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 Special Print Edition of CounterPunch: The 2004 Election

The Wreckage: Labor, God and Turnout; Was Gay Marriage Really "the" Issue; Can These Democrats Ever Win Again?; Blame It on the Smart-Assed White Boys by JoAnn Wypijewski; Political Diary: They Didn't Believe Him: What Really Happened in Ohio; How to Lose a County Hit By 30% Unemployment; David Cobb: Apex Vote Suppressor; Hope From Montana? by Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair. CounterPunch Online is read by millions of viewers each month! But remember, we are funded solely by the subscribers to the print edition of CounterPunch. Please support this website by buying a subscription to our newsletter, which contains fresh material you won't find anywhere else, or by making a donation for the online edition. Remember contributions are tax-deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now!

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Read How the Press & the CIA Killed Gary Webb's Career

 

Today's Stories

December 16, 2004

Christopher Brauchli
Interest Rates, Credit Cards & the Lethal Fine Print

 

December 15, 2004

Robert Fisk
Who Killed Baha Mousa?

Jennifer Van Bergen
The Monster Under the Bed

Heather Gray
Will the Real Christians Please Stand?: a Personal Testimony

Dave Lindorff
The DNC, Albright and the Iraq Elections

Luis Hernandez Navarro
To Die a Little: Migration and Coffee in Mexico and Central America

Joshua Frank
The Ohio Recount: an Exercise in "Dumbocracy"

Greg Moses
Eighty-Sixing Civil Rights in Ohio?

George Caffentzis
The Petroleum Commons

 

December 14, 2004

Dave Lindorff
DNC Meddling in the Ukraine Elections

Larry Birns / Seth DeLong
Haiti is Unraveling and No One is Saying Anything

Richard Thieme
My Last Talk with Gary Webb: "I Knew It Was the Truth and That's What Kept Me Going"

Patrick Cockburn
A Year After Saddam's Capture, Iraq is Getting Worse

Chris Floyd
Client State: Moral Values and Voluntary Servitude in Bush's America

Akiva Eldar
A One-time Hanukkah Miracle

Burbach / Cantor
The Legacy of Pinochet: Kissinger and the Teflon Tyrant

 

December 13, 2004

Cockburn / St. Clair
Gary Webb: a Great Reporter, Trashed by the CIA's Claque

David Phinney
"Contract Meal Disaster" for Iraqi Prisoners: Rancid Food Sparked Abu Ghraib Riots

Paul Craig Roberts
A Dose of Non-Delusional Reality for Douglas Feith

M. Junaid Alam
The War is the War Crime

Robert Jensen
The US Has Lost the Iraq War...and That's a Good Thing

Richard Oxman
Kafkaesque Lessons for the Left

Greg Moses
Send No Messengers of Defeat

Douglas Lummis
The Pentagon's Neurosis: Fallujah Gulag

December 11 / 12, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Running an Empire on the Cheap

Ron Jacobs
The Drugs of War: Getting High in the Green Zone?

Saul Landau
Listening and Talking to God About Invading Other Countries

Gary Leupp
Bush's Capital

Sharon Smith
The Horrible Toll on US Troops

Dave Lindorff
Deja Vu All Over Again: 5,000 Desertions and Counting

Uri Avnery
The Boss Has Gone Crazy

Jude Wanniski
The Neo-Con Smear on Kofi Annan: What Food-for-Oil Scandal?

Heather Gray
How the South Became Republican: an Interview with John Egerton

Patrick Cockburn / Ken Sengupta
Fallujah: the Homecoming and the Homeless

John Pilger
Return to Kosovo: Calling the Humanitarian Bombers to Account

Joshua Frank
All the Rage: Mr. Solomon, Say You're Sorry

Ben Tripp
O Canada!: the Truth About the Election of 2004

John Stanton
God Speaks!

Laura Nathan
Porn Stars are People, Too: a Talk with Christi Lake

Poets' Basement
Capaccio, Davies, Louise, Ford and Albert

Website of the Day
Fallujah Photos: Killed in Their Beds

 

December 10, 2004

Ralph Nader
President Bush, Stop Destroying the Mosques of Iraq

Greg Moses
Whitewashing Voter Fraud

Nicole Colson
Rebellion in the Ranks: Grunts Are Resisting Stop-Loss Orders

Frederick B. Hudson
"They Still Got Those Dogs": A New Book Probes Old Civil Rights Lessons

Patrick Cockburn
Iraq's Insurgents Oppose the Occupation, Not the Elections

Kathy Kelly
From Haiti to Iraq: Burying Water

 

December 9, 2004

Greg Moses
Ask Not Who Bankrolled Fallujah

Joshua Frank
Cobb and the Ohio Recount: Vote Fraud as Fundraiser!

Ralph Nader
An Open Letter to Bush: It's Time to Disclose the Real Casualty Figures

Lee Sustar
Bhopal: the Making of a Disaster

Tom Barry
Restrictionist Resurgence

Mickey Z.
Sander Hicks and the 9/11 Truth Movement

Christopher Brauchli
Bush in the Bubble

Mark Donham
Why are House Democrats Trying to Deny Cynthia McKinney Seniority?

Gary Corseri
On the Anniversary of John Lennon's Death, 2012

Paul de Rooij
The Voices of Sharon's Little Helpers

 

 

December 8, 2004

Ralph Nader
Will the Real Michael Moore Ever Re-Emerge?

Ann Harrison
The Ohio Recount: Reluctant Officials and Few Rules

Paul Craig Roberts
War Crime

Dave Lindorff
They've Got a Secret: Inside the $40 Billion Black Budget for Spying

Patrick Cockburn / Andrew Buncombe
CIA Warning on Iraq: Fallujah Did Not Break the Back of the Insurgency

Col. Dan Smith
Rules of Engagement in Iraq

Emily Alves / Michael Johnson
Paradise Lost: Corruption and Clientelism in Costa Rica

Richard Oxman
The Dylan Bob Wouldn't Mention: Up With Dylan Thomas

Ron Jacobs
In Fallujah, Freedom Isn't Free

 

December 7, 2004

Patrick Cockburn
Running Battles in Baghdad

Behrooz Ghamari
Lost Muslim Voices of Dissent

Dave Lindorff
American Fantasies: Psst! Hey Buddy, Did You Hear How Well the War's Going?

Joshua Frank
Dean at the DNC?

Richard Oxman
Down with Dylan: the Insufferable Interview

Ray McGovern
All Mosquitoes, No Swamp

John Chuckman
The Invasion of Hallifax: The Imperial Wizard Visits Canada

James Petras
Latin America: the Empire Changes Gears

Website of the Day
ToxMap: Who's Poisoning You

 

December 6, 2004

Paul Craig Roberts
Paranoia and Pre-emption: Is the Bush Administration Certifiable?

December 4 / 6, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Politicize the CIA? You've Got to be Kidding

Joe Bageant
Dining with the Rhinos

Alan Maass
Reporting from the Ground in Iraq: an Interview with Patrick Cockburn

Brian Cloughley
Democracy, Bush-style, in the Gulf

Laura Carlsen
Latin America Shifts Left

Lenni Brenner
Jefferson, Madison, Bush and Religion

Anna Ioakimedes
Brazil's Haitian Mission: Doing God's Work or Washington's?

Uri Avnery
Widow of Opportunity?

Fred Gardner
Supreme Court Hears Medical Pot Case

Dave Zirin
Steroids to Heaven

Jackie Corr
Mining Camp Blues: the Red State Variation

Don Fitz
Will Greens Abandon IRV?

Lucy Herschel
"Art can be a Weapon of the Oppressed": an Interview with Artist Anthony Papa

Richard Oxman
No Angels in America: Bashing the Gay Play

Ron Jacobs
Holiday Greeting Card

Poets' Basement
Collins, Albert, LaMorticella

 

December 3, 2004

Dave Lindorff
Lie Then Escalate

Ben Tripp
Fun With Boycotts: How to Shop in a Time of Crisis

Joe Allen
Murder in El Salvador: the Assassination of Teamster Organizer Gilberto Soto

Matthew B. Riley
Human Rights Court Fails Lori Berenson

Meir Shalev
In the End, It is the Violin that Wins

Bob Wing
The White Elephant in the Room: Race and Election 2004

Christopher Brauchli
When McCain Bit His Tongue

Sasan Fayazmanesh
The EU, the US, Israel and Iran

 

December 2, 2004

Tito Tricot
No Justice in Chile: I'm a Torture Survivor in a Country Where Torturers Still Run Free

Behzad Yaghmaian
The Murder of Theo Van Gogh and Muslim Migration

Dr. Susan Block
Lana and Me: Meetings with Remarkable Apes

Frank / Chowkwanyun
Liberalism and Its Bounds

Lee Sustar
Standoff in Ukraine: the Bad v. the Corrupt

Patrick Cockburn
Another Grim Record in Iraq

Mark Engler
Seattle at Five

Michael Donnelly
Something Stinks in South Bend: the Firing of Tyrone Willingham

Nate Collins
The Bay Area Mall on an Ohlone Burial Grounds

Saul Landau
The Assassination of Danilo Anderson

 

December 1, 2004

Phillip Cryan
Associated with Whom? Rightist Bias in Wire Coverage of Colombia

Dave Zirin
What's the Matter with "Leon"?: Budweiser's Racist Commercial

Ghali Hassan
Iraq's Health Care Under the Occupation: 200 Children Die Every Day

Donna J. Volatile
Beware Western Nations Threatening "Democracy"

Patrick Cockburn
How Saddam Tried to Arm the Insurgency

Nick Meo
Chemical War Over Afghanistan

Mike Ferner
The Battle of Toledo

Mokhiber / Weissman
Shame and Determination on Global AIDS Day: 40 Million and Rising

Kathy Kelly
Looking the Other Way: the Real Crimes of the UN in Iraq

 

November 30, 2004

Jennifer Van Bergen
The Veil of Secrecy

Toni Nelson Herrera
Meeting Kurtz: When Art is a Crime

Paul Craig Roberts
The Bush Delusions: Successful at Incompetence

Patrick Cockburn
The Insurgency Strikes Back: There Are No Safe Havens in Iraq

Chuck Munson
WTO Protests Five Years Later: Seattle Weekly Trashes Anti-Globalization Movement

Adam Williams
Citizenship Sold: Back to Business in Indiana

Gregory Elich
A Dangerous Turn in the US Plans for North Korea

Website of the Day
Read Lynne Cheney's Lesbian Novel Online!

 

November 29, 2004

Dave Lindorff
Blowback in Ukraine: The Hand of the CIA?

Omar Barghouti
"The Pianist" of Palestine: Roadblock Concerto at Gunpoint

Mike Whitney
The US Media and Fallujah: How to Market a Siege

Uri Avnery
The Abu Mazen Style: "Give Me Some Credit!"

Matt Vidal
Globalization and Economic Inequality: a Look at the Numbers

Patrick Cockburn
An Interview with Iraq's Foreign Minister

Alan Farago
Sex Change and Salvation: God, Girly Men and Endocrine Disrupters

Justin Huggler
Bhopal 20 Years Later

Antony Loewenstein
How Australia Reported Arafat's Death and Legacy

Gary Leupp
Ukraine: Poll Results Aren't the Real Issue

Website of the Day
Mosul: Images from a Kill Zone

 

 

November 27 / 28, 2004

Peter Linebaugh
Torture & Neo-Liberalism with Sycorax in Iraq

Alexander Cockburn
What Happened to O'Reilly's Loofa?

Fred Gardner
Ashcroft v. Raich: Medical Marijuana and the Supreme Court

Kathy Kelly
What We Can Control

Diane Christian
The Other Cheek: "Empire Doesn't Analyze, It Acts"

Gary Leupp
One More Neocon Target: South (Yes, South) Korea

Lenni Brenner
Equality and Rights of Return: Jefferson Instructs the New York Times

Ron Jacobs
Death Squads and Iraq's Elections: the Mysterious Murders of the AMS Clerics

Joshua Frank
An Interview with Kevin Zeese on Nader, Kerry and the ABB Crowd

Toni Solo
The Murder of Danilo Anderson

Saul Landau
Fallujah, the 21st Century Guernica

JoAnn Wypijewski
Matthew Shepard Case 6 Years Later: Why Hate Crimes Laws are No Cure for Homophobia

Justin Taylor
Empire's Lawless Opportunities

Amos Harel
The Case of Captain R.

Walter A. Davis
Tabloid Justice

Stephen Hendricks
God's Kind of Men

Poets' Basement
Albert, LaMorticella and Ford

 

 

November 26, 2004

Peter Feng
Gavin Newsom: Man or Machine?

Greg Moses
It's the White Vote, Stupid

Liaquat Ali Khan
The Devil's Work: Bush's Minority Appointments

Michael Mandel / Gail Davidson
Why Bush Should Be Banned from Canada: a Memo to the Ministry of Immigration

Dave Lindorff
Nation of Sheep, Turkey of an Election: Urkrainians Show the Way

Gary Corseri
When Black Friday Comes...

Paul Craig Roberts
Whatever Happened to Conservatives?

Website of the Day
Iraq Pipeline Watch

 

 

November 25, 2004

Willliam Loren Katz
Giving Thanks to Whom?: "Thanks to God We Sent 600 Heathen Souls to Hell Today"

Mitchel Cohen
Why I Hate Thanksgiving

Mike Ferner
An Uncommon Mom

 

 

November 24, 2004

Gila Svirsky
License to Kill: the Example of Violence is Set by the State

Winslow T. Wheeler
The Other Mess in Congress

Christopher Brauchli
The Company He Keeps: the Syndicate of Tom Delay

Dave Lindorff
Double Standards on Exit Polls: Hypocrisy Sans Irony

Ron Jacobs
The Occupation of Iraq is the Root of t he Problem

Ken Sengupta
Witnesses: War Crimes in Fallujah

Diana Barahona
The Final Holocaust or Why I Voted for Ralph Nader

John L. Hess
Safire the Shameless

Jason Leopold
Did Harvard Hire (Another) War Criminal?

Jeffrey St. Clair
The Mark of McCain: the Senator Most Likely to Start a Nuclear War

Map of the Day
Now and Then: 2004 v. 1860

 

November 23, 2004

Forrest Hylton
Bush and Uribe at the Beach

 

 

 

 

November 22, 2004

Dave Zirin
Fight Night in the NBA: Selective Outrage in Detroit

Paul Craig Roberts
On to Iran: We Won't Get Fooled Again?

Michael Mandel / Gail Davidson
Why Bush Should be Banned from Canada

Kathie Helmkamp
Our Son: a Marine Who Won't Kill

Ken Sengupta
The Triangle of Death: "This is Now the Most Dangerous Place in Iraq"

Mike Whitney
Greenspan's Hammer

Roger Burbach
Why They Hate Bush in Chile

Website of the Day
Fed Up with Government Lies and Corporate Spin?

 

 

November 20 / 21, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
The Poisoned Chalice

Todd May
Religion, the Election and the Politics of Fear

Abbas Ahmed Ibrahim
The Horrors of Fallujah: a First-Hand Account

Kevin Zeese
Mishandling Nader

Landau / Hassen
After Arafat

Tom Barry
The Vulcans Consolidate Power: The Rise of Stephen Hadley

Fred Gardner
Pot Shots: Ask Dr. Todd

Justin E.H. Smith
Triumph of the Will: the Sequel

Carl Estabrook
Where We Are Now

Gary Leupp
Imperial History-Making vs. Reality-Based Thought: a Dialogue

Dave Lindorff
Apocalypse Soon

Jenna Michelle Liut
Plans Colombia and Patriota: Wanton Wastes of Money, Manpower and Lives

Mickey Z.
The Granma Moses of Radical Writing: an Interview with William Blum

Greg Moses
The Same Old Struggle Against Imperial America

Sharon Smith
Abortion Rights and the Election: What Now?

Ron Jacobs
Sandwiches and Car Bombs

Ben Tripp
Raising d'Etre: Finding Money in Hollywood These Days

Richard Oxman
Basketbrawl Two Pointer: Iraq Rules!

Gilad Atzmon
Politics and Jazz

Poets' Basement
LaMorticella, Albert, Ford, & Anon.

Website of the Day
Voice of the Forest

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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December 16, 2004

The Dubious Career of John Bolton

The Latest Mad Man at Foggy Bottom

By GABRIEL ESPINOZA GONZALES

On November 17, 1997, the Wall Street Journal published an Op-Ed in which the author expressed, in unequivocal terms, his intemperate and dismissive attitude towards Washington's adherence to multilateral international accords, writing "treaties are law only for U.S. domestic purposes. In their international operation, treaties are simply political obligations." The author of this piece, whose conclusions were widely disputed by individuals far more knowledgeable on the subject than himself, is current Undersecretary for Arms Control and International Security John Bolton, the man now being mentioned to replace Richard Armitage as Deputy Secretary of State under Condoleezza Rice and an unwavering neoconservative ideologue in the most ultra sense of the word. Ultraright elements in the White House, the Pentagon and Congress are strongly pushing for Bolton to be nominated, for they see in him the ideal candidate to help Rice mold the State Department to their profile. Such an appointment will assure that State officials will harmonize their thrust with the rest of the Bush administration's ideologically-driven foreign policy agenda.

For a government agency whose stated mission is to "create a more secure, democratic, and prosperous world for the benefit of the American people and the international community," to have as one of its chief policymakers a man who whose career reads as a what-not-to-do handbook on consensus building and international diplomacy, would be totally incomprehensible. In fact, it is nearly unfathomable to imagine a candidate less qualified and more ill-prepared for the State Department's second highest-ranking position and dangerous to long-term U.S. national interests as Bolton. The singularity of the stand that he has taken over the years on a wide range of issues underlines this claim. His nomination will signify to the world that Washington believes constructive engagement is neither required nor desirable for self-serving U.S. objectives to prevail.

 

Talk Forcefully and Carry a Big Stick

Throughout his career in both the public and private sector, John Bolton has demonstrated a disturbingly constant tendency to disregard facts, as well as a self-righteous attitude towards achieving selfish and even dangerous foreign policy goals, always seen through the prism of a U.S. unilateral agenda. In 2001, at the onset of the Bush administration, Bolton set the tone for what would turn out to be his unique contribution when he pontificated that, "It is a big mistake for us to grant any validity to international law even when it may seem in our short-term interest to do so ­ because, over the long term, the goal of those who think that international law really means anything are those who want to constrict the United States."

Accordingly, in an article published in the Winter 1998 issue of the conservative journal The National Interest, Bolton expanded on his vehement opposition to the International Criminal Court (ICC). In it, he reasoned that if Washington were to ratify the accord, it would limit this country's foreign policy initiatives, since "the president, the cabinet officers who comprise the National Security Council, and other senior civilian and military leaders responsible for our defense and foreign policy," would become "the potential targets of the politically unaccountable Prosecutor created in Rome." What he failed to consider is that prosecution before the ICC would be reserved as a last resort to redress blatantly criminal behavior such as genocide; his words suggest that, according to his view, Washington's actions should not be restricted by or put to the test of any notion of international legality or, for that matter, morality.

In support of his position he goes on to criticize Judge Baltasar Garzón for having the audacity to attempt to detain and extradite Augusto Pinochet during a trip that the former Chilean dictator was making to the U.K. The famed Spanish jurist wanted Pinochet to be brought to Spain to stand trial for a number of Spanish victims among the estimated 3,000 killings and missing-persons cases blamed on Pinochet's rule. According to Bolton, after seventeen years of military dictatorship, several thousand forced disappearances, institutionalized torture and politically motivated assassinations under Pinochet, "Chileans made their choice, and have lived with it." This type of callous and uninformed assessment of the situation reflects the type of prescriptive policymaking Bolton calls for towards the region and indeed the world.

A major component of Bolton's foreign policy agenda has focused on a strict advocacy of structural market reforms meant to further enrich multinational corporations at the expense of efforts aimed at significantly improving basic living standard in developing countries. His position on the subject is starkly evident in a June 25, 1995 Op-Ed published in the Washington Times in which he criticized the Clinton administration for continued funding of "programs on international population control and environmental matters rather than fundamental economic policy reforms in developing countries" and further assailed then Vice-President Al Gore for his "preference for condoms and trees instead of markets." These will be the types of initiatives that are sure to gain credence if Bolton is chosen as the State Department's second in command.

In the aforementioned The National Interest article, Bolton also briefly refers to Washington's decision to withdraw from the mandatory jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the predecessor to the ICC. In 1986, the ICJ ruled that the U.S. had violated its obligations not to use force against and not to violate the sovereignty of another state as a result of its continued "military and paramilitary operations in and against" Nicaragua's Sandinista government. Instead of Washington abiding by the ruling ­ in other words, accepting responsibility for what was found to be its criminal behavior ­ the Reagan administration decided to ignore the court's decision. Washington continued to support the Contras' violent insurgency against a government with which Washington had full diplomatic relations, until the Sandinistas were democratically defeated (with the U.S. providing major funding for the opposition) in the country's 1990 presidential elections. Bolton refers to the ICJ's ruling as "erroneous," a position that is consistent with his belief that the White House must be free to act without restriction or fear of reprisal.

As Assistant Attorney General, a position he held from 1985 to 1989, he was also instrumental in Justice Department efforts to withhold information regarding the Iran-Contra affair, which included his own personal notes on the scandal, and aided Congressional Republicans who were hard at work attempting to obstruct ongoing investigations into alleged Contra drug smuggling. He even went as far as to call an unauthorized press conference in which he lashed out at the investigating special prosecutors, leading then White House spokesman Marlin Fitzwater, acting on behalf of the same government officials Bolton was defending, to refer to him and his actions as "intemperate and contentious."

 

No Evidence? Just Make it Up

One of Bolton's most outlandish public charges, but one that is quintessential of his method of operation, was his May 6, 2002 claim that not only did Cuba possess "at least a limited offensive biological warfare research development effort," but that, indeed, it had provided such technology to "other rogue states." Bolton's career preoccupation with Cuba-bashing was now aimed at attempting to have the Castro regime included among President Bush's infamous Axis of Evil category. In what amounted to little more than preaching to the choir, Bolton presented his thesis to an audience at the conservative Heritage Foundation. As it turned out, his charges were so bereft of any substance or even a tincture of verisimilitude that even his Bush administration colleagues rushed to disavow any association with them. In addition to refutations by both Secretary of State Colin Powell (who said "we didn't actually say it [Cuba] had some weapons") and former commander-in-chief of the U.S. Southern Command Gen. Charles Wilhelm (who stated he had never received any evidence to support Bolton's claim and that he was within the loop for such privileged information), even Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfield indicated to reporters that he was unaware of any links connecting Cuba's biomedical industry to bio-weaponry research.

Despite being called upon to do so by several Senators, Bolton refused to attend a Senate hearing where he could present any evidence of Cuba's alleged bioweapons program, a rather telltale admission that he would be unable to substantiate his charge under sworn testimony. The dearth of any compelling evidence linking Cuba's highly lauded pharmaceutical industry to terrorism was eventually confirmed by a 2004 wide-ranging Congressional investigation into government intelligence estimates, which peeled away at the last vestiges of credibility behind Bolton's assertions.

 

Career Highlights

Bolton's 2002 Cuba charge is emblematic of his contempt for the facts and his shoot-from-the-hip style for which he has become infamous. In fact, a scrutiny of Bolton's professional career reveals why he has become such a favorite among hardline neoconservatives. Not only are his positions on a wide range of issues stridently to the right of mainstream opinion ­ even by the standards of this administration ­ he also has shown an uncontrollable need to engage in hyperbole, and, on more than one occasion, outright prevarication. Fortunately for his critics, his excesses, coupled with his possessing perhaps the most radicalized ideological profile in the senior ranks of the State Department or in indeed perhaps the entire Bush administration, are predictive of his habitually skewed way of thinking.

At a 1994 panel discussion sponsored by the World Federalist Association, for example, he stated "There is no such thing as the United Nations," spookily adding "'if the U.N. secretary building in New York lost 10 stories, it wouldn't make a bit of difference." If anything, Bolton's comments regarding the UN may have been born more out of wishful thinking than anything else, considering that he has always viewed the world body as an illegitimate and bothersome restraint on what he believes is Washington's inviolable right of unilateral action. In a direct attack on the UN's ability to restrict the use of force, published in the Weekly Standard in 1999 under the title Kofi Annan's UN Power Grab, he reasserted his scriptural fidelity to unilateralism, writing that if Washington were to overly legitimize the UN, "its discretion in using force to advance its national interests is likely to be inhibited in the future."

Bolton's unqualified attacks on his chosen targets continued in 1999 when, following the Senate defeat of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, a gloating Bolton characterized supporters of the ban as "misguided individuals following a timid and neo-pacifist line of thought." In 2002 he went so far as to directly challenge Washington's long-standing pledge to limit a nuclear response only to attacks from a nuclear-armed foe, calling any such agreement "an unrealistic view of the international situation." More recently, Bolton has targeted two prominent and reputable international figures as part of his vindictive campaign against all those who oppose the White House's aggressive unilateral foreign policy agenda. Both Mohamed ElBaradei, Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency, and Hans Blix, head of the UN Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission, had criticized the U.S. invasion of Iraq, characterizing it as premature and unjustified, and consequently Bolton is adamant about their removal. On December 12, the Washington Post reported that ElBaradei has earned Bolton's ire as a result of both his Iraq position as well as for his commitment to reaching a negotiated settlement regarding Iran nuclear programs. Bolton has been instrumental in having the CIA and the NSA spy on both men, hoping to discover evidence that would lead to their removal from their posts.

Diplomacy: Just Say No

During a 2001 UN Conference on Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons, Bolton once again came out with all guns blazing, telling delegates that Washington was opposed to any move to restrict civilian access to weapons or a treaty that would serve to "abrogat[e] the constitutional right to bear arms." This extension of NRA-type thinking into the international sphere effectively undermines even preliminary attempts to demilitarize such ongoing conflicts like those now seen in Colombia and the Sudan as well as multilateral efforts to combat astronomically high rates of gun-related crime in Latin America and elsewhere by curtailing the illegal shipment of small arms from the U.S. to the region.

His lack of diplomatic tact was again on display later that year, when he scuttled efforts to add a negotiated verification process to an international bio-weapons ban, by telling other conference participants that the provision was, "dead, dead, dead, and I don't want it coming back from the dead." He saw no discrepancy between his accusations against Cuba and his negative stand on the international bioweapons ban. Additionally, following the Bush administration's decision to withdraw from the ICC, Bolton asked and was granted permission to sign his name on the letter notifying the UN of Washington's actions, which was somewhat bizarre since he had played no official role in the decision-making process. The move was simply symbolic, a need for a zealot to be heard: as he later told the Wall Street Journal, it was "the happiest moment of [his] government service."

Not surprisingly, according to Bolton's view, constitutional protections of the right of free speech do not appear to carry the same weight as the precious right to bear arms. This is particularly true when political dissent stands in direct opposition to his myopic worldview. Regarding his ill-temper towards civic participation in the policymaking process, he criticized "the promotion of international advocacy activity by international or non-governmental organizations."

 

Latin America has Much to Fear

If Bush nominates Bolton to the second highest-ranking position at the State Department, and if the latter survives what will likely be a very difficult Senate confirmation process under the scrutiny of Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Richard Lugar (R-IN), the decision will have markedly long-lasting repercussions in Latin America. Washington's bilateral relations with the newly emerging coalition of left-of-center governments in Caracas, Brasilia, Buenos Aires and Montevideo, among others, likely will rapidly sour, as the latter will accurately interpret Bolton's ascension as reflecting a significant shift of U.S. foreign policy much further to the right than has been in evidence even during the last four difficult years under Bush. Bolton's past actions and public record have demonstrated that he is either oblivious to or unconcerned with the root causes for Latin America's many ills, such as its pressing need for socioeconomic and governmental reforms and its possessing the most skewed wealth distribution in the world.

Bolton has otherwise focused on counterproductive quick-fix solutions that usually end up only responding to Washington's narrow self interests, such as blind adherence to neoliberal reforms, while leaving a majority of Latin Americans worse off than before. Furthermore, his overriding obsession with U.S. dominance and the protection of its power, his nostalgia for Cold War-era tactics and his fervent backing of every one of Washington's frequent interventions in the region will likely signify a quick death for whatever constructive dialogue might have been possible between Washington and a continent increasingly skeptical of the former's goodwill regarding its basic regional interests.

Gabriel Espinosa Gonzales is a research associate at the Council on Hemispheric Affairs.

Weekend Edition Features for November 27 / 28, 2004

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