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Will the US Labor Movement Rise Again in Chicago? Or is this just a power play at the top? JoAnn Wypijewski details what's really at stake in the great showdown as some of labor's most powerful bosses threaten to quit the AFL-CIO. No-holds-barred profiles of the SIEU's Andy Stern, Hoffa of the Teamsters and the other "insurgents". Jeffrey St Clair tells the incredible saga of the $30 billion bailout of Boeing. How the scandal reached the White House and Don Rumsfeld screamed, Let the woman take the fall. Plus Alexander Cockburn on the Judy Miller story. Get the answers you're looking for in the latest subscriber-only edition of CounterPunch ... CounterPunch Online is read by millions of viewers each month! But remember, we are funded solely by the subscribers to the print edition of CounterPunch. Please support this website by buying a subscription to our newsletter, which contains fresh material you won't find anywhere else, or by making a donation for the online edition. Remember contributions are tax-deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now! or write CounterPunch, PO BOX 228, Petrolia, CA 95558 |
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Other Lands Have Dreams: From Baghdad to Pekin Prison by Kathy Kelly ![]() Today's Stories July 13, 2005 Andrew
N. Rubin
July 12, 2005 Laith
al-Saud Kara
N. Tina William
A. Cook Jack
Bratich Amina
Mire Dick
J. Reavis Kevin
Zeese Paul
Craig Roberts Website
of the Day
July 9 / 11, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Uri
Avnery Sheldon
Rampton Bill
Christison Robert
Fisk Stephen
Winspear Saul
Landau Behrooz
Ghamari Karl
Beitel Brian
Concannon, Jr. Fred
Gardner John
Whitlow Niranjan
Ramakrishnan Lila
Rajiva Laura
Carlsen Jackie
Corr Dave
Lindorff N.
D. Jayaprakash Seth
Sandronsky Norman
Madarasz Ben
Tripp Poets'
Basement Website
of the Weekend
July 8, 2005 Paul
Craig Roberts Tariq
Ali Monica
Benderman Rick
Jahnkow Christopher
Brauchli Kim
Peterson Joshua
Frank Norman
Solomon Website
of the Day July 7, 2005 Cockburn
/ St. Clair John
Walsh Mike
Marqusee Gilad
Atzmon Nicole
Colson Jack
Random Norman
Solomon Len
Colodny Cockburn
/ St. Clair
July 6, 2005 Elaine
Cassel Sean
Donahue Jeremy
R. Hammond Joshua
Frank Ali
Khan Michael
Dickinson Norman
Solomon Dave
Zirin Gary
Leupp Website
of the Day
July 5, 2005 Behrooz
Ghamari Elaine
Cassel Ron
Jacobs Bob
Libal Dr.
Peter Rost Mark
Engler Gideon
Levy Dave
Zirin Sameer
Dossani
July 2 / 4, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Lenni
Brenner Laura
Carlsen James
Petras William
A. Cook Brian
Cloughley Saul
Landau Tom
Crumpacker Greg
Moses Dr.
Susan Block Fran
Shor Fred
Gardner Moshe
Adler David
Model Seth
Sandronsky Ramzy
Baroud Suzan
Mazur Ben
Tripp Justin
Taylor Brendan
Bailey Poets'
Basement Website
of the Weekend
July 1, 2005 Christopher
Brauchli Pat
Williams Gary
Leupp John
Stauber John
Chuckman Justicia
y Paz Cockburn
/ St. Clair
June 30, 2005 Kathy
Kelly John
Stauber Virginia
Rodino Jason
Leopold Dave
Lindorff Greg
Moses Norman
Solomon Joshua
Frank Alexander
Cockburn
June 29, 2005 Mike
Schaefer Roger
Burbach / Paul Cantor Sharon
Smith Sam
Husseini John
Stauber Ahmad
Faruqui Linda
S. Heard Stew
Albert Ray
McGovern
June 28, 2005 Paul
Craig Roberts Landau
/ Hassen John
A. Murphy Mike
Whitney CounterPunch
News Service Dave
Zirin Dave
Lindorff Patrick
Cockburn
June 27, 2005 Paul
Craig Roberts Mike
Marqusee Mark
Scaramella Leigh
Saavedra Kathy
Kelly June 25 / 26, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Jennifer
Van Bergen George
Corsetti Mark
Chmiel / Andrew Wimmer Kevin
Zeese P.
Sainath John
Stauber Scott
Handleman Tom
Barry John
Walsh Justin
E.H. Smith Alan
Wallis Ben
Tripp Frederick
B. Hudson Poets'
Basement
June 24, 2005 Ray
McGovern Jorge
Mariscal Desiree
Hellegers Zeynep
Toufe Joshua
Frank David
Lindorff Michael
Neumann Website
of the Day June 23, 2005 Christopher
Brauchli Clay
Conrad Standard
Schaefer P.
Sainath Mark
Engler Norman
Solomon Cockburn
/ St. Clair Kathy
Kelly
June 22, 2005 Kevin
Zeese William
S. Lind Arsalan
Iftikhar Dan
Nagengast David
Krieger Kathleen
& Bill Christison
June 21, 2005 Brian Cloughley Mike Whitney Dave Lindorff Mark Weisbrot Matthew R.
Simmons Dave Zirin Virginia Rodino Paul Craig
Roberts
June 20, 2005 Alan Maass Tariq Ali Mickey Z. William Blum Gary Leupp Jason Leopold Dave Lindorff Alan Maass Uri Avnery Website of
the Day
Hot Stories Alexander Cockburn Subcomandante
Marcos Norman Finkelstein Steve Niva Dardagan,
Slobodo and Williams Steve
J.B. Sheldon
Rampton and John Stauber Wendell
Berry CounterPunch
Wire Cindy
Corrie Gore Vidal Francis Boyle
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July 13, 2005 Social Movements Make Social ChangeA Supreme Waste of TimeBy CARLOS FIERRO What is sure to be a contentious battle, over the nomination and the confirmation of the president's soon to be Supreme Court appointee, will be fast upon us. But this is a battle best left to those who have an interest in the outcome of that battle. Which is to say, those who have something to win within this system, whatever that outcome might be. Those who have something to win within this system are a distinct group from those who lose, the winners always win and the losers always lose regardless of the outcome. The overarching issue is not one of political party, but that of an institution that is structured to clearly and consistently separate the "winners" and the "losers." A quick look at the history of the Supreme Court, the country, the constitution, and the Declaration of Independence makes clear distinctions between the "winners" and the "losers." It will become clear that the winners are always the winners and the losers are always the losers regardless of the outcome of such decisions. Distinctions between wannabe justices' philosophies are relatively meaningless; that is, they are distinctions without differences (imagine arguing how best, or most humanely to kill a prisoner). Besides perspective justices' differences regarding specific issues (e.g. gun-control, abortion) there is very little difference in prevailing philosophies, and those differences break down upon closer inspection. The differences in philosophies are most often looked at as being between those justices who see the constitution as a living document (often times called activist judges) and those who see the constitution as a steadfast document (often times called traditionalist or conservative judges). The arguments for both approaches have been played out and will not be dealt with here. In any case, both types of judges essentially do the same thing namely, they maintain the status quo. Therein lies the rub; regardless of what type of nominee is confirmed, conservative or activist, the traditional winners are the winners and the traditional losers are the losers. This is why it is best for us traditional losers - the powerless, poor, working class, minorities, immigrants, and progressives - to let the traditional winners fight over the distinction without differences. This is not to say that the losers simply give up far from it! But we have to realize that such a fight is a supreme waste of time that necessarily takes attention and energy away from things more pertinent to making society more just and equitable. To Borrow a Line Thomas Jefferson famously wrote in the Declaration of Independence that certain truths are self-evident and that the Creator endowed us with certain unalienable rights, "that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." He lifted this line, of course, from John Locke's Second Treatises. Jefferson changed it slightly: the third right mentioned becomes the "pursuit of Happiness" rather than that of property as Locke wrote it. Jefferson's writings, inspiring enough for his compatriots while well-suited to be used against the King of England, were too radical to be used in the founding document, and consequently no such rights are seen in the Constitution. And although "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness" were not too radical to use as a rhetorical stick to beat over the head of ol' King George III, Locke's use of "property" perhaps was. If we think back to who owned property in revolutionary times (white males), how many people actually owned property (very few), and how the ownership of property or lack thereof was used to exclude the "losers" from participation in the new government (property ownership as a prerequisite for serving in the legislature and voting), it becomes abundantly clear that Jefferson's revision was not by mistake. In fact, even though Jefferson's writing was decidedly conservative, it was radical enough that some of those who fought the revolutionary war were perhaps taken up by the rhetoric after the war. Such was the case with Shay's rebellion, though the seldom mentioned in American history courses. The very men who fought the Revolutionary War had the misfortune of believing that rhetoric. However, debtors prisons, the seizure of farms by banks, and poll taxes all seemed to be the antithesis of those high ideals spewed by the founders against King George III. The veterans of the Revolutionary war subsequently fought a rebellion against the Massachusetts government. After the rebellion was crushed, the rebels were tried, convicted, and sentenced to death. The right to property that Locke posited would not do. Although Jefferson's writings were decidedly more conservative than Locke's, Locke should not be thought of as a radical with a true sense of equity and social justice. Locke, of course, thought that governments should protect private property. As such, they should not infringe on the rights of property owners. Private property was that land which was taken out the commons by the mixing of one's labor with the land. Locke himself saw this definition as justification for the white Europeans taking land from Native Americans. Land in the Americas, inhabited by the aboriginal people of the Americas, was seen as land in fallow and thus available for white Europeans to take. Such a justification certainly moves far from social justice; however, it was greatly problematic for Jefferson and the new country. Most of those mixing their labor with the land were in fact landless, and a great many of them (slaves) had no liberty. It wasn't Jefferson, Washington, Madison, and Hamilton - the great land holders of the new country - who were mixing their labor with the land, but their indentured servants and slaves. The founding documents were written by those who had a distinct interest in maintaining the power imbalance; the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence reflect these interests. These documents were written from above. It is safe to say that these documents would look very different had they been written by those below: slaves, Indians, women, indentured servants, the landless, the powerless, the "losers." The very notion that the new nation was a democracy or a republic or any combination of those two is repugnant on its face. Any nation that excluded upwards of 90% of its inhabitants from any participation or say in their future should be called an oligarchy at best. This is what our founders, the Constitution, Declaration of Independence, and our government established! This is the tradition that our legislative, executive, and yes our judicial branches come out of. Possible justices, whichever philosophical camp they come out of, activist or conservative, will do little to serve the "losers." Whichever camp wins out, the winners will still be the winners and the losers the losers.
One cannot deny that the Supreme Court has handed down some decisions that have greatly made our nation more equitable and just, and at times these decisions might even be seen as progressive (unfortunately, there are far more decisions that do just the opposite). It is, however, dangerous to mistake the genesis of these decisions. There are two reasons for this danger. First, it is simply false. The legislature, the executive, and the judicial have not progressed this nation. They have gone along with popular movements kicking and screaming. It was not any of the three branches of government that lead to the advances in voting rights, labor rights or the end of slavery, it was mass popular movements. It was not Cleveland, Harrison, McKinley, Teddy Roosevelt, Taft, Wilson, or even FDR that had anything to do with advances in labor right or suffrage. It wasn't Brandeis, Berger, Brennan, Holmes or Marshall that lead to the advancement of this nation as a more equitable state. It wasn't JFK, Robert Kennedy or Johnson in the White House, or Mansfield and Dirksen in the Senate that lead to the Civil Rights Act of 1964. It was people on the street marching and fighting for a more equitable nation. It was many of those same people that brought about the end to the Vietnam War, not the mainstream media or any of those mentioned above. It is this very misperception, the creation of dubious hero leaders, that leads to the second danger: disempowerment. We are left to petition our overseers and vote for leaders in the hopes that they will make things better. If only we could get a liberal justice on the bench, if only Kerry were to win the election, if only the Democrats could take control of the congress. A liberal justice would still act in the manner and tradition of the Supreme Court, which is in defense of the powerful; Kerry would have taken us to Afghanistan and Iraq and kept us there, and a Democrat controlled congress has in the past and would still legislate in favor of those in power, and circumvent their own responsibility just as when they gave the first George Bush and Bill Clinton the right to fight and continue a war in Iraq throughout the 90s without a declaration of war from congress. When advancements that were the result of people on the street fighting for a more equitable society are lost to the myth of great men (our leaders) advancing history, we (the "losers") are doomed to throwing our support to one of two distinctions without a difference, and we still lose. Carlos Fierro can be reached at: fierrocd@yahoo.com
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