home / subscribe / donate / about us / books / archives / search / links / feedback / events

 

New Special Double Issue of Print Edition of CounterPunch

The Trial of Milosevic: What Does It Portend for Saddam? by Tiphaine Dickson; Dr. Dean Wraps It Up...or Does He? by Alexander Cockburn; Bush Oil Grab in Alaska: How Clinton Opened the Door by Jeffrey St. Clair; The Magnificient 9: CounterPunch's Annual List of Groups That Make a Difference; The Sabotage of Matt Gonzalez by Ben Terrall; Arnold and Parole: Already Better than Gray Davis! by Scott Handleman. CounterPunch Online is read by 70,000 visitors each day, but we are funded solely by the subscribers to the print edition of CounterPunch. Please support this website by buying a subscription to our newsletter, which contains fresh material you won't find anywhere else, or by making a donation for the online edition. Remember contributions are tax-deductible. Click here to make a (tax deductible) donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now!

Or Call Toll Free 1-800-840 3683 or write CounterPunch, PO BOX 228, Petrolia, CA 95558

Now Available from
CounterPunch for Only $11.50 (S/H Included)

Today's Stories

January 6, 2004

David Price
"Like Slaves": Anthropological Notes on Occupation

January 5, 2004

Al Krebs
How Now Mad Cow!

Kathy Kelly
Squatting in Baghdad's Bomb Craters

Jordy Cummings
The Dialectic of the Kristol Family: Putting the Neo in the Cons

Fran Shor
Mad Human Disease: Chewing the Fat Down on the Farm

Fidel Castro
"We Shall Overcome": On the 45th Anniversary of the Cuban Revolution

Gary Leupp
North Korea for Dummies

 

January 3 / 4, 2004

Brian Cloughley
Never Mind the WMDs, Just Look at History

Vice Admiral Jack Shanahan
The Wrong War at the Wrong Time

William Cook
Failing to Respond to 9/11

Glen Martin
Jesus vs. the Beast of the Apocalypse

Robert Fisk
Iraqi Humor Amid the Carnage

Ilan Pappe
The Geneva Bubble

Walter Davis
Robert Jay Lifton, or Nostalgia

Kurt Nimmo
Ashcroft vs. the Left

Mike Whitney
The Padilla Case

Steven Sherman
On Wallerstein's The Decline of American Power

Dave Lindorff
Bush's Taiwan Hypocrisy

William Blum
Codework Orange!

Mitchel Cohen
Learning from Che Guevara

Seth Sandronsky
Mad Cow and Main Street USA

Bruce Jackson
Conversations with Leslie Fiedler

Standard Schaefer
Poet Carl Rakosi Turns 100

Ron Jacobs
Sir Mick

Adam Engel
Hall of Hoaxes

Poets' Basement
Jones, Albert & Curtis

 

 

January 2, 2004

Stan Cox
Red Alert 2016

Dave Lindorff
Beef, the Meat of Republicans

Jackie Corr
Rule and Ruin: Wall Street and Montana

Norman Solomon
George Will's Ethics: None of Our Business?

David Vest
As the Top Wobbleth


January 1, 2004

Randall Robinson
Honor Haiti, Honor Ourselves

David Krieger
Looking Back on 2003

Robert Fisk
War Takes an Inhuman Twist: Roadkill Bombs

Stan Goff
War, Race and Elections

Hammond Guthrie
2003 Almaniac

Website of the Day
Embody Bags


December 31, 2003

Ray McGovern
Don't Be Fooled Again: This Isn't an Independent Investigation

Kurt Nimmo
Manufacturing Hysteria

Robert Fisk
The Occupation is Damned

Mike Whitney
Mad Cows and Downer George

Alexander Cockburn
A Great Year Ebbed, Another Ahead

 

 

December 30, 2003

Michael Neumann
Criticism of Israel is Not Anti-Semitism

Annie Higgins
When They Bombed the Hometown of the Virgin Mary

Alan Farago
Bush Bros. Wrecking Co.: Time Runs Out for the Everglades

Dan Bacher
Creatures from the Blacklight Lagoon: From Glofish to Frankenfish

Jeffrey St. Clair
Hard Time on the Killing Floor: Inside Big Meat

Willie Nelson
Whatever Happened to Peace on Earth?

 

December 29, 2003

Mark Hand
The Washington Post in the Dock?

David Lindorff
The Bush Election Strategy

Phillip Cryan
Interested Blindness: Media Omissions in Colombia's War

Richard Trainor
Catellus Development: the Next Octopus?

Uri Avnery
Israel's Conscientious Objectors

 

December 27 / 28, 2003

Alexander Cockburn
A Journey Into Rupert Murdoch's Soul

Kathy Kelly
Christmas Day in Baghdad: A Better World

Saul Landau
Iraq at the End of the Year

Dave Zirin
A Linebacker for Peace & Justice: an Interview with David Meggysey

Robert Fisk
Iraq Through the American Looking Glass

Scott Burchill
The Bad Guys We Once Thought Good: Where Are They Now?

Chris Floyd
Bush's Iraq Plan is Right on Course: Saddam 2.0

Brian J. Foley
Don't Tread on Me: Act Now to Save the Constitution

Seth Sandronsky
Feedlot Sweatshops: Mad Cows and the Market

Susan Davis
Lord of the (Cash Register) Rings

Ron Jacobs
Cratched Does California

Adam Engel
Crumblecake and Fish

Norman Solomon
The Unpardonable Lenny Bruce

Poets' Basement
Cullen and Albert

Website of the Weekend
Activism Through Music

 

 

December 26, 2003

Gary Leupp
Bush Doings: Doing the Language

 

December 25, 2003

Diane Christian
The Christmas Story

Elaine Cassel
This Christmas, the World is Too Much With Us

Susan Davis
Jinglebells, Hold the Schlock

Kristen Ess
Bethlehem Celebrates Christmas, While Rafah Counts the Dead

Francis Boyle
Oh Little Town of Bethlehem

Alexander Cockburn
The Magnificient 9

Guthrie / Albert
Another Colorful Season

 

 

 

December 24, 2003

M. Shahid Alam
The Semantics of Empire

William S. Lind
Marley's List for Santa in Wartime

Josh Frank
Iraqi Oil: First Come, First Serve

Cpt. Paul Watson
The Mad Cowboy Was Right

Robert Lopez
Nuance and Innuendo in the War on Iraq

 

 


December 23, 2003

Brian J. Foley
Duck and Cover-up

Will Youmans
Sharon's Ultimatum

Michael Donnelly
Here They Come Again: Another Big Green Fiasco

Uri Avnery
Sharon's Speech: the Decoded Version

December 22, 2003

Jeffrey St. Clair
Pray to Play: Bush's Faith-Based National Parks

Patrick Gavin
What Would Lincoln Do?

Marjorie Cohn
How to Try Saddam: Searching for a Just Venue

Kathy Kelly
The Two Troublemakers: "Guilty of Being Palestinians in Iraq"

 

December 20 / 21, 2003

Alexander Cockburn
How to Kill Saddam

Saul Landau
Bush Tries Farce as Cuba Policy

Rafael Hernandez
Empire and Resistance: an Interview with Tariq Ali

David Vest
Our Ass and Saddam's Hole

Kurt Nimmo
Bush Gets Serious About Killing Iraqis

Greg Weiher
Lessons from the Israeli School on How to Win Friends in the Islamic World

Christopher Brauchli
Arrest, Smear, Slink Away: Dr. Lee and Cpt. Yee

Carol Norris
Cheers of a Clown: Saddam and the Gloating Bush

Bruce Jackson
The Nameless and the Detained: Bush's Disappeared

Juliana Fredman
A Sealed Laboratory of Repression

Mickey Z.
Holiday Spirit at the UN

Ron Jacobs
In the Wake of Rebellion: The Prisoner's Rights Movement and Latino Prisoners

Josh Frank
Sen. Max Baucus: the Slick Swindler

John L. Hess
Slow Train to the Plane

Adam Engel
Black is Indeed Beautiful

Ben Tripp
The Relevance of Art in Times of Crisis

Michael Neumann
Rhythm and Race

Poets' Basement
Cullen, Engel, Albert & Guthrie

 

 

 

 



Hot Stories

Alexander Cockburn
Behold, the Head of a Neo-Con!

Subcomandante Marcos
The Death Train of the WTO

Norman Finkelstein
Hitchens as Model Apostate

Steve Niva
Israel's Assassination Policy: the Trigger for Suicide Bombings?

Dardagan, Slobodo and Williams
CounterPunch Exclusive:
20,000 Wounded Iraqi Civilians

Steve J.B.
Prison Bitch

Sheldon Rampton and John Stauber
True Lies: the Use of Propaganda in the Iraq War

Wendell Berry
Small Destructions Add Up

CounterPunch Wire
WMD: Who Said What When

Cindy Corrie
A Mother's Day Talk: the Daughter I Can't Hear From

Gore Vidal
The Erosion of the American Dream

Francis Boyle
Impeach Bush: A Draft Resolution

Click Here for More Stories.

 

 

Subscribe Online


Search CounterPunch

 

January 6, 2004

Ground Down in the Fields

Coffee and State Authority in Colombia

By JOSH FRANK

The global coffee industry has endured colossal changes over the past fifty years. Production of beans has shifted from country to country.

Profiteering from the product has increased almost exponentially through huge sales at retail outlets such as Starbucks and Seattle's Best. But not all involved in the coffee market have benefited equally. Small coffee farmers have suffered tremendous loss. Environmental degradation has also increased as ancient forests have been cleared in hopes that the bare land can be transformed into fertile ground, worthy of growing cash crops. Countries have lost entire export industries as multinational corporations race to purchase the cheapest beans they can find. And no country has felt the pain of these transformations greater than Colombia.

In the mid-1970s coffee in Colombia accounted for 50% of their legal exports. During the global craze of the 1990s, as retail shops opened up on street corners throughout the industrialized world, Colombia's coffee industry bottomed out. By 1995, the country's coffee industry had suffered tremendously. Coffee dropped from 50 to 7% of Colombia's legal exports. Thousands of farmers fled the country, many more traded coffee for more lucrative crops such as coca and opium. And oil has now replaced coffee as the number one legal export, even though coffee farmers continue to employ the most workers of any industry in the country.

Coffee prices in South America peaked during the late 1960s to 1970s, a pound of coffee from the fields of Columbia sold at an average of $3 per pound. But by October 2001, the price of coffee per pound had dropped to $0.62 per pound.

The Colombian market at the time was regulated by The Colombia Coffee Federation (FNC); a quasi labor union that represented coffee producers.

The organization was founded in 1928, and quickly became the political voice for rural farmers who had little clout and minimal access to policy makers.

Almost all coffee farmers were benefiting during those lucrative years.

Agriculture was the business to be in if you wanted to make a safe living in Colombia. However, these boom years didn't last long.

The FNC since the 1970s has lost its once formidable power. Global demands have fractured the coffee community in Colombia through multiple trade factors, often referred to as the neoliberal model. This economic model draws on the old meaning of the word "liberal". It includes endorsing the free-market system; deregulation of sectors, privatization, and an overall disregard for government oversight and taxation. Now known to many in the US as Clintonomics, where President Clinton pushed through NAFTA and fully endorsed the WTO and IMF.

As more and more farmers began producing coffee beans (estimates ranged from 750,000 to 900,000 farms in 1972), prices began to steadily decline. Well over 200,000 farms were lost by the mid-1990s, as the oversupply of coffee in Colombia reached record highs. Colombia was not alone in its over-production of beans. In late 2001 it was reported that 60 countries produced 132 million pound bags of coffee, but the world only consumed 108 million bags.

Free-markets ruled the international coffee trade during the 1980s. Major multinational buyers like Nestle, Phillip Morris, and Proctor and Gamble raced to the bottom of the price chain. They looked to profit by buying the most inexpensive beans they could find. Colombia was sure to lose, as their beans were traditionally known for high quality and gourmet flavor. Production costs were also relatively high for a third-world country. The power of the FNC traditionally had raised the standard of living for the estimated 500,000 coffee farms in Colombia. Any drop in their per pound production costs would greatly impact these farmers' standards of living.

Nevertheless, neoliberalism dictated the next winner in the world of coffee. Following the 1973 Paris Peace Accords, Vietnam quickly came into focus as a potential mass producer of cheap beans. Farm wages in Vietnam has always been rock-bottom; in 1980 the average farm worker there made $0.09 a day.

The climate in Vietnam was also ideal for producing beans, and the world market was more than ready to capitalize on these prime conditions.

Free-market economists would argue this is standard supply and demand economics. The world's demand was flourishing, so it was only right for buyers to seek out the cheapest means of production. However, what this model fails to recognize is the harsh effects such policies have on small farmers in rural areas throughout the world. The numbers show this neoliberal failure with a sobering jolt.

By 1999 Vietnam nudged its way into the top three global producers of coffee. They tied with Colombia as the second largest producer at 12 million bags per year, trailing only Brazil. One decade prior, Vietnam was a virtual no name on the world coffee circuit. Now they hope to one day topple Brazil.

As the neoliberal model created some winners, it has also produced many more losers. Transnational corporations and gourmet coffee dealers have posted record profits, as the price per pound has dramatically slumped. The largest victors in this market have been the retail chain Starbucks, and the largest multinational coffee buyer Nestle. As these corporations' bottom lines fatten, rural poverty in the countries they harvest is growing.

International coffee prices have now reached a 35 year low. The last 3 years have been the hardest on the global market, decreasing in value more than 50%. Taking into account inflation, the prices are lower than they have ever been in history.

Currently Colombia has $34 billion dollars in external debt. Because of this, the International Monetary Fund and World Bank dictate how best Colombia can pay back these dues. The debt has forced the country to expand production of exports to generate hard currency in order to pay back the loans. This macro-expansion has contributed to the overproduction of coffee beans, and a weakening of real wages. And the global demand for coffee has remained relatively stable since the 1980s, but the increase in production has yielded a massive oversupply of coffee beans. Unlike the subsidized agriculture in the US -- Colombia is not able to dump their goods on other countries -- the beans simply go to waste.

Under the guise of neoliberalism, restrictions on supply are nonexistent.

No regulatory measures are in place to halt the overproduction of coffee in Colombia. The impact has been horrific, as export revenues for multinational corporations have grown, real wage earnings for farmers has stagnated.

As the Colombian government fully endorsed these trade measures, their culpability in the debacle goes without question. However, industrialized countries, policy institutions like the IMF, and multinationals like Starbucks have in effect spearheaded the pace of globalization in the developing world. It has not been these countries governments alone.

Coffee beans since the early 1900s have been primarily an export commodity.

Reliance on free-markets to dictate the flow of coffee, has been the famous mantra Colombians use when discussing supply and demand strategies. The FNC has historically monitored Colombian coffee markets, with an eye toward the industrialized future. As the FNC allowed multinationals to dictate production, they lost control of the coffee trade. In the past the coffee industry in Columbia relied on the FNC for regulatory measures more than they relied on the State government. So it can be said that the FNC has acted as a puppeteer for thousands of coffee farmers in Colombia since its inception early last century. And that puppeteer handed over the strings to the IMF and Nestle.

Now, third-world markets are managed more by transnational corporations and policy institutions, than State capacities. The development of economic transactions across borders, particularly international borders, undermines State autonomy. This in effect marginalizes the State and the FNC as an economic player in the global community. And the loser is the small farmer.

The neoliberal economy encourages private entities to dictate the flow of goods and capital. Therefore wealth and power has been transferred into the hands of private actors from the clutches of the FNC and the State. Such private actors decide who is included and excluded in global production networks. In the case of Colombia, as the FNC and the State allowed private players to manage the flow of coffee, they also became more and more irrelevant in countering the strong race-to-the-bottom market forces. The negative effects have been felt tremendously by the poor agricultural communities in Colombia.

As statelessness embodies these sectors, it becomes clearer and clearer that no governing organization is wholly representing these poor Colombian farmers. Left to the devices of neoliberalism alone, it is unlikely that coffee production in Colombia will again make up 50% of the legal export. It is also unlikely that the transfer of coffee to coca will decrease any time soon. Farmers simply want and need to make a living. Collectively, the strength of the new market is embodied by multinational corporations and private players, not State and local authorities -- sovereignty kneels to capitalism once again.

All in all, this indicates that free-market economics are powerful enough to benefit a few, as well as strong enough to crush the rest.

Josh Frank can be reached at: frank_joshua@hotmail.com


Weekend Edition Features for January 3 / 4, 2004

Brian Cloughley
Never Mind the WMDs, Just Look at History

Vice Admiral Jack Shanahan
The Wrong War at the Wrong Time

William Cook
Failing to Respond to 9/11

Glen Martin
Jesus vs. the Beast of the Apocalypse

Robert Fisk
Iraqi Humor Amid the Carnage

Ilan Pappe
The Geneva Bubble

Walter Davis
Robert Jay Lifton, or Nostalgia

Kurt Nimmo
Ashcroft vs. the Left

Mike Whitney
The Padilla Case

Steven Sherman
On Wallerstein's The Decline of American Power

Dave Lindorff
Bush's Taiwan Hypocrisy

William Blum
Codework Orange!

Mitchel Cohen
Learning from Che Guevara

Seth Sandronsky
Mad Cow and Main Street USA

Bruce Jackson
Conversations with Leslie Fiedler

Standard Schaefer
Poet Carl Rakosi Turns 100

Ron Jacobs
Sir Mick

Adam Engel
Hall of Hoaxes

Poets' Basement
Jones, Albert & Curtis


Keep CounterPunch Alive:

Make a Tax-Deductible Donation Today Online!

home / subscribe / about us / books / archives / search / links /