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Recent Stories

July 17, 2003

Ron Jacobs
Sometimes Even the President of the United States Has to Stand Naked

Lisa Walsh Thomas
Bush Country: the Venom and Adulation of Ignorance

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Bush Pre-emptive Strike Doctrine is the Bane of Non-Proliferation Watchdogs

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July 16, 2003

Jason Leopold
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Elaine Cassel
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July 15, 2003

Kathleen and Bill Christison
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July 14, 2003

Lisa Taraki
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July 12 / 13, 2003

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John Feffer
A Fearful Symmetry: Washington and Pyongyang

Ron Jacobs
Shades of Gray in Iran

Elaine Cassel
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David Lindorff
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Jason Leopold
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Lee Sustar
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July 11, 2003

Conn Hallinan
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Edward S. Herman
Whitewashing Sandra Day O'Connor

David Orr
Coffeen-gate: What's Going on at the Sierra Club Foundation?

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July 10, 2003

Ron Jacobs
Dealing with the Devil: the Bloody Profits of General Dynamics

Sean Donahue
Bush and the Paramillitaries: Coddling Terrorists in Colombia

Yemi Toure
Who Outted Bush in Afrika?

Robert Jensen
Politics and Sustainability: an Interview with Wes Jackson

Ali Abunimah
US Leaves Injured Iraqis Untreated

Joanne Mariner
Federal Courts, Not Military Commissions

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Electronic Iraq

 

July 9, 2003

David Lindorff
Is the Media Finally Turning on Bush?

David Krieger and Angela McCracken
10 Myths About Nuclear Weapons

Mickey Z.
Why Speak Out?

Lee Sustar
The Great Medicare Fraud

John Chuckman
The Worst Kind of Lie

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"Pacifist" Japan and the Occupation of Iraq

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Hail to the Thief:
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July 8, 2003

Elaine Cassel
Bully on the Bench: the Pathological Dissents of Scalia

Alan Maass
Nights of Fire and Rage in Benton Harbor

Chris Floyd
Troubled Sleep: Getting Used to the American Gulag

Linda S. Heard
America's Kangaroo Justice

Brian Cloughley
They Tell Lies to Nodders

Charles Sullivan
Bush the Christian?

Saul Landau
The Intelligence Culture in the National Security Age

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July 7, 2003

William Blum
The Anti-Empire Report

Harvey Wasserman
The Nuke with a Hole in Its Head

Ramzy Baroud
Peace for All the Wrong Reasons

Simon Jones
What Progressives Should Think About Iran

Lesley McCulloch
Fear, Pain and Shame in Aceh

Uri Avnery
The Draw

Steve Perry
Bush's Wars Web Log 7/3

 

July 4 / 6, 2003

Patrick Cockburn
Dead on the Fourth of July

Frederick Douglass
What is Freedom to a Slave?

Martha Honey
Bush and Africa: Racism, Exploitation and Neglect

Jeffrey St. Clair
The Rat in the Grain: Amstutz and the Looting of Iraqi Agriculture

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Elaine Cassel
Fucking Furious on the Fourth

Ben Tripp
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Wayne Madsen
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John Stanton
Happy Birthday, America! 227 Years of War

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Bush's Surreal AIDS Appointment

John Blair
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Lisa Walsh Thomas
Heavy Reckoning at Qaim

David Vest
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Queer as Grass

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July 3, 2003

Patrick W. Gavin
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Thomas W. Croft
There Was a Reason They Called It the Casino Economy

David Lindorff
Outlawing Subversives: Hong Kong and the US

John Chuckman
Lessons from the American Revolution

Jackson Thoreau
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Stan Goff
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July 2, 2003

Diane Christian
Good Killing and Bad Killing

Richard Falk
After Iraq, Does UN War Prevention Have a Future?

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Bush Administration: Causing Repetitive Stress

Justin Podur
Uribe's Onslaught Across Colombia

Reuven Kaviner
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Steve Perry
Bush's Wars Web Log 7/2

July 1, 2003

Sasan Fayamanesh
Weapon of Choice: Nukes, Israel and Iran

Elaine Cassel
Sex and the Supreme Moralizer: Scalia and the Sodomy Cops

Susan Block
A Love Supreme: Our Assholes Belong to Ourselves

Bill Glahn
RIAA Watch: No, No Bono

David Lindorff
Weapons in Search of a Name

Gary Leupp
Occupation, Resistance and the Plight of the GIs

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Bush's Wars Web Log 7/1

 

June 30, 2003

Karyn Strickler
The Do-Nothings: an Exposé of Progressive Politics in America

Col. Dan Smith
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Tim Wise
Race and Destruction in Black and White

Neve Gordon
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Elaine Cassel
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June 28 / 29, 2003

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Tom Delay: "I am the Government"

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The Anarchists' Wedding Guide

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June 27, 2003

Jason Leopold
CIA: Seven Months Prior to 9/11 Iraq Posed No Threat to US

David Vest
Supreme Silence: Bush's Bunker-Hunker

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The Catch and Release of "Comical Ali"

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Cheney, Forgery and the CIA

Steve Perry
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June 26, 2003

Sen. Robert Byrd
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June 25, 2003

Bruce Jackson
Buffalo Cops Wage War on Pedal Pushers

Mickey Z.
The New Dark Ages

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Indonesia's War on Journalists

Dan Bacher
Butterflies and Farmworkers Confront USDA and Riot Cops

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"Success is Not the Issue Here"

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"Ain't No Justice": Fed Judge Quits, Assails Sentencing Guidelines

Bill Kauffman
My America vs. the Empire

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Bush's Wars Web Log 6/25

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You Are Being Watched:
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June 24, 2003

Elaine Cassel
Supreme Indemnity
Holocaust Denial at the High Court

Roya Monajem
A Message from Tehran: Is It Worth It to Risk One's Life?

John Chuckman
The Real Clash of Civilizations

David Lindorff
WMD Damage Control at the Times

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Bush's Wars Web Log 6/24

 

June 23, 2003

Marc Pritzke
Washington Lied: an Interview with Ray McGovern

Conn Hallinan
The Consistency of Sharon

Wayne Madsen
Commercials, Disney & Amistad

Edward Said
The Meaning of Rachel Corrie

Steve Perry
Bush's Wars Web Log 6/23

June 21 / 22, 2003

Alexander Cockburn
My Life as a Rabbi

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The Scourge of Hopelessness

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Ron Jacobs
US Prisons as Strategic Hamlets

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June 20, 2003

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July 18, 2003

Pakistan and the "India Obsession"

The Bush-Musharraf Conclave

By HAROLD A. GOULD

Probably the most significant utterance made by General Pervez Musharraf during the press conference that followed his Camp David meeting with President George Bush went completely unnoticed by the press. At one point, after President Bush declared that he is "hopeful that the two countries will deepen their engagement on all issues, including Kashmir," the General dutifully intoned his hope that a solution would be found, but nevertheless felt constrained to remind Mr. Bush that Pakistan has "our sovereign equality to guard, vis-a-vis India."

This remark went unnoticed primarily because most media people are either too young or too historically naive to understand its implications. It was Musharraf's way of saying that Pakistan's obsession with the "India threat" remains alive and kicking. As long as it does, the chances for peace and reconciliation between the two major powers in South Asia are not great. For this obsession has haunted Pakistan's political culture since it attained Independence in 1947, and has fueled all of the wars and near-wars that have been waged between India and Pakistan over the ensuing half-century.

What is the India Obsession? The political divide between Hindus and Muslims originally arose from the fact that for centuries a Muslim minority had enjoyed political hegemony over the Subcontinent's Hindu majority. Since the dawning of modern times, however, with the gradual diffusion of representative government, this Hindu majority found the means to make their numbers politically count. Over the last century prior to Independence, as the power of the demographic majority ramified, the Muslim elites found their political dominance increasingly challenged. Many perceptive Muslims (such as Sir Syed Ahmad Khan.) saw the handwriting on the wall unless somehow they could achieve a relationship with the emerging Hindu majority which struck a balance between Muslim political importance and Hindu demographic importance. While the struggle against British colonialism was taking root, a sub-plot of political maneuvering was simultaneously occurring between the Subcontinent's increasingly strident Muslim leadership (personified by Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Liaqat Ali Khan) and an increasingly aroused and determined Hindu-based leadership (personified by Tilak and Gokhale, Gandhi and Nehru) whose differences were so intractable that partitioning India into two separate and ethnically distinct states turned out to be the only way that imagined Muslim fears of Hindu demographic inundation could be assuaged.

Unfortunately, However, the fear of Hindu inundation did not end with Partition. This despite the fact that the secular, democratic leadership which emerged in India under Nehru and the Congress Party showed no inclination whatsoever to reabsorb Muslim Pakistan back into the Indian Union. Many Indians, in fact, concluded that building the Indian nation minus the fanaticism and chauvinism engendered by communal conflict was a positive consequence of Partition.

The Kashmir conflict, however, provided a context for propagating the Hindu Threat on both sides of the international border, but especially in Pakistan. In part this stemmed from what can only be called the deleterious consequences of a prolonged, communally-driven political psychopathology. In part it also stemmed from the successful exploitation of this political bugaboo by the Pakistani military, in concert with the civil service cadres inherited from colonial rule, and the feudalistic landed elite in the western and northwestern provinces, to justify preventing the evolution of a viable secular parliamentary democratic system of government. Claims on Kashmir enabled this authoritarian cabal to create a military machine out of all proportion to Pakistan's strategic requirements which was and continues to be employed to make war on India ostensibly in the name of Kashmir. In reality, however, it is nothing more than a quixotic perpetuation of the old Separatist thirst for political parity with demographically (and nowadays politically and economically) dominant India. Kashmir could be settled overnight if there were not a section of Pakistani political society that feeds off it for domestic political reasons.

America's tragedy was its decision to nourish the megalomaniacal fantasies of Pakistan's anti-democratic elites by sucking Pakistan into its militarized Cold War grand strategy. Each infusion of anti-Communist armaments reinforced the power of Pakistan's authoritarian ruling classes, fed their anti-Indian inferiority complex and eventuated ultimately in three intraregional wars, in Kargil, in a perpetual, still continuing pattern of military provocations and state-sponsored cross-border terrorism, and the development of nuclear weapons.

This is an old story which need not be further elaborated here. General Musharraf's visit to Camp David was initially seen as a potential departure from the old ways of doing business. Instead, all signs indicate that we face more of the same. The aid package offered to Pakistan follows the same misguided pattern as all of its predecessors. At least half of the amount will go for military assistance, the very thing that economically desperate and politically frail Pakistan needs the least, and indeed has always needed the least. In the past, such deals have eventually led to some kind of miliary confrontation with India because it meant a fresh infusion of military wherewithal with which the Generals could pursue their political ambitions. President Musharraf's assertion that any concessions made to American concerns does not mean Pakistan will abandon its obsession with the mythical Indian threat which nurtures and legitimizes the Pakistani military's monopolization of political power has an ominous ring.

It reeks of the self-aggrandizing preoccupations and jingoistic political illusions which continue to pervade the ranks of the extra-parliamentary junta who rule Pakistan. The willingness of the Bush administration to ignore the implications of President Musharraf's words and deeds simply paves the way for still another round of the same cycle of spin-driven rhetoric followed by frustration, disillusionment and regional political instability which characterized all of its predecessors.

Washington Post columnist Jim Hoagland (June 29th) has referred to the placatory pursuit of Musharraf as "Fool's Gold." It is an apt phrase. Hoagland notes that American officials themselves were privately disappointed by the paucity of what the General gave in return "for the cash and glory conferred on him." In other words, the American preoccupation with militarized diplomacy once again induced them to be taken in by the siren song of a friendly military dictator who promises to produce. in his words, "sustainable democracy" by and by.

What of Indian-American relations in the aftermath of Mr. Musharraf's recent yatra? It will at the least slow down progress toward building the vaunted new strategic relationship between the two countries. The Bush-Musharraf tryst reveals that Cold War baggage remains embedded in the American diplomatic culture. Certainly it survives in the Pentagon and undoubtedly in the ranks of the neoconservative set that has settled in around President Bush. In the circumstances, India will be compelled to adopt a wait-and-see posture pending some indication of whether Mr. Musharraf will (a) keep his promises, and/or (b) will be able to survive the slings and arrows of political dissent, jihadism and economic collapse that now confront him. The inevitable wait will provide India with an opportunity to test its own political maturity and formulate policies that will maximize its own regional and global interests. This can be achieved from a position of strength, as India has now reached the level of a mature nation-state, well on the road to economic prosperity, political stability and international respect.

Harold A. Gould is visiting scholar in the Center for South Asian Studies at the University of Virginia. Email: 102062.477@compuserve.com.


Weekend Edition Features for July 12/13, 2003

Arthur Mitzman
The Double Wall Before the Future

Standard Schaefer
The Coming Financial Reality: an Interview with Michael Hudson

John Feffer
A Fearful Symmetry: Washington and Pyongyang

Ron Jacobs
Shades of Gray in Iran

Elaine Cassel
Judicial Terrorism Against the Bill of Rights

Tom Stephens
Civil Liberties After 9/11

David Lindorff
New White House Slogan: "Case Closed. Just Move On"

Jason Leopold
The Mini-War Against Iraq Prior to 9/11

Lee Sustar
What's Behind the Crisis in Liberia?

Mickey Z.
AIDS Dissent and Africa

Sam Hamod
Semitic is a Language Group, Not a Race or Ethnic Group

Ramzy Baroud
Awaiting Justice on an Old Blanket

Jeffrey St. Clair
Savage Incongruities: the Photographic Life of Lee Miller

Adam Engel
Parable of the Lobbyist

Robert Sanders
A Review of Ralph Lopez's American Dream

Poets' Basement
Albert, Witherup, Guthrie

 

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