williams
CounterPunch Exclusive:
20,000 Wounded Iraqi Civilians
Steve
J.B.
Prison Bitch
Sheldon
Rampton and John Stauber
True Lies: the Use of Propaganda
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Wendell
Berry
Small Destructions Add Up
CounterPunch
Wire
WMD: Who Said What When
Cindy
Corrie
A Mother's Day Talk: the Daughter
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Gore Vidal
The
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Francis Boyle
Impeach
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March
8, 2004
A
CounterPunch Special
"Segregation
(and Hypocrisy) Forever"
The
Legacy of Strom Thurmond
By KEVIN ALEXANDER
GRAY
Mandinkas were the fiercest warriors of Africa.
After a Caribbean slave revolt in the 1800s, John C. Calhoun
of South Carolina, the leading intellectual of the Southern gentry,
invoked the specter of Mandingo slaughtering white masters as
justification for their enslavement. Black male sexual prowess
was also a big part of the myth. The often used colloquialism,
"once you go black you never go back"--is the myth
of the big black, well-endowed buck, Mandingo.
In the 1970s, the myth became the movie
"Mandingo" in which one-time heavyweight champ Ken
Norton played a noble slave who burns down the white man's plantation
and escapes to freedom with the blond Southern belle in his arms.
My mother took us kids to see the "controversial" movie
when it was shown at the local drive-in theatre. And at the top
of her stack of romance novels was a cover showing a muscular,
caramel-colored black man caressing a buxom, blond lass, her
ample white breast barely covered by the straps of her torn hoop
dress, her long blond ringlets cascading over her shoulder with
the title "Mandingo" emblazoned across the cover.
The Mandingo stereotype entraps black
males to this day as evidenced by the pop culture embrace of
the pimp, gangsta rappers along with a host of psycho-sexual-social
illusions. The myth fuels denial over homosexuality and feeds
rampant homophobia in the black community. As black gay and bisexual
men practice a dangerous sexual secrecy, the AIDS crisis in the
black community worsens. As a friend told me, "One of the
worst thing to be is a gay black man in the south. The preacher
wants you to lead the choir, and maybe even give him a blowjob
every now and again, while condemning, denying or damning your
very existence from the pulpit."
As for white women, during slavery a
white woman marrying or consensually having a child by a black
man usually found herself in legally sanctioned bondage. "Defilement"
or being "spoiled" during the Jim Crow era most often
meant banishment--or stripped of being "white" for
one's "nigger-loving" ways. White men used "protecting
white womanhood," the first plank in the Klan platform,
as a pretext for controlling white women, but in some respects
it trapped the men in a psychotic effort to prove their own sexual
dominance.
In Thurmond's youth and political prime,
lynching and the fear of it was the primary weapon to discourage
black men from looking the "wrong way" at white women
let alone having sexual relations. And lynching was accepted
at all levels of white society as a means of controlling race
mixing. Even in the late seventies, my first organizing job,
with the Southern Christian Leadership Conference back when Ralph
Abernathy was the head, was over the death of a black man, Mickey
McClendon, murdered for dating a white woman. McClendon, from
Chester, South Carolina, was shot, tied behind a pick-up truck,
set on fire and dragged down a road, much the way James Byrd
Jr. was in Jasper, Texas, in 1998. Today, whether it's Kobe Bryant
in Colorado or high school football star Marcus Dixon in Georgia,
whenever a black man is accused of the rape of a white woman,
black Americans view the alleged crime in the context of history.
Sex is the prevailing theme of Thurmond's
life. While he was alive and after death, the local press gleefully
retold the story of a young Strom "sneaking out his upstairs
bedroom for a romantic tryst with unnamed women." Thurmond's
"virility," his marrying a twenty-two-year-old, Nancy
Moore, at age sixty-six, having four children even as an old
man and his "secret" black child were all a testimony
to Southern white male power.
Thurmond's initiation in the "customs
and traditions" of segregation, sex and white supremacy
began with his political mentor Benjamin Ryan Tillman. "Pitchfork"
Ben Tillman, a virulent white supremacist, also from Edgefield,
Thurmond's home county, constitutionally (and otherwise) reinstituted
white rule after Reconstruction. Pitchfork" Ben was proud
to have driven blacks demanding rights out of the state at gunpoint.
He and his Sweetwater Sabre Club members wore white shirts stained
in red to represent the blood of black men. When Tillman came
to power as Governor in 1890, blacks were the majority in the
state. Today, blacks represent a third of the population. The
decrease is directly due to Tillman's political legacy. Tillman's
assault on black rights was immediate. He quickly revised the
state constitution to ensure legal segregation of the races,
stripping blacks of all political and economic power. As a U.S.
Senator, Tillman declared, "We of the South have never recognized
the right of the Negro to govern white men, and we never will."
Thurmond's father, J. William, himself
a state legislator, once served as Tillman's campaign manager.
Tillman later rewarded J. William by naming him U.S. Attorney
(a job currently held by Strom's son--Strom Jr.) in a new South
Carolina district even though Thurmond had killed a man in an
argument over Tillman's politics. Tillman was a frequent visitor
to the Thurmond home, a "symbolic part of the family,"
according to Cohodas, and a godfather of sorts to the Thurmond
children. But to blacks, "Pitchfork" Ben was the prime
purveyor of Negrophobia. And wrapped around Tillmanism was the
ideal of the "pure, defenseless southern white woman."
"There is only one crime that warrants lynching, "
he said, "and governor as I am, I would lead a mob to lynch
the Negro who ravishes a white woman." During Tillman's
first term there had been five lynchings, in his second term
there were thirteen.
Still, black South Carolinians were initially
optimistic about Thurmond, who began his career as a Democrat.
As a South Carolina state senator in 1938, despite the Tillman
influence, he publicly opposed lynching and declared that the
Ku Klux Klan stood for "the most abominable type of lawlessness."
Thurmond called himself a "progressive" and upon election
to governor in 1946 he declared, "We need a progressive
outlook, a progressive program, a progressive leadership."
He spoke of improving black schools, revising the Tillman Constitution
of 1895 and abolishing the Tillman" poll tax that was used
to keep blacks from voting. He supported "equal right for
women in every respect," saying, "women should serve
on boards, commissions, and other positions of importance in
the state government." He also called for "equal pay
for equal work for women."
At his inaugural Thurmond said, "more
attention should be given to Negro education. The low standing
of South Carolina educationally is due primarily to the high
illiteracy and lack of education among our Negroes. If we provide
better educational facilities for them, not only will much be
accomplished in human values, but we shall raise our per capita
income as well as the educational standing of the state."
But Thurmond was not calling for an end to segregation, he was
hoping for a new and improved "separate but equal."
It would take the federal courts to strike down "separate
but equal" and to force desegregation, or "integration",
as the Thurmond forces would define it.
Thurmond stood squarely with Tillman
on race mixing--he was against it and let stand the constitutional
prohibition against it. It took 103 years before South Carolina
finally voted to remove a ban on interracial marriage from its
state constitution. Although it was not actively enforced, Tillman
added the clause to the state's constitution in 1895 prohibiting
"marriage of a white person with a Negro or mulatto or a
person who shall have one-eighth or more of Negro blood."
Up until 1997, state legislators refused to allow voters to decide
whether to remove the ban. A constitutional amendment, passed
in 1998, finally deleted the line.
Still, at the start of his career blacks
gave Thurmond high marks for his handling of the Willie Earle
lynching, which stamped his administration as "liberal without
being radical" by whites outside the south. On February
16, 1947, a young black man from Pickens County was arrested
and charged with the murder of Thomas Brown, a white Greenville
taxicab driver. The next day a mob broke into the Pickens County
jail, took Earle, shot him, stabbed him and then beat him to
death on the outskirts of town. The FBI and state officials investigated
the crime at the behest of Thurmond, who also called for the
prosecution of those accused of lynching. But after a highly
public trial the jury acquitted the accused men.
However, when President Harry Truman
desegregated the armed forces and announced his broad civil rights
program in 1948, Thurmond could not tolerate the challenge thus
posed to the "customs and traditions" that defined
his deepest beliefs. Thurmond ran for President that year as
the "Dixiecrat" States Rights candidate, admonishing
the faithful that holding power boiled down to one thing--race
and he would make sure that only white men held it. As Northern
Democrats pushed for civil rights, Thurmond and his fellow Southern
Democratic governors cried "states' rights" just as
their ancestors did to justify African enslavement. As author
Kari Frederickson wrote, Thurmond and other Dixiecrat governors
appealed to racist, "conservative white men suffering from
a self-diagnosed case of political impotency."
Thurmond as Tillman's political heir
was the icon of the new "anti-miscegenation" movement.
In his acceptance speech at the Birmingham meeting announcing
his presidential bid he speechified, "All the bayonets in
the Army cannot force the 'Negarah' into our home, our schools,
our churches and our places of recreation."
Candidate Thurmond's platform stood for
segregation and against race mixing. When the votes were counted
Thurmond had 1.1 million votes, won 4 states and garnered 38
electoral votes. 1.1 million Americans voted in favor of segregation--it
was not enough to defeat Truman, but the Democratic Party was
never the same.
Eventually Thurmond was elected to the
Senate as a write-in candidate in 1954, a post he would retain
for a half century, until his retirement in January 2003. Throughout
his congressional career, he opposed almost every major civil
rights initiative. In 1956, he authored the infamous Southern
Manifesto--a document signed by 19 of the 22 southern senators
that urged the south to defy--as they put it--the Supreme Court's
"clear abuse of judicial power" in outlawing segregation
in public schools. In 1957, he executed the longest filibuster
in history while trying to halt the first Civil Rights Act proposed
in the Senate and backed by Eisenhower.
Lyndon Johnson's success in passing the
Civil Rights Act of 1964 was the last straw for Thurmond. He
left the Democratic Party and signed on with Republican Barry
Goldwater. Upon leaving, Thurmond declared, "The party of
our fathers is dead."
Thurmond's departure signaled a major
shift in American politics. It was the birth of South Carolinian
Lee Atwater, Jesse Helms, Newt Gingrich and Trent Lott's Republican
Party. The Thurmond defection prompted the GOP appeal to white
Southern conservatives and foreshadowed Richard Nixon's race-inspired
"southern strategy." This framework exists today. Race
supremacy is the ideological glue that keeps white men in the
south in the Republican Party. Today they are called the "Bubba
vote" and NASCAR dads, but the appeal is build on Tillmanism,
the Dixiecrat Movement, the Southern Manifesto. It's almost always
couched in the language of "states rights," but race
and social control is the subtext.
Race politics explains Ronald Reagan
beginning his 1980 campaign at the Neshoba County Fair in Philadelphia,
Mississippi, the place where civil rights workers' Michael Schwerner,
James Earl Chaney and Andrew Goodman were murdered. His declaration
then, "I believe in states rights," sent the same message
as George W. Bush's 2000 sojourn to the fundamentalist college
Bob Jones University in Greenville, South Carolina. The school's
founder has often been linked to the Klan and for years provided
a Biblical sanction for racism. The school refused to admit blacks
until 1971 and banned interracial dating until 2000.
In the 70s, as the country's racial attitudes
changed Thurmond did as the self-serving do to stay in office--he
changed--at least cosmetically. With blacks representing a third
of the voters in South Carolina he hired the first black man
ever employed by a southern senator and actively re-courted the
black vote. Thomas Moss, a Korean War veteran and organizer with
the meat packers union (in the "right to work state")
in Orangeburg, SC, headed the Voter Education Project, a program
that encouraged blacks to register to vote. Working with Moss,
Thurmond began championing grants to black colleges, businesses,
and municipalities. He voted in favor of extending the Voting
Rights Act--a law that guaranteed the federal government's right
to enforce a citizen's right to vote. He also voted in favor
of the Fair Housing Act and the Martin Luther King federal holiday.
His reward, during his 1978 re-election bid, 10 of South Carolina's
11 black mayors endorsed him.
Back in 1996, I was organizing a national
conference on the epidemic of church fires in the South. As it
just so happened, South Carolina led the nation in the number
of church fires and the National Council of Churches was sponsoring
the conference being held in the state. An old friend and NAACP
member Joann Watson of Detroit made the trip down south. And
as fate would have it, Joann and I were talking in the lobby
of the Downtown Holiday Inn when who should stroll in--Strom
in the flesh, looking kind of dazed but still moving, his aide
not a step away. Joann immediately threw her two arms up in the
air and cried like Moses appealing to Pharaoh in a strong but
not loud voice, "Senator, let my people go!" Strom,
leaning just a little, stopped, stuck his hand out to Joann and
said in a clear twangy voice, "Go where? I love everybody.
Everybody's my friend!"
Thurmond was the epitome of the classic
pork belly politician. Graduate from high school and you'd probably
get a letter from Thurmond. If a parent had trouble reaching
a kid in the military, call Thurmond's office. Need help with
the V.A.--call ole Strom. The "rural myth" is that
Strom shook the hand of almost every South Carolinian. His apologists
want us to remember that Thurmond.
When black State Senator Kay Patterson
of Columbia agreed to eulogize Thurmond it was front-page news
all across, the state. Patterson said, "Strom's experience
is "on the road to Damascus. I have supported him since
he left his segregationist ways and became a real American citizen
and tried to be the senator for all the people of the state."
Patterson attitude mirrored African Americans optimistic hope
for Thurmond when he began his career.
But a new generation was reminded of
Thurmond's legacy and iconic status at his 100th birthday party.
Mississippi Senator Trent Lott praised Thurmond's 1948 campaign
saying; "I want to say this about my state. When Strom ran
for president, we voted for him. We're proud of him. And if the
rest of the country had followed our lead, we wouldn't have had
all these problems over all these years, either." Although
Lott fell on his sword and apologized all over himself, his signal
was unmistakable. Had it not been for blacks getting rights and
race mixing, the world of white men with total power would be
intact.
In the end, regardless of whatever changes
Thurmond made later in life, his legacy can be described in two
words--"Segregation Forever." Or maybe, "Segregation
and Hypocrisy Forever!" Even if Essie Mae Washington-Williams'
name is chiseled along side the names of his other children onto
the Strom Thurmond statue that stands facing the Confederate
Women's Monument on the Statehouse grounds, his contradictions
and hypocrisy will still be etched in stone. But maybe, in a
way, the day they chisel that name will be the day white South
Carolina finally begin to confront its own contradictions?
Kevin Alexander Gray is a CounterPunch contributer and civil rights
organizer in Columbia, South Carolina. He can be reached at:
kagamba@bellsouth.net
Weekend
Edition Features for March 6 / 7, 2004
Alexander Cockburn
Understanding the World with
Paul Sweezy
Robert Pollin
Remembering Paul Sweezy
Jeffrey St. Clair
The Politics of Timber Theft
Tom Reeves
Bush's Mass Deportations: 63,000 and Counting
Charles Lewis
Who Mugged Howard Dean in Iowa:
Kerry, Torricelli and a Mysterious Frontgroup
Tom Jackson
My Breakfast with Sen. Judd Gregg
Kurt Nimmo
Is Venezuela Next?
Alan Cisco
A Report from Caracas
Jack Random
Haitian Democracy be Damned
Colin Piquette
Oh, Canada: the Coup Coalition
Lee Sustar
Labor's State of Emergency
William D. Hartung
Iraq and the Costs of War
David Sally
Rebuilding
Amérique
Mark Scaramella
When God Mooned Moses: Test Your Bible Knowledge
Mickey Z.
What We Can Learn from Ashcroft's Gallbladder
Ron Jacobs
Politics and Baseball
Dave Zirin
The Longest Jump: the Blackballing of Phil Shinnick
Poets' Basement
John Holt and Larry Kearney
Website of the Weekend
National Day of Action for Rachel Corrie
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