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America’s Economic CrisisThe Bush legacy: a nation buried under mortgage and credit card debt and a blown-out economy, with looming mass unemployment AND hyper-inflation. What Obama and the new team face and what they must do. PLUS a Sixties “Terrorist” Looks Back at the Capitol Bombing. PLUS “The Dystopia’s in the Oven, Darling”: Alexander Cockburn on America’s Food. Only in CounterPunch newsletter! Get your copy today by subscribing online or calling 1-800-840-3683 Contributions to CounterPunch are tax-deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now! CounterPunch books and gear make great presents.
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Today's Stories November 19, 2008 M. Shahid Alam November 18, 2008 Chellis Glendinning George C. Wilson Franklin Lamb Bill and Kathleen Christison Roger Burbach John Ross Wajahat Ali Damien Millet / Marc Gardner Eric Walberg Wendy Williams Website of the Day November 17, 2008 Michael Hudson Paul Craig Roberts Mike Whitney Steve Conn Andy Worthington Jonathan Cook Rannie Amiri David Macaray David Michael Green Charles Modiano Website of the Day November 14 / 16, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Jeffrey St. Clair Mike Whitney Sasan Fayazmanesh Moshe Adler Anthony DiMaggio Jean Bricmont Sheldon Rampton Douglas Valentine Joseph Nevins / Tom Barry Ron Jacobs Larry Portis Mary Lynn Cramer Obama's Brain Trust: Seems Like Old Times Sherry Wolf Peter Cervantes-Gautschi Jacob Hornberger Lance Selfa Benjamin Dangl Seth Sandronsky Russell Mokhiber Allan Stellar Kelly Overton Martha Rosenberg Richard Rhames David Yearsley Lorenzo Wolff Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend
November 13, 2008 Pam Martens Vijay Prashad Patrick Cockburn Jonathan Cook Ralph Nader Bill Quigley Lee Sustar Omar Barghouti Steve Conn Howard Lisnoff Jeff Cohen Website of the Day November 12, 2008 Johanna Berrigan Steve Conn Patrick Bond Bokar Ture / Alan Farago Dave Lindorff Karl Grossman David Macaray George Wuerthner Susie Day Website of the Day November 11, 2008 James G. Abourezk Allan J. Lichtman Eric Toussaint Ron Jacobs Peter Montague Corporate Crime Reporter Laura Carlsen Col. Dan Smith Morton Skorodin David Michael Green Charles R. Larson Website of the Day November 10, 2008 David Roediger Paul Craig Roberts Peter Lee Corey D. B. Walker Jeff Halper Bill Hatch Andy Worthington Bill Quigley Peter Morici Anthony Olszewski Kim Nicolini Cpt. Paul Watson Website of the Day November 7 / 9, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Jeffrey St. Clair Vijay Prashad Tariq Ali Jean Bricmont John V. Whitbeck Saul Landau Peter Morici Lawrence Velvel Karyn Strickler Nativo V. Lopez Christopher Fons Alan Farago David Yearsley Christopher Brauchli Samah Sabawi Dave Lindorff Deepak Tripathi Beth Sherouse Patrick Irelan Stephen Martin Richard Rhames J. Murray Lorenzo Wolff Kim Nicolini Poets' Basement Website of the Day
November 6, 2008 Frank J. Menetrez John Chuckman P. Sainath Joshua Frank Edna Canetti John Ross Norman Solomon Fawzia Afzal-Khan Robert Weissman Harvey Wasserman Website of the Day
November 5, 2008 Cockburn / St. Clair Chuck Spinney Ishmael Reed Chris Floyd Binoy Kampmark Michael Donnelly David Macaray Peter Morici Manuel Garcia, Jr. William Willers Website of the Day November 4, 2008 Kathleen Christison James Ridgeway Winslow T. Wheeler Mike Whitney Conn Hallinan Holly M. Barker Ashley Smith Andy Worthington Martha Rosenberg Stephen Martin Doug Lummis Carlos Fierro Website of the Day November 3, 2008 Patrick Cockburn John Kennedy O'Hara Peter Montague Steve Conn Andrew Gebhardt Ron Jacobs Ralph Nader Niranjan Ramakrishnan Uri Avnery Dave Lindorff Fred Gardner DC Larson David Michael Green Val Strange Tuli Kupferberg / Website of the Day
October 31 , 2008 Alexander Cockburn Jeffrey St. Clair Douglas Valentine Ismael Hossein-Zadeh Dr. Ignacy Nowopolski Alan Maass William P. O’Connor Patrick Irelan Brian Cloughley Mats Svensson Binoy Kampmark Steve Conn Alan Farago Morton Skorodin Robert Bryce Wajahat Ali David Yearsley Dennis Loo Pam Martens Stephen Martin Richard Rhames Ramzy Baroud Missy Beattie Howard Lisnoff Richard Neville Saul Landau / Kim Nicolini Lorenzo Wolff Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend October 30, 2008 Cockburn / St. Clair Vijay Prashad Paul Craig Roberts Glen Ford Stanley Heller William Loren Katz Joshua Frank James McEnteer Felice Pace Jonathan Cook Reza Fiyouzat Website of the Day
October 29, 2008 Arno J. Mayer Eric Toussaint Matt Gonzalez Steven Conn Jonathan Cook Patrick Bond Ramzi Kysia Douglas Valentine Stephen Martin Margaret Dooley-Sammuli Amee Chew Website of the Day
October 28, 2008 James G. Abourezk Andy Worthington Gary Leupp Paul Craig Roberts Mike Whitney Gregory V. Button Ralph Nader P. Sainath Martha Rosenberg Charles R. Larson Website of the Day October 27, 2008 Michael Hudson Barbara Rose Johnston John Dinges Mike Whitney Mary Lynn Cramer Greenspan's Higher Power Alan Farago David Michael Green Andy Worthington George Wuerthner Niranjan Ramakrishnan Website of the Day October 24 / 26, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Ishmael Reed Mike Whitney Don Santina Scott Boehm Saul Landau Ron Jacobs Binoy Kampmark Linn Washington Jr. Nicole Colson Bernard Chazelle Brian Jones Christopher Brauchli Benjamin Dangl Val Strange Steve Early David Macaray Allison Kilkenny Richard Rhames Jim Bell Kris De Welde Barry Clemson Adam Engel Mark Scaramella Tuli Kupferberg Lorenzo Wolff Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend October 23, 2008 Allan J. Lichtman Todd Chretien John Ross Peter Morici Mats Svensson Marlene Martin Robert Jensen / Margaret Kimberley Deepak Tripathi David Morris Website of the Day October 22, 2008 Brian Cloughley Heather Gray Jeff Birkenstein Ralph Nader DC Larson David Swanson Keeanga-Yamatta Taylor Race and the Election: When the "Real" America Enters the Voting Booth Larry Everest Robert Fantina Martha Rosenberg Stephen Martin Website of the Day October 21, 2008 Vijay Prashad Paul Craig Roberts Corey D. B. Walker Steve Breyman Eric Toussaint Wajahat Ali Robert Weitzel Brendan Cooney Dave Lindorff Marqueece Harris-Dawson / Bob Wing Patrick B. Barr Omar Barghouti Website of the Day October 20, 2008 Michael Hudson Anthony DiMaggio Tariq Ali Uri Avnery Bill Quigley Ben Rosenfeld David Michael Green William S. Lind Chris Genovali Stephen Martin Howard Lisnoff David Yearsley Website of the Day October 17 / 19, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Jeffrey St. Clair Pam Martens Paul Craig Roberts Mike Whtney Michael D. Yates Suzanne Smith Carl Boggs Ralph Nader Fidel Castro Dave Marsh Saul Landau Jo Guldi Kevin Zeese Larry Everest Steve Early David Macaray Ben Terrall Missy Beattie Don Monkerud Helen Redmond Dan Bacher Wajahat Ali Farzana Versey Vladimir Frolov Kim Nicolini Poets Basement Website of the Day
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November 19, 2008 Politics in a Crazy TimeObama and the Iron CageBy BEHROOZ GHAMARI-TABRIZI Can Obama transcend the Iron Cage of the White House? The short answer to the question is a simple no! I hoped with all my might that Obama would win the presidency and end the reign of terror that the Bush Administration has inflicted on the world. Much more needs to be said about the historical significance of a White House with black residents, but not here. I am jubilant that he has won and apprehensive about how soon he and his administration will capitulate to the habitual politics of the District of Columbia. Obama has the power to resist the current, but he won’t. To do that, he would have to launch a paradigmatic shift in the way politics is taught, thought of, and practiced in this country. Obama ran a presidential campaign with an inherent contradiction between its form and substance. In its form––the ways his campaign mobilized different constituencies, the way he appeared in rallies, and in the very intonation of his oratory––he presented himself as a populist candidate advocating radical change. Substantively––in his economic plan, in his understanding of global conflicts, and in his political vision––he differentiated himself by a hair’s breadth from Clinton-era center-right doctrine. History tells us that substance is enduring and form is ephemeral. In America, the real polity consists of a small community of elites whose interests and those they represent entangle and overlap. President-elect Obama with all good intentions intends to erect a wall between lobbyists and elected or appointed officials, but he will soon realize that the foundation that could support such a wall does not exist. DC operatives, the political elite and corporate lobbyists, have been engaged in an incestuous relation for too long for any sense of taboo to remain in force, even weakly. No one is stunned these days at the sight of a CEO of a financial giant being named as the chief regulator of the nation’s stock market. No one questions the lobbyists of multinational industries running the office of the Environmental Protection Agency. No eyebrows would be raised if yesterday’s corporate lawyer is today’s Secretary of Labor. No one detects a conflict of interest if big military contractors devise a national security plan at the Pentagon and the State Department. In the way politics actually gets done in Washington, can Obama find people who meet his criteria without stepping outside the conventional norms of the American political machine? I’m skeptical. Obama also needs to learn a lesson from the leaders of populist movements, particularly in Latin America. I am not a fan of populism. It thrives on creating a mass society, which in turn, typically engenders authoritarianism. In the last four decades, populism has always been associated with the American Right, religious and otherwise. This association has caused many of us to connect populism unconsciously to simple mindedness and gullibility. The McCain-Palin campaign adopted this right-wing populism rather successfully in mocking Obama’s plan to “spread the wealth” through a “socialist” agenda. Whereas protecting the “authentic” American community from the tyranny of the interventionist state defines the right-wing populism, the cause célèbre of left-wing populism has been “redistributive justice,” often associated with socialism. To be true to his constituents, Obama has to defuse the socialist associations of the old slogan, and transform the notion of redistributive justice from being a near-treasonous heresy to a viable policy direction for America. The scarecrow of socialism lost its political appeal in Europe almost a century ago. But it continues to stifle meaningful debate about the foundational problems of the American economic order. Latin American populist leaders on the left understand -- in a way that American politicians don’t -- that people respond to their genuine fears (cultural, communal, familial, etc.) as well as their core economic interests. Which one will dominate on Election Day depends on which political discourse becomes hegemonic. The masses are neither inherently right, nor historically left. This was an important oversight in the Barack Obama’s campaign. The precondition of rallying the masses and becoming hegemonic is not a move to the center-right, but a strategy to use language to dominate politics, to introduce not only new faces, but also new concepts to American politics. A strategy that Republicans have deployed successfully for decades. For the longest time during the past year when Obama was “accused” of being a Muslim, I wondered why nobody in his campaign stood up and said what eventually Colin Powell said in his endorsement: “what if he is? Is there something wrong with being a Muslim in this country? The answer’s no, that’s not America.” Obama needs an appointed person to do with social democracy what Powell did to Muslims. He needs to appoint somebody with enough audacity and hope in his administration to transform redistributive justice from political suicide into a debatable agenda. Even with his centrist agenda, this will be good for his administration. The time is right for such a discursive and political move. The election is over and Obama does not need to blame only the Bush Administration for all the ills of deregulationism. This policy began in the mid-1970s, found its official voice in the Reagan Administration, and has been followed since by Democrats and Republicans alike. And let us not forget that the economic team that the President-elect has put together looks a lot like the deregulation team of Bill Clinton. Obama is making a historical mistake. His hope should not be to bring back the Clinton regime back minus Lewinsky. If we all agree that the scope of this economic crisis is comparable to the Great Depression, then we cannot simply write off extraordinary social provisions as politically untenable. This is turning into a vicious pattern that at points of crises all parties scoff at long-term solutions in favor of quick fixes. If we are in Iraq, we don’t need to talk about the political responsibilities for this travesty: we need to fix the problem now. If the stock market has collapsed: rush for a bail out, and address reform later. These kinds of solutions perpetuate injustice and inequality, and negate accountability and the feasibility of new visions. We need immediate remedies tied with written and sealed regulatory guarantees. The banking bail out should have come with stern restrictions on financial and industrial capital. Remember that the collapse of the economy has universal repercussions. If the economic elite uses the threat of the economic collapse to get what they desire, shouldn’t Obama’s administration of hope and change ask for the same on behalf of the disadvantage? President Obama should not retreat from higher taxes and tighter regulations on the industry. In times of prosperity investors exploit the mobility of their capital to avoid regulatory regimes. Today, they do not have that luxury. On national security and the so-called Global War on Terror, Obama needs to take a radical discursive shift. Does he have the power to do it? Yes. Will he? No. The main objective of a sound international relation is the discovery of the ways through which the United States can reconcile its national interests with the national interests of other nations. The Cold War mentality of irreconcilable American interests with other nations has already taken millions of lives around the world, during the proxy wars in Africa, Asia, and Latin America to stop the spread of communism, and now in “war on terror” to eradicate militant Islam. Obama must take advantage of the excitement and energy that enveloped the entire world, from the celebrations in an Indonesian grade school to the ritual sacrifices of lamb in his honor in Istanbul, to show in practice that the era of American bullying is over and his administration is ready to engage the world with mutual respect. But before we gloat out of our minds and ask the rest of the world that instead of celebrating “show us the money,” as Thomas Friedman suggested in his Sunday editorial, Obama needs to deliver. Unlike what the likes of Friedman would like to think, the world is not indebted to America, it is really, truly, the other way around. Respect for the dignity of others and the sovereignty of nations is not delivered in a speech. Obama as the President needs to institutionalize that rhetoric and turn it into a lasting policy. “The money” would follow. Mr. Friedman don’t rush, the world cannot afford to give a blank check to any American president, be it the decent Obama or the gangster Bush. Obama knows that the key to a sustainable peaceful coexistence in the world today is held in the Middle East. Again the first signs are not promising. In his official Afghanistan policy, which was rightly described by John McCain as a replica of the surge in Iraq, Obama has shown little understanding of the political dynamics of the conflict. His solutions appear to be variations on the same “war on terror” theme. The US cannot defeat the Taliban and annihilate al-Qaeda by introducing more troops to the war front. Obama must take the option of war off the table; nothing terrible would happen if he takes this courageous step. Not only would taking war off the table afford the respect that the US desires in the region, but more importantly it will instantly delegitimize the militants’ violent solutions. There is no shame in talking, there is shame in sending innocent people to their death. This must also be the guiding principle in dealing with Iran. The US has no right or responsibility to solve Iranian domestic problems. Obama should stay clear from the Israeli lobby on dealing with Iran. Although that option might already have been checked by the appointment of Rahm Immanuel, a hawkish pro-Israel advocate, as the Chief of Staff and choosing Dennis Ross as a senior advisor on the Middle East policy. Since September 11, 2001, the neocons have successfully manufactured a crisis with Iran based on unfounded allegations and regime change policies. It is true that the Bush Administration pulled the rug from under the Iranian reformist President Khatami’s feet and paved the way for the inauguration of an equally hostile administration in Iran. President Obama needs not buy into this manufactured crisis. Iran’s nuclear technology is not an irresolvable predicament. While solving the problem with Iran might ease the situation in Iraq, it is doubtful that it would have any impact on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Iranian influence in Palestine is greatly exaggerated. This too is another part of America’s fabricated crisis in Iran. As hard as it might be, the Obama Administration must face the possibility of decoupling its interest in the Middle East from the Israelis. One can hope. The US cannot operate as a peace broker while it unconditionally supports Israeli policies. There are more critical voices inside Israel on their own state policies than in any American administrations or mass media. Being critical of Israeli settlement policies and the illegal occupation of Palestinian territories will neither endanger Israeli security and its right to exist nor is it a sign of anti-Semitism. No American state official has more credibility in the Middle East than former President Carter. Jimmy Carter broke another taboo in American foreign policy by talking to Hamas leaders and by doing so proved that he indeed has the audacity to hope for peace. Obama must immediately dispatch a committee under the supervision of President Carter to layout a plan for a lasting peace agreement between Israel and Palestine. My hope is that an Obama Administration would augment the spark of November 4th into a flame that will guide us on a path towards sustainable change. We dared to hope. Obama must now have the courage to deliver. There are many taboos in American political culture that he must break. Many call people who talk about social democracy, peace, justice, equality, and respect for the dignity of others “crazies.” But this is a crazy time, a black man rules over the White House. Behrooz Ghamari-Tabrizi is Assistant Professor of History and Sociology at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. He is the author of Islam and Dissent in Postrevolutionary Iran (I.B. Tauris/Plagrave-Macmillan, 2008). He can be reached at bghamari@illinois.edu.
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