Coming
in October
From AK Press
Today's
Stories
September 5, 2003
Brian Cloughley
Bush's
Stacked Deck: Why Doesn't the Commander-in-Chief Visit the Wounded?
Col. Dan Smith
Iraq
as Black Hole
Phyllis Bennis
A Return
to the UN?
Dr. Susan Block
Exxxtreme Ashcroft
Dave Lindorff
Courage and the Democrats
Abe Bonowitz
Reflections on the "Matyrdom" of Paul Hill
Robert Fisk
We Were
Warned About This Chaos
Website of the Day
New York Comic Book Museum
Recent
Stories
September 4, 2003
Stan Goff
The Bush
Folly: Between Iraq and a Hard Place
John Ross
Mexico's
Hopes for Democracy Hit Dead-End
Harvey Wasserman
Bush to New Yorkers: Drop Dead
Adam Federman
McCain's
Grim Vision: Waging a War That's Already Been Lost
Aluf Benn
Sharon Saved from Threat of Peace
W. John Green
Colombia's Dirty War
Joanne Mariner
Truth,
Justice and Reconciliation in Latin America
Website of the Day
Califoracle
September 3, 2003
Virginia Tilley
Hyperpower
in a Sinkhole
Davey D
A Hip
Hop Perspective on the Cali Recall
Emrah Göker
Conscripting Turkey: Imperial Mercenaries Wanted
John Stanton
The US is a Power, But Not Super
Brian Cloughley
The
Pentagon's Bungled PsyOps Plan
Dan Bacher
Another Big Salmon Kill
Elaine Cassel
Prosecutors Weep' Ninth Circuit Overturns 127 Death Sentences
Uri Avnery
First
of All This Wall Must Fall
Website of the Day
Art Attack!
September 2, 2003
Robert Fisk
Bush's
Occupational Fantasies Lead Iraq Toward Civil War
Kurt Nimmo
Rouind Up the Usual Suspects: the Iman Ali Mosque Bombing
Robert Jensen / Rahul Mahajan
Iraqi Liberation, Bush Style
Elaine Cassel
Innocent But Guilty: When Prosecutors are Dead Wrong
Jason Leopold
Ghosts
in the Machines: the Business of Counting Votes
Dave Lindorff
Dems in 2004: Perfect Storm or Same Old Doldrums?
Paul de Rooij
Predictable
Propaganda: Four Monts of US Occupation
Website of the Day
Laughing Squid
August 30 / Sept. 1,
2003
Alexander Cockburn
Handmaiden
in Babylon: Annan, Vieiera de Mello and the Decline and Fall
of the UN
Saul Landau
Schwarzenegger
and Cuban Migration
Standard Schaefer
Who
Benefited from the Tech Bubble: an Interview with Michael Hudson
Gary Leupp
Mel Gibson's Christ on Trial
William S. Lind
Send the Neocons to Baghdad
Augustin Velloso
Aznar: Spain's Super Lackey
Jorge Mariscal
The Smearing of Cruz Bustamante
John Ross
A NAFTA for Energy? The US Looks to Suck Up Mexico's Power
Mickey Z.
War is a Racket: The Wisdom of Gen. Smedley Butler
Elaine Cassel
Ashcroft's Traveling Patriot Show Isn't Winning Many Converts
Stan Cox
Pirates of the Caribbean: the WTO Comes to Cancun
Tom and Judy Turnipseed
Take Back Your Time Day
Adam Engel
The Red Badge of Knowledge: a Review of TDY
Adam Engel
An Eye on Intelligence: an Interview with Douglas Valentine
Susan Davis
Northfork,
an Accidental Review
Nicholas Rowe
Dance
and the Occupation
Mark Zepezauer
Operation
Candor
Poets' Basement
Albert, Guthrie and Hamod
Website of the Weekend
Downhill
Battle
August 29, 2003
Lenni Brenner
God
and the Democratic Wing of the Democratic Party
Brian Cloughley
When in Doubt, Lie Your Head Off
Alice Slater
Bush Nuclear Policy is a Recipe for National Insecurity
David Krieger
What Victory?
Marjorie Cohn
The Thin Blue Line: How the US Occupation of Iraq Imperils International
Law
Richard Glen Boire
Saying Yes to Drugs!
Bister, Estrin and Jacobs
Howard Dean, the Progressive Anti-War Candidate? Some Vermonters
Give Their Views
Website of the Day
DirtyBush
August 28, 2003
Gilad Atzmon
The
Most Common Mistakes of Israelis
David Vest
Moore's
Monument: Cement Shoes for the Constitution
David Lindorff
Shooting Ali in the Back: Why the Pacification is Doomed
Chris Floyd
Cheap Thrills: Bush Lies to Push His War
Wayne Madsen
Restoring the Good, Old Term "Bum"
Elaine Cassel
Not Clueless in Chicago
Stan Goff
Nukes in the Dark
Tariq Ali
Occupied
Iraq Will Never Know Peace
Arnold Schwarzenegger
Behold, My Package
Website of the Day
Palestinian
Artists
August 27, 2003
Bruce Jackson
Little
Deaths: Hiding the Body Count in Iraq
John Feffer
Nuances and North Korea: Six Countries in Search of a Solution
Dave Riley
an Interview with Tariq Ali on the Iraq War
Lacey Phillabaum
Bush's Holy War in the Forests
Steve Niva
Israel's
Assassination Policy: the Trigger for Suicide Bombings?
Website of the Day
The Dean Deception
August 26, 2003
Robert Fisk
Smearing the Dead
David Lindorff
The
Great Oil Gouge: Burning Up that Tax Rebate
Sarmad S. Ali
Baghdad is Deadlier Than Ever: the View of an Iraqi Coroner
Christopher Brauchli
Bush Administration Equates Medical Pot Smokers with Segregationists
Juliana Fredman
Collective Punishment on the West Bank: Dialysis, Checkpoints
and a Palestinian Madonna
Larry Siems
Ghosts of Regime Changes Past in Guatemala
Elaine Cassel
Onward, Ashcroft Soldiers!
Saul Landau
Bush:
a Modern Ahab or a Toy Action Figure?
Congratulations
to CounterPuncher Gilad Atzmon! BBC Names EXILE Top Jazz CD
August 25, 2003
Kurt Nimmo
Israeli Outlaws in America
David Bacon
In Iraq, Labor Protest is a Crime
Thomas P. Healy
The Govs Come to Indy: Corps Welcome; Citizens Locked Out
Norman Madarasz
In an Elephant's Whirl: the US/Canada Relationship After the
Iraq Invasion
Salvador Peralta
The Politics of Focus Groups
Jack McCarthy
Who Killed Jancita Eagle Deer?
Uri Avnery
A Drug
for the Addict
August 23/24, 2003
Forrest Hylton
Rumsfeld
Does Bogota
Robert Fisk
The Cemetery at Basra
Veteran Intelligence Professionals for
Sanity
Insults to Intelligence
Andrew C. Long
Exile on Bliss Street: The Terrorist Threat and the English Professor
Jeremy Bigwood
The Toxic War on Drugs: Monsanto Weedkiller Linked to Powerful
Fungus
Jeffrey St. Clair
Forest
or Against Us: the Bush Doctor Calls on Oregon
Cynthia McKinney
Bring the Troops Home, Now!
David Krieger
So Many Deaths, So Few Answers: Approaching the Second Anniversary
of 9/11
Julie Hilden
A Constitutional Right to be a Human Shield
Dave Lindorff
Marketplace
Medicine
Standard Schaefer
Unholy Trinity: Falwell's Anti-Abortion Attack on Health and
Free Speech
Catherine Dong
Kucinich and FirstEnergy
José Tirado
History Hurts: Why Let the Dems Repeat It?
Ron Jacobs
Springsteen's America
Gavin Keeney
The Infernal Machine
Adam Engel
A Fan's Notations
William Mandel
Five Great Indie Films
Walt Brasch
An American Frog Fable
Poets' Basement
Reiss, Kearney, Guthrie, Albert and Alam
Website of the Weekend
The Hutton Inquiry
August 22, 2003
Carole Harper
Post-Sandinista
Nicaragua
John Chuckman
George Will: the Marquis of Mendacity
Richard Thieme
Operation Paperclip Revisited
Chris Floyd
Dubya Indemnity: Bush Barons Beyond the Reach of Law?
Issam Nashashibi
Palestinians
and the Right of Return: a Rigged Survey
Mary Walworth
Other People's Kids
Ron Jacobs
The
Darkening Tunnel
Website of the Day
Current Energy
August 21, 2003
Robert Fisk
The US
Needs to Blame Anyone But Locals for UN Bombing
Virginia Tilley
The Quisling Policies of the UN in Iraq: Toward a Permanent War?
Rep. Henry Waxman
Bush Owes the Public Some Serious Answers on Iraq
Ben Terrall
War Crimes and Punishment in Indonesia: Rapes, Murders and Slaps
on the Wrists
Elaine Cassel
Brother John Ashcroft's Traveling Patriot Salvation Show
Christopher Brauchli
Getting Gouged by Banks
Marjorie Cohn
Sergio Vieira de Mello: Victim of Terrorism or US Policy in Iraq?
Vicente Navarro
Media
Double Standards: The Case of Mr. Aznar, Friend of Bush
Website of the Day
The Intelligence Squad
Hot Stories
Steve Niva
Israel's
Assassination Policy: the Trigger for Suicide Bombings?
Dardagan,
Slobodo and Williams
CounterPunch Exclusive:
20,000 Wounded Iraqi Civilians
Steve
J.B.
Prison Bitch
Sheldon
Rampton and John Stauber
True Lies: the Use of Propaganda
in the Iraq War
Wendell
Berry
Small Destructions Add Up
CounterPunch
Wire
WMD: Who Said What When
Cindy
Corrie
A Mother's Day Talk: the Daughter
I Can't Hear From
William Blum
Myth
and Denial in the War on Terrorism
Standard Schaefer
Experimental Casinos: DARPA and the War Economy
Uzma
Aslam Khan
The Unbearably Grim Aftermath of War:
What America Says Does Not Go
Paul de Rooij
Arrogant
Propaganda
Gore Vidal
The
Erosion of the American Dream
Francis Boyle
Impeach
Bush: A Draft Resolution
Click Here
for More Stories.
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September
6, 2003
Strategic Abuse
Outsourcing
Human Rights Violations
By NEVE GORDON
In her book Mercenaries,
Pirates, and Sovereigns, Janice Thomson describes how Sea
Dogs such as Francis Drake extorted large ransoms from Spanish
colonial cities by threatening to destroy them if they failed
to pay up. The Sea Dogs were virtually indistinguishable from
other pirates, except that they were acting under the auspices
of the crown. Queen Elizabeth orchestrated their so-called private
campaigns, and due in large part to these state-sanctioned ravages,
by the late 16th-century England had gained navel superiority
over Spain. In a sense, Francis Drake was a subcontractor; Queen
Elizabeth outsourced work, employing him and other Sea Dogs to
execute certain tasks that according to today's parlance constituted
blatant violations of human rights.
The economic neologism outsourcing denotes,
according to the Oxford English Dictionary, "the obtaining
of goods or contracting of work from sources outside a company
or area." Replacing the word work with violations and adding
the word government before company, imparts a definition which
helps explain a pervasive strategy used these days to abuse basic
human rights: outsourcing, the contracting of violations from
sources outside a government, company, or area.
Incorporating the term outsourcing violations
into everyday discourse is important not because it describes
a new practiceit doesn'tbut because it can be used as a theoretical
tool to facilitate the conceptualization of existing processes
pertaining to human rights. Using it to describe a range of existing
practices is helpful because outsourcing discloses and highlights
some of the prevailing features characterizing the global violation
of human rightsfeatures that might otherwise remain concealed.
Outsourcing has been put to use primarily
in order to abdicate social and moral responsibility. Its benefits
are legal, political, and economic.
From a legal perspective, employing subcontractors
is an effective device since it obfuscates the connection between
the perpetrator and the contravening act, making it extremely
difficult to hold the violator legally accountable for the abuses
it sanctions.
From a political perspective, outsourcing
is beneficial because even if abuses are exposed, they are frequently
presented to the public as having been carried out by someone
elsei.e., the subcontractor. In this manner, subcontracting violations
helps a country deflect the shaming technique considered by many
the most effective tool employed by human rights organizations.
From a slightly different perspective, insofar as a major role
of rights groups is to create norms that shape policies and interests
as well as ensure that these norms are respected, outsourcing
is used in order to conceal the perpetrator's breach of these
norms.
Finally, the use of subcontractors is
economically advantageous not only because it cuts production
costs, but also because it enables the corporation to avoid both
legal prosecution and embarrassment, both of which can have an
unfavorable effect on capital.
Hiring subcontractors to avoid responsibility
for violating economic and social rights such as adequate working
conditions and health care received extensive coverage in the
mid-1990s when grassroots organizations led a number of campaigns
against multinational corporations like Nike, Disney, Heineken,
and Carlsberg.
Human rights groups disclosed that Nike
employed children in substandard working conditions that endangered
their health; they also revealed that Nike's Southeast Asian
employees receive a salary of two dollars per day, which cannot
sustain them, let alone provide for health insurance and pension
funds. When first interviewed, Nike CEO and founder Philip Knight
asserted that his company wasn't responsible for the violations
because subcontractors were committing them. It was later disclosed
that Nike didn't own any manufacturing companies; all production
was subcontracted to firms in countries like Thailand, Vietnam,
and Indonesia.
The interesting phenomenon revealed by
the Nike campaign isn't so much the exploitation of disadvantaged
populations and resourcesa practice that can be traced back to
the colonizers of oldbut rather the widespread corporate practice
of outsourcing exploitation to subcontractors. Further, the state-centric
paradigm informing most human rights practitionerswhich assumes
that the state is the major violator of human rightsis no longer
accurate, as it doesn't take into account the inordinate influence
of transnational corporations whose revenues are often many times
larger than domestic economies.
Whereas the employment of subcontractors
sits well with neo-liberal economics, it often undermines basic
rights. It is common knowledge that the economic polarization
characterizing globalization has far-reaching implications for
economic and social rights, rights that are often violated by
employing subcontractors.
Alongside corporate outsourcing, governments
violate rights by subcontracting services such as prisons, healthcare,
and the military, to corporations. These practices are rarely
confronted by human rights organizations in western countries,
partially as a result of Cold War politics and the western emphasis
on free market principles. Only in the past decade have scholars
and human rights organizations begun emphasizing the importance
of economic and social rights, demonstrating that without education
and health, one cannot enjoy freedom of speech or the right to
associate. Moreover, economic rights are necessary for measuring
the detrimental effects of market forces including the harmful
implications of the widening social and economic gaps.
The international campaigns against violations
perpetrated in sweatshops across the globe eventually led western
companies to demand that their subcontractors meet basic health
and safety standards. Nonetheless, workers in sweatshops still
suffer widespread violations on a daily basis. Most governments
and transnational corporations as well as international financial
institutions continue to encourage the use of outsourcing to
violate economic and social rights.
Along the same lines, political and civil
violations are also subcontracted around the globe. Torture,
still illegal in the United States, has been contracted out to
countries like Saudi Arabia, Morocco, and Egypt. The CIA has
already transferred one hundred suspects to ally countries whose
brutal torture methods have been amply documented in the State
Department's own annual human rights reports. "We don't
kick the [expletive] out of them," one government official
told the Washington Post. "We send them to other countries
so they can kick the [expletive] out of them."
This is what The Nation's Eyal Press
found out:
Many captives have been sent to Egypt,
where, according to the State Department, suspects are routinely
"stripped and blindfolded; suspended from a ceiling or doorframe
with feet just touching the floor; beaten with fists, whips,
metal rods, or other objects; subjected to electric shocks."
In at least one case, a suspect was sent to Syria, where, the
State Department says, torture methods include "pulling
out fingernails; forcing objects into the rectum...using a chair
that bends backwards to asphyxiate the victim or fracture the
spine." A story in Newsday published just after Mohammed's
arrest quoted a former CIA official who, describing a detainee
transferred from Guantánamo Bay to Egypt, said, "They
promptly tore his fingernails out and he started telling things."
The second Bush administration, with
its ongoing attack on civil liberties, didn't invent the wheel.
Not only have past administrations employed this tactic, but
other countries have as well.
Consider Israel, which founded the mercenary
South Lebanese Army (SLA) in 1978, employing it to control the
so-called security zone or enclave, comprising about 10 percent
of Lebanese territory. The Al-Khiam prison was the SLA's permanent
interrogation and detention facility, in which prisoners were
held outside any legal framework. Torture was systematically
practiced in Al-Khiam; the methods employed included electric
shock, suspension from an electricity pole, dousing with water,
painful postures, beating with an electric cable, and sleep deprivation.
Amnesty International reports that torture practiced by Israel's
subcontractor resulted in physical injury and, on a number of
occasions, the death of detainees.
Military training and support of governmental
security forces and mercenaries, used extensively by United States
and the former Soviet Union after World War II, are also mechanisms
of outsourcing violations. Smaller and less powerful nations
used these tools as well. The brutal Buhtulaizi government was
armed and supported by the South African apartheid regime, and
the paramilitaries in East Timor operated under the directives
of the Indonesian military.
More recently, Private Military Contractors
(PMCs), frequently run by retired military generals, have been
utilized to do the dirty work previously carried out by foreign
mercenaries. PMCs are the new big business on the block. Their
job is to provide stand-ins for active soldiers, engaging in
everything from actual fighting and battlefield training to logistical
support and military advice at home and abroad. Writing for Mother
Jones, Barry Yeoman suggests that they enjoy an estimated $100
billion in business each year, with much of this money going
to Fortune 500 firms like Lockheed Martin, Raytheon, Halliburton
and DynCorp. In the recent U.S. war on Iraq, the United States
employed an estimated twenty thousand corporate workers in the
region; that is one civilian for every ten soldiersa tenfold
increase over the 1991 Iraqi War.
The advantage of subcontracting to PMCs
is clear: it allows the executive branch to avoid public debate
or legislative controls.
While Congress capped the number of U.S.
soldiers who could be sent to Colombia at five hundred, the Pentagon
together with the Colombian government have been employing additional
corporate soldiers from DynCorp to carry out anti-drug operations.
According to Peter Singer from the Brookings Institute, the firm
utilizes armed reconnaissance planes and helicopter gunships
designed for counterguerrilla warfare, and has been involved
in several firefights with local rebels. DynCorp has lost several
planes and employees to rebel fire, but there has been no public
outcry about the losses, simply because "corporate soldiers"
were killed rather than "real soldiers."
In Bosnia, the addition of two thousand
corporate soldiers helped evade the Congressional limit of twenty
thousand troops. The issue isn't only that the Pentagon uses
PMCs to undercut restrictions made via democratic procedures,
but also that corporate soldiers are accountable solely to the
corporations that retain them, rather than to governments.
Employees of DynCorp in Bosnia were caught
operating a sex-slave ring of underage women and even videotaping
a rape. Leslie Wayne from the New York Times reported that while
DynCorp employees trafficked in womenincluding buying one for
$1,000the company turned a blind eye. Since the DynCorp employees
involved weren't soldiers, their actions weren't subject to military
discipline. Nor did they face local justice; they were simply
fired and sent home.
A 1991 U.S.-approved United Nations arms
embargo prohibited the sale of weapons to or training of any
warring party in the Balkans. But the Pentagon referred Military
Professional Resources Inc. (MPRI), another private military
contractor (currently a subsidiary of L-3 Communications) to
Croatia's defense minister. MPRI trained local forces in Croatia,
which used their education to drive more than one hundred thousand
Serbs from their homes and kill hundreds in a four-day ethnic
cleansing campaign. No employee of the military firm has ever
been charged.
An additional example wherein outsourcing
is used to systematically violate human rights is the private
prison complex, which currently holds over one hundred thousand
inmates. In this case both political and civil rights, as well
as economic and social rights, are violated.
The Nation's Eric Bates argues that the
real danger of prison privatization isn't merely the inhumanity
on the part of guards, but rather the added financial incentives
that reward inhumanity. He states, "The same economic logic
that motivates companies to run prisons more efficiently also
encourages them to cut corners at the expense of workers, prisoners
and the public. Private prisons essentially mirror the cost-cutting
practices of health maintenance organizations: Companies receive
a guaranteed fee for each prisoner, regardless of the actual
cost. Every dime they don't spend on food or medical care or
training for guards is a dime they can pocket."
The major cut is in personnel. Employees
are insufficiently trained, underpaid, and reduced in number;
this results in, among other things, excessive violence by both
guards and prisoners. Using an extensive apparatus of video cameras,
one prison employs only five guards to supervise 750 prisoners
during the day, and two at night. With rapid employee turnover
and lack of guard training comes a significantly higher rate
of contraband, drugs, and assaults on staff and prisoners.
Health services, when provided, are often
inadequate and arrive too late, according to Allison Campbell,
coeditor of Capitalist
Punishment: Prison Privatization and Human Rights. Rehabilitative
or educational programs are seen as superfluous luxuries that
prisoners don't deserve and that businesses cannot afford. Finally,
lack of adequate food is also a major issue in private prisons.
One released inmate reported that he would receive one good meal
a month; the rest consisted of instant potatoes, canned vegetables,
and pizzas.
"When the prison is a business,
such cost reductions make a certain kind of sense," Campbell
claims. "However, physical abuse, inadequate health care
and a lack of adequate programming too often amounts to gross
abuse of state-sanctioned power and authority."
Outsourcing is, however, not merely employed
as a strategy to help the perpetrator abdicate responsibility
for the violations it authorizes. It also assists the aggressor
in maintaining a respectable aura in the public's eye. It isn't
the United States that tortures Al-Qaeda suspects, Egypt does;
it isn't the transnational corporation that neglects the health
of its employees, but rather its subsidiary in Thailand.
The state and transnational corporations
use subcontractors in order to conceal pernicious practices,
because the success of those in power, as Michel Foucault convincingly
argued, "is in proportion to its ability to hide its own
mechanisms." Thus, outsourcing should be considered a technique
employed by power in order to conceal its own mechanisms. It
is motivated by governments and corporations' unwavering efforts
to remain in control.
Because power is tolerable only insofar
as it manages to mask part of itself, it presents hierarchical,
exploitative, and oppressive relationships as if they are normal
or natural; that is, beyond politics. Put differently, states
and corporations employ a range of strategies and techniques
in order to display social relationships that are upheld by power
as if they were devoid of it or in some way deterministic. Accordingly,
the outsourcing technique itself is frequently presented as necessary,
as is evident in many economic discourses that argue that corporations
must cut production costs if they are to survive; outsourcing
therefore becomes inevitable. Along the same lines, cuts in government
expenditure on health and education, as well as outsourcing work
through personnel agencies and privatizing public services and
companies, are presented as necessary and beyond politics. The
idea that the outsourcing technique is necessarily driven by
the configuration of the global economy is also an assertion
of power.
The practice of outsourcing violations
engenders new challenges for the human rights community. If the
party carrying out the act isn't the only culpable entity, then
the process of identifying those responsible becomes much more
complicated. Moreover, identifying the agent employing the subcontractor
is only the first step in a long and arduous struggle against
violations, since it often remains extremely difficult to prosecute
or effectively employ the shaming technique. Consequently, human
rights organizations need to develop new strategies and promote
the introduction of clear directives within international law
that take into account this phenomenon and can aid in holding
governments, corporations, and other international financial
institutions accountable. Some international agreements and treaties
already have been providing a legal framework from which to begin
addressing these violations.
The Maastricht Guidelines on Violations
of Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights is one example, declaring,
for instance, that: states are responsible to ensure that private
entities or individuals, including transnational corporations
over which they exercise jurisdiction, do not deprive individuals
of their economic, social and cultural rights. States are responsible
for violations of economic, social and cultural rights that result
from their failure to exercise due diligence in controlling the
behavior of such non-state actors (article 8).
Confronting the outsourcing of social
and economic violations requires a major reassessment of how
human rights organizations should be constituted. Rights organizations
need to begin presenting an alternative to the neo-liberal discourse
disseminated by governments, corporations, and the mass media.
The current hegemonic discourse ignores the existence of economic
and social rights and assumes that businesses must be given maximum
leeway to operate. In order to accomplish this, rights groups
must also rethink the make-up of their organizations and begin
hiring social economists who can work with their legal advisors.
The underlying assumption informing this suggestion is that the
objective of human rights organizations isn't only to struggle
against specific violations, but also to create a space and a
discourse that empowers oppressed populations and enables them
to struggle for their basic rights. Thus, the very introduction
of alternative discourses and terms will assist in the struggle
against human rights violations in the broadest sense.
Neve Gordon
teaches politics and human rights at Ben-Gurion University, Israel,
and has written about the outsourcing technique within the Israeli
context for the Journal of Human Rights. He can be reached at
ngordon@bgumail.bgu.ac.il
Weekend
Edition Features for August 30 / Sept. 1, 2003
Alexander Cockburn
Handmaiden
in Babylon: Annan, Vieiera de Mello and the Decline and Fall
of the UN
Saul Landau
Schwarzenegger
and Cuban Migration
Standard Schaefer
Who
Benefited from the Tech Bubble: an Interview with Michael Hudson
Gary Leupp
Mel Gibson's Christ on Trial
William S. Lind
Send the Neocons to Baghdad
Augustin Velloso
Aznar: Spain's Super Lackey
Jorge Mariscal
The Smearing of Cruz Bustamante
John Ross
A NAFTA for Energy? The US Looks to Suck Up Mexico's Power
Mickey Z.
War is a Racket: The Wisdom of Gen. Smedley Butler
Elaine Cassel
Ashcroft's Traveling Patriot Show Isn't Winning Many Converts
Stan Cox
Pirates of the Caribbean: the WTO Comes to Cancun
Tom and Judy Turnipseed
Take Back Your Time Day
Adam Engel
The Red Badge of Knowledge: a Review of TDY
Adam Engel
An Eye on Intelligence: an Interview with Douglas Valentine
Susan Davis
Northfork,
an Accidental Review
Nicholas Rowe
Dance
and the Occupation
Mark Zepezauer
Operation
Candor
Poets' Basement
Albert, Guthrie and Hamod
Website of the Weekend
Downhill
Battle
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